Tag: John Hayes

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Colleges Annual Conference

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Colleges Annual Conference

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, on 17 November 2010.

    Thank you Kirsty [Wark] and good afternoon everyone.

    WB Yeats said that education was “not the filling of a pail, but the lighting of a fire”; I know you share my burning passion for practical learning and that is why we can feel proud and excited about the Government’s new strategy for skills.

    Let’s together light the fire of learning across the nation. The documents that Vince Cable and I launched here yesterday are among the most important documents that the coalition Government has so far produced. Because they are about making sure the power of learning counts.

    And the first thing I want to do this afternoon is to pay tribute to Vince’s unstinting support in my work. We share – along with Michael Gove – a common vision of the value and the potential of further education and skills.

    We believe that, unless they are strong, it will be far harder to build a fairer, more cohesive and more prosperous Britain. And we all see ourselves, not just as the temporary political custodians of further education, but as active members of a diverse further education movement with a great history and a glorious future.

    In the past too few policy makers have understood sufficiently that F.E. is bigger than a certain number of buildings with a certain number of teachers and learners and a certain amount of money attached. Further Education is the lighting of many fires. From brightly burning ambition to the warm glow of achievement.

    I firmly believe that, just as I believe that the system’s success or failure is best measured not according to how many learners it recruits, but how many jobs it builds; how many communities it enhances; how much it inspires.

    Although learning is vital for economic success, it’s also about providing greater opportunities, breaking down the barriers that create and perpetuate disadvantage. It’s about invigorating people to think about how they can make more difference in their communities and how they can play their part in renewing our society.

    Vince spoke about this yesterday and it’s also the theme of much of what I want to say to you today.

    But I want to start not with the work of the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, but with that of the other department in which I’m proud to serve, the Department for Education. Because I am delighted to be here today in my capacity as joint Minister.

    Firstly, I was delighted that, despite difficult circumstances and tough decisions, we were able to confirm in the Spending Review that we will maintain our commitment to full participation of 16 and 17 year olds in education and training, and to raising the participation age to 18 by 2015. That is crucial if we are to make opportunity more equal and reverse the widening gap between rich and poor.

    I know that the Education Secretary, Michael Gove, also sees the role of FE and Sixth Form Colleges in meeting that ambition as crucial. That is why we have already taken steps to ensure that you have the freedom to determine your curriculum offer and mix of provision to meet the needs of the young people who choose to attend your college.

    And that is complemented by a vastly simpler funding system, cutting out the protracted planning that bedevilled previous systems; instead creating a responsive, demand led sector, in which funding follows learners.

    I know you are anxious to know what the 16-19 spending settlement will mean for you and I can confirm that the Education Department will announce details before Christmas. Alongside increased freedom for colleges I want to emphasise the importance of collaboration. Working together for nation’s future, for the common good.

    That’s about working closely with local authorities in promoting opportunities particularly for the most disadvantaged, but it’s also about increasing opportunities to work in school and college collaboration to develop cross-institutional approaches to vocational education.

    I am delighted to be able to announce the Growth and Innovation Fund to which Government will contribute 50 million pounds with many more millions coming from business. This fund will support greater collaboration between employers and colleges. There are many fine examples of this already and we need to understand how that best practice can be encouraged.

    There are also many examples of colleges sponsoring academies and we want to see more of that too. And I want colleges to grasp with both hands the opportunity offered by Lord Baker’s excellent work on UTCs.

    Let’s build new technical schools across Britain. At last fulfilling that part of Rab Butler’s 1944 Act.

    I welcome warmly Michael Gove’s invitation to Professor Alison Wolf to carry out an independent review of vocational education for under-19s.

    I know that Professor Wolf has talked to many of you in the course of her work so far, and has been impressed by your commitment to making high quality vocational provision available to young people including through your collaborative work. I certainly look forward to reading her report, which the Department for Education expects to receive early next year.

    Establishing a more coherent approach to qualifications will also help young people and their parents as they make choices about what and where to study post-16. Key to this will be young people’s access to expert, impartial and independent careers guidance.

    I made a speech the week before last to the Institute of Careers Guidance, where I set out my vision for an all-age careers service.

    Colleges will be able to work with the new all-age service to build on that the great work they already do. And we will make clear that we expect schools to take responsibility for securing access for their pupils to impartial, independent careers guidance, working with the all-age service or another licensed provider. For as W.H. Auden said “It takes little talent to see what lies under one’s nose, a good deal to know in which direction to point that organ.”

    I know as well as you do that the history of post-compulsory education over the last half-century has been one of chop and change. Nowhere has this been more disruptive that in 16-19 education. That has meant that too often, post-19 education and training has been treated as if its primary purpose was to pick up the pieces of the failures of other parts of the system.

    That’s not good enough. Indeed, it’s counter-productive. For, as I said earlier, real learning is inspirational.

    The doors of a further education college should open the way towards a place at life’s top table, not a seat at the back of the class. They should make real the prospect of a more fulfilled life; a better job; or the opportunity to deepen knowledge by progressing to higher learning.

    It’s that vision which underpins our strategy for skills.

    At the heart of how we will put this into practice is our plan for apprenticeships; 250 million pounds more for 75,000 extra apprenticeships. An ambition to create more apprentices than ever before.

    But, pivotal as they are, apprenticeships are not all we will do. They are just one aspect of a more equitable approach to sharing out the costs and benefits of training. Our plans also provide for fully subsidised provision for basic skills, training for young adults, and skills to help unemployed people to get and stay in sustainable work.

    We will also part-fund training for people 24 and over at level 2 while also giving access to loans for those individuals aged 24 and over who wish to study at level 3, and higher. Devoting resource to where it’s needed most. With your help, we will get this right, we will ensure that the most vulnerable get the financial support without which they could not gain new skills.

    Perhaps most importantly of all I want you to help me tackle the scandalous fact that one in seven of our young people is not in education, employment or training.

    I’m know, too, that a lot of lip-service has been paid over the years to employer involvement in training. And we know where that led: Train to Gain with its immense deadweight cost.

    What we must do now is to take a more realistic view of what’s needed and what’s worth paying for. The sort of realism that recognizes that those who reap the benefits of training must be prepared to share the costs. The sort of realism that graps that small employers are likely to need more help than larger ones to train their staff. And the sort of realism that, even when overall spending is falling, still fights for funds to create a new growth and innovation fund to support fresh employer-led skills initiatives..

    Learners’ choices will be underpinned by the new Qualifications and Credit Framework, which gives much greater flexibility through new credit-bearing qualifications, helping learners to progress, and giving them, and employers, access to training in a way that meet their immediate needs.

    We will also develop Lifelong Learning Accounts, encouraging individuals to learn, and keep on learning.

    I want the accounts to drive a national community of learners with the desire to seek out knowledge and skills. Sharing their successes with others; and I want you to play your part in building bigger lives.

    Another change will come with the intensification of colleges’ role as community assets. To help make sure that this happens, we will both protect and reform he budget for adult safeguarded learning.

    Above all, in future the emphasis will be on the primacy of the relationship between colleges and their direct customers – individuals and businesses. Accountability will pass from Government to colleges’ local communities.

    I am serious about devolving real power to get things done. So we intend to give greater freedom to colleges.

    Freedom from the unnecessary bureaucracy and regulation that inhibits your ability to frame what you do to suit local learners and employers.
    We seek to remove a raft of unnecessary regulations that dictate what you do, and how you should do it.

    We intend to remove the legal necessity to promote economic and social well-being of the local area, and have regard to prescriptive guidance about consultation. Because what college worth its name needs a law to tell it to promote well being? Social and economic well being are your stock in trade.

    And we are looking to make it easier for you to borrow to invest. We want to move towards creating a dynamic skills system which is lead by the colleges, who in turn work with learners and business to deliver the education and training provision they need.

    I don’t pretend that change on this scale will be easy, nor that it won’t make demands on you. It will require new and creative thinking.

    Representative bodies like this one will need to take collective responsibility for sector improvement, working through the Learning and Skills Improvement Service. I believe strongly in the professionalism of the sector, the importance of a qualified workforce, and power of peer to peer approaches in supporting quality improvement.

    It will also mean colleges working together to reduce costs, for example through more efficient collaboration in the delivery of front and back office functions.

    Though let me be clear there is a role for smaller, rural and specialist providers too. So rest assured I don’t see mergers as the only solution.

    And the Government devolving power will not mean the Government absolving itself of its responsibilities. Where colleges are failing, we will act, opening up opportunities to others in the independent and private sector to get involved.

    I don’t want to leave you today merely thinking that the Spending Review wasn’t as bad as some people expected – although it wasn’t.

    Reform would have been desirable even if we hadn’t inherited an unsustainable fiscal deficit.

    We have been planning change for years. And we built change on we learnt from you.

    The strategy we have launched at this conference was not just the result of a long consultation over the summer, though many valuable submissions, including from the AoC, (more than 500 in all) have helped to inform our thinking.

    As many of you know it is as much the result of a much longer period of consultation, of discussion, of deliberation, which began when David Cameron appointed me Shadow Minister, five years ago next month. Five years to build my understanding of the invaluable contribution made by FE to our economy and our society.

    I know there is immense human capital in the sector. Yet the last Government infantilised FE. It directed, micro-managed and encumbered FE.

    It’s time to treat you as grown ups. To set you free. Free from the technocrats; from full utilitarianism; from the stifling bureaucracy.

    I want you to leave Birmingham excited by the prospect of change.

    Know that at last there is a Government that understands Further Education, that prioritises skills. A Government that trusts you. My trust; learners trust.

    Play your part in taking our movement forward. Be worthy of that trust.

    Let none of us be content until everyone embraces our creed that, wherever you begin, whatever your background and whatever your circumstances, learning can make a difference; can ignite a fire.

    Learning brightens lives and warms hearts.

    So leave this conference with the glow of professionals at last trusted to do your best; to be your best.

    Thank you.

     

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the New All-Age Careers Service

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the New All-Age Careers Service

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, on 4 November 2010.

    Good afternoon everyone.

    For anyone who feels as passionately as I do about the value of practical skills, it’s a pleasure to be here in Belfast. This is a city in which skill has always been honoured, whether it’s the skill needed to build a ship or to produce the perfect Ulster Fry.

    And it’s a city whose people are, in consequence, more vividly aware than most of how important it is for the young to gain the skills that will serve them well when they try to find their place in the local jobs market. So I congratulate the Institute warmly on their choice of venue for this year’s conference.

    Of course I’m fully aware that the different parts of the United Kingdom each have their own approaches to careers guidance. But no one has a monopoly of wisdom in this area and one of the reasons why this conference is so valuable is that it offers the chance for us to compare approaches and learn from each other.

    Differences only go so far. What I hope we all have in common is a recognition that even the best skills system in the world can’t deliver half its potential unless it is supported by a structure that helps prospective learners to take well informed decisions.

    Like me, many of you will no doubt recall the Everyman Library. The library’s still going strong after more than a century. But I guess most of us still know it best from the pocket-sized red hardbacks that can still be found in any second-hand bookshop.

    J M Dent’s original and very laudable aim in establishing the series was to make 1,000 of the classics of world literature available to ordinary working people at a shilling a time.

    There are those, no doubt, who would dismiss that aim as an example of Edwardian paternalism. But at a time when compulsory schooling ended at the age of twelve, there was nevertheless a great deal of truth in the epigraph that opened every volume:

    _Everyman, I will go with thee
    and be thy guide,
    In thy most need to go
    by thy side.
    _
    There’s certainly no doubt that, a hundred years ago, most adults needed guidance to help them progress down the road to self-improvement through self education. Just as it’s true that today, in the 21st century, many people need extra help to get onto the ladder that leads to success in life.

    I’m not speaking only of people from disadvantaged backgrounds, though it is for them that the stakes are perhaps highest. Because, if navigating the canon of world literature can be confusing, so can mapping a path through the seemingly inexhaustible range of career options and qualifications routes that are available in the modern world.

    Because we are determined to eradicate unfairness and disadvantage from our society, to create an environment in which the only limit on any person’s ability to go far is the extent of their own efforts. We must first identify and then overcome the barriers which currently hinder people from progressing.

    So what I want to say to you today is not just about careers guidance but about what good guidance can achieve. Careers guidance makes a difference. It’s in the engine room of social mobility; a vital part of the machinery of social justice.

    Good advice doesn’t just transform lives. It transforms our society by challenging the pre-conceived ideas about what each of us seeks. And what all of us can achieve.

    I take it that no one here would disagree that one of the biggest barriers that many people face today lies in the inability to match the right learning opportunities with the right employment choices to achieve their aspirations. Unless we inherit great wealth, this is an obstacle that virtually all of us have to face.

    And to face it successfully, there are few people who would not do better with good, professional advice of the right kind, at the right time. If we believe in fairness and if we believe in social justice, then we must also believe in the value of advice and guidance in helping people find the right path.

    The evidence clearly supports that conclusion.

    We know that young people who stay in education or training post-16 are more likely to find employment, and that guidance in the final year of compulsory schooling is an important factor in their decision to stay on. We know that many young people drop out of post-compulsory education or training because it does not meet their expectations, or because their chosen course was unsuitable.

    The right guidance is no less important to adults. 82 per cent of adults receiving careers guidance say that it is instrumental in their decision to learn or seek training. And over 20 per cent say that a lack of information is a significant barrier to learning.

    Guidance is also an important key in unlocking access to learning and progression for those facing disadvantage, helping them become socially mobile.

    Early career decisions can have the most important impacts on mobility through the course of people’s lives. Failing to progress can have a damaging effect on social confidence, which can hamper mobility. There is also evidence that guidance of insufficient quality can create barriers to learning for young people who face significant disadvantages.

    Guidance is also essential in helping people aim as high as they can. Alan Milburn recognised this in his report on access to the professions, noting that “guidance is crucial in helping young people to develop ambitious but achievable plans, which are more likely to lead to positive outcomes.”

    Sir Martin Harris’s report on widening access to Higher Education reinforces this picture, noting that students with similar qualifications from disadvantaged backgrounds are less likely to apply to and attend the most selective courses or institutions than their more advantaged peers. He also notes the impact of good quality advice on social confidence.

    And most recently, Lord Browne has made very clear recommendations in his review of Higher Education. In his view, “[careers guidance should] be delivered by certified professionals who are well-informed, benefit from continued training and professional development and whose status in schools is respected and valued.”

    So whether promoting social mobility, or helping people make educational and training choices, the importance of high quality careers guidance cannot be ignored.

    Alan Milburn’s report was titled “Unleashing Aspiration”, and that is exactly what I believe high quality careers guidance has the power to do, for young people and adults everywhere.

    There is also another important reason why we need to act.

    The impact of changing economic circumstances means that skills demands will increase at every level.

    As Leitch put it, better skills will be needed at higher levels “to drive leadership, management and innovation – the key drivers of productivity growth”, at intermediate levels to implement investment and innovation, and basic skills are “essential for people to be able to adapt to change”.

    The OECD stresses that as emerging economies start to deliver high skills at moderate cost, the OECD countries must themselves reform their skills policies. High quality advice and guidance is key to this development, but as Leitch pointed out “the current system in England is fragmented and fails to integrate advice on learning with careers advice”.

    We have to respond to these challenges.

    In whichever part of these islands we live, if we seek to promote social renewal by enabling more young people and adults to realise their aspirations of getting on in life; if we seek to support growth and productivity at every level; then effective, high-quality careers guidance is indispensible to our cause.

    At present, in England, we are falling short of that ideal far too often. We have not moved on far enough from the days when, to quote Disraeli, “To do nothing and get something formed a boy’s ideal of a manly career”.

    So let me outline what we propose to do about it.

    Of course, we must start from the position that the coalition Government inherited. And that’s by no means all bad.

    But while I recognise that there are examples of the Connexions service providing good careers guidance, the quality of careers advice for young people has not been consistently high. The universal aim of the Connexions service has meant, in practice, a dilution of its capacity to provide high quality, expert, impartial careers guidance.

    So I am clear that we need to restore a focus on specialist expertise in careers guidance for young people.

    Meanwhile, for adults, I appreciate that the Next Step service is an important achievement. But I want to go further still.

    Many of you know that I have long argued for the creation of a single, all-age careers service.

    A single, unified careers service would provide major benefits in terms of transparency and accessibility. And a single service with its own unique identity would have more credibility for people within it as well as users than the more fragmented arrangements that are currently in place.

    There are a range of other benefits, including the ability to support young people more effectively during their transition to adulthood. And that’s why creating an all-age service will be one of my and my Departments’ most important tasks over the coming months and years.

    As we go about this, it’s important to recognise that we’re not starting from scratch. On the contrary, we will build on Next Step, and on Connexions because we must not lose the best of either.

    In advocating this, I am certainly under no illusions about the Spending Review settlement. But if we are going to create the sort of comprehensive guidance service that I and many others think we need, then we will simply have to do more with less.

    That’s by no means an impossible task. Not if you approach it with pride in the importance of the task and with a willingness to use innovation and creativity where money is in short supply.

    So we will find new ways of providing face to face guidance that give young people, adults and communities what they need, and get the best from careers professionals

    Bringing careers advice for young people and adults together will help us to achieve some savings. But we will need to go further, and become much more imaginative in the way we make use of resources.

    We have a golden opportunity to build a service that will endure and the sector must rise to this challenge. There are always a hundred reasons to delay action until times change.

    There are doubters who will argue that we should wait until the financial situation is easier. Or until other reforms have bedded down. Or because it’s just less bother to let sleeping dogs lie.

    But I am a doer not a doubter, I believe that reform is needed now. Both to meet our national labour market needs better and to widen individual opportunities.

    We must build a path to a fairer and more open society.

    My vision for that future rests on two core principles:

    The first is that independent advice must be underpinned by professional expertise. That implies both strong leadership and a workforce of the highest calibre.

    Whatever good careers advisers achieve – and it’s a great deal – their public status too infrequently matches the importance of their job.

    So we will revitalise the professional status of careers guidance, looking to the Careers Profession Alliance to establish common professional standards and a code of ethics for careers professionals.

    We will implement the recommendations of the Careers Profession Task Force. In doing so, we will consider the Taskforce’s recommendation on levels of qualification, particularly the speed at which we could move towards establishing Level 6 – equivalent to an Honours degree – as the minimum standard for practising careers advisers within the service.

    We will also work with the Careers Profession Alliance and with awarding bodies to ensure that careers qualifications include an appropriate focus on the essentials of careers guidance.

    And we will insist that the all-age service meets demanding quality standards. Competition will be important in avoiding the complacency that can cause quality to slide.

    But most importantly, whether the public comes to recognise a culture of excellence amongst careers advisers depends mainly on you.

    On your ability to embrace the opportunities that reform offers. On your willingness to step up to the task of raising the status of your profession. On your determination to deliver the change we need to make individual dreams come true as they fulfil their potential.

    The second core principle of reform is independence.

    Young people and adults need impartial advice, which is independent of any organisation with a vested interest, and which is underpinned by objective and realistic information about careers, skills and the labour market.

    Just as I want to make sure that everyone has access to professional, independent advice, I also want to make sure that institutions know where that advice can be found.

    We will discuss with the sector how best to do that, perhaps by establishing a register of providers who meet the highest standards, and by a kite-mark, and by awards for excellence.

    I want all careers advisers to take pride in their profession, and to take their own professional development seriously. They must be seen to be the experts in their field and the most trusted source of advice.

    I want the professional organisations to lead the process of continuing to strengthen the status of advisers. That’s in their own interests, just as it’s in ours to empower them to play that role

    Because with greater independence comes greater responsibility.

    The rationale for change and the basic aims for reform are clear. So we need now to get on with the job.

    It is never too soon to fight the battle for social justice. We must not delay.

    So I can announce today that we will put in place as much as possible of the basis for an all-age careers service by September next year. And building on that, we will push ahead so that the all-age service is in place by April 2012.

    An indispensible part of that work will be gaining the confidence of educational institutions at all levels.

    Individual schools and colleges know their own learners and are better placed to assess their needs than anyone else. So it follows that on them must fall the responsibility for ensuring that all learners get the best advice and guidance possible.

    That should, of course, include information on vocational options like apprenticeships, as well as on academic options.

    I know that many schools do this very well already. They work effectively with their local Connexions service, and I have no doubt that they will continue to work effectively with the all-age careers service.

    But we ask too much of our teachers when we expect them to be excellent pedagogues and professional careers advisors. So too many schools are not equipped to provide young people with a full understanding of the options open to them. As a result, the ambitions of some are prematurely limited.

    That’s a waste that we just can’t afford.

    And that’s why I am clear that close partnerships – whereby schools work together with expert, independent advisers – must be at the heart of our new arrangements.

    I’m acutely aware that, with so much already expected of them, it would be asking too much to expect schools to keep up to date with all the latest developments in the labour market. So I want them to recognise the importance of independent, impartial, professional careers guidance, and to invest in it.

    I am confident that schools will want to secure the best for their students.

    For our part, we will provide them with the information and tools to secure independent and impartial guidance that empowers pupils make informed decisions about their future.

    With over 40 per cent of young people progressing to higher education these days, there’s an important role for universities too.

    Universities will continue to provide their own advice and guidance. But we will still encourage use of the all-age service and encourage its quality standards to be widely applied.

    I recognise that all this represents a significant shift for many within the careers sector, and, in particular, for local authorities, who are currently responsible for ensuring all young people receive careers guidance through the Connexions service.

    So let me make it clear that they will continue to have a vital role to play. Without them, we could not meet our target of achieving full participation by 2015.

    Local authorities in England will continue to be responsible for helping vulnerable youngsters to move forward in their lives and to participate in education, employment or training.

    They will need to maintain – as they do now – accurate data on young people’s participation in order to target support effectively on those who would otherwise suffer disadvantage.

    All this amounts to a serious programme of work. But my ambition, and that of the Coalition Government, does not stop there. Over time, I want to create an environment in which English careers guidance is recognised for the important public good it is, in which young people, adults, schools, colleges, universities and whole communities see its value, use it and invest in it.

    That’s a big task and it will require us to make some important changes. And I wanted this conference to be the first to hear them.

    I can confirm today that:

    First, we will ask the schools inspectorate to carry out a thematic review of careers education and other information, advice and guidance services for young people;

    Second, we will ask relevant national bodies to work with the careers sector to help schools, colleges and training organisations to learn from and share examples of good practice.

    Third, we will collate and publish clear evidence of the benefits and uses of careers guidance.

    Fourth, we will look at ways of recognising success and excellence, for example, developing awards for careers guidance professionals and those who have benefitted from it.

    And finally, we will consult you, the careers sector, on the scope for introducing a License to Practice for careers guidance, and the role it might play in securing quality.

    I will be asking the members of the Careers Profession Taskforce to monitor the progress we are making across this range of work, and intend to follow their recommendation to ask them to do so via two reports to the Government, one in March 2011 and one in March 2012.

    Careers guidance is often an important part of the journey for each individual. Very often when advice is bad, so are outcomes.

    But provided at the right time and in the right context, good advice from a trusted source can make the difference between sustained engagement in education, employment or training and a lifetime of disappointment,

    Engaging, inspiring, increasing social mobility – the job you do is the stuff of dreams.

    My plans aim to a radical and challenging programme of change. Delivering it successfully will require not just the efforts of those directly involved in providing careers guidance services, but of the wider education and training sector, too.

    Nevertheless, I know that the will for change, and a recognition of the benefits it can bring to millions of people’s lives, thrives here.

    And I know that the Institute will welcome the announcement of an all-age service for England.

    You called for it. We promised it in opposition. And we will deliver it in Government.

    In our hands lies the chance to change peoples prospects. What greater privilege, greater challenge can there be than the chance to change the future.

    I trust that you will have questions for me.

    Thank you.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce on 26 October 2010.

    Good afternoon everyone. Thank you for coming.

    The Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce, is probably the most appropriate setting possible for my speech today.

    The RSA is a body founded on the ideal of progress, exemplified in James Barry’s series of paintings in the Great Hall.

    The RSA is also a body that has, right from the start, rejected artificial distinctions between art and craft, while upholding the particular value of each.

    Over more than 250 years, from mounting Britain’s first contemporary art show to organising the Great Exhibition, the event in our history that, more than any other, astonished the world with the beauty of British craftsmanship, the RSA has insisted that art needs craft, and vice versa.

    And it continues to remind us the joylessness of attempting to separate one from the other.

    Indeed, the more pleasure we take in our work, manual or mental, the more of ourselves we invest in it, the more we to get from it in return, financially perhaps, but most importantly aesthetically. What we do is what we are.

    Matthew B Crawford’s book, Shop Class as Soulcraft: an inquiry into the value of work, published in America last year, underlines this. Actually it is one of the things that inspired me to give this speech.

    The book describes how Professor Crawford, an academic political scientist and a former executive director of a think-tank, in Washington DC, discovered that his greatest satisfaction lay not in abstract political thought but in the practical skills needed to mend motorbikes.

    The argument he makes is not anti-intellectual – the author has not given up scholarship. But he charts the route to personal fulfilment found by combining his academic career with running a small motorcycle repair business.

    There are precedents for this sort of approach. I recall in particular a large painting by the Victorian artist Daniel Maclise, which can be seen in Royal Holloway College’s administrative buildings at Egham.

    Maclise’s work adorns the Palace of Westminster – notably two enormous representations of Waterloo and Trafalgar, which I return to admire time and time again. But the particular painting at Royal Holloway recalls Tsar Peter the Great’s visit to Britain in 1698.

    Peter of course has a good claim to be the founder of modern Russia.

    He built from nothing its first Western type city, St Petersburg.

    He founded Russia’s first university and its first formal civil institutions.

    He created its first modern army and its first-ever navy, conquered much of its present-day territory, sowed the seeds of its first industries.

    The inspiration for much of what he went on to achieve came from his Grand Embassy to the West, much of which was spent, not in political negotiations, but working as an apprentice shipwright in the dockyards of Amsterdam and Deptford.

    Maclise’s painting shows King William III visiting Peter at work at Deptford.

    The dapper king looks on in astonishment as the Tsar, in shirt sleeves, saws away contentedly at a lump of timber alongside other workers, helping to build one of the first ships of the new Russian navy.

    In fact, throughout his life Peter’s greatest pride lay in acquiring and using practical skills. Besides shipbuilding, he was highly-skilled at turning wood on his lathe.

    He also made rather less successful forays into dentistry and even surgery, much to the anguish of his courtiers.

    Of course, Peter was by no means alone in combining success in public life with pride in practical skill.

    Closer to our own time, Winston Churchill was both a skilled amateur artist and an accomplished bricklayer.

    Last month, I had the pleasure of attending a speech by my old friend and new colleague at the Department for Education, Michael Gove.

    On that occasion, Michael spoke persuasively about the urgency of reforming and revaluing practical education in this country, starting in schools.

    It’s true, as Michael said, that for decades practical learning for children has been seen by the educational establishment as a poor second-best to academic study.

    In recent times, lip-service has been paid to it with the creation of new school qualifications which seem useful but too often prove to be anything but when a youngster goes from school into the harsher realities of the job market.

    The growing availability of apprenticeships for young people has been of much more value, but again, the route towards high-level skills to which they point has all to frequently stopped short, at Level 2, rather than taking a person forward to Level 3 and beyond.

    .Of course, it’s a Level 3 that qualifications really start to have a big effect on a person’s future prospects and earning potential.

    I went from school to university and from there into a job. For people of my generation, this was the modern equivalent of the Roman cursus honorum. And to an extent it still is, even though over the last three years graduates in some subjects perceived by employers as soft have felt the chill blast of recession.

    And I don’t believe, as some seem to, that Britain, once the workshop of the world, is doomed to dwindle to a race of pseudo celebrities and merchant bankers.

    On the contrary, I believe that it is British manufacturing and the practical skills that underpin it that must lead us into renewed economic growth.

    For decades, people have been calling for greater parity of esteem between academic and vocational qualifications.

    Those calls have invariably fallen on deaf ears. As Instead, we’ve seen a dilution both.

    Too many things that are fundamentally practical have been given an academic veneer. Not because it’s needed to produce a better craftsman, but simply because it seems to legitimise craft for those who are fundamentally nsecure about practical learning.

    Ironically, many such people have done academic study no favours. But regardless, the academic route continues to enjoy greater esteem.

    Parents and grandparents will proudly display photographs of their offspring in graduation garb, whatever has been studied, wherever. Such is the power of the degree brand.

    Of course, university qualifications have an unbroken European history of nearly a thousand years. The Bachelor-Master-Doctor structure is relatively familiar to most people. And, even in an age of 45 per cent participation, they retain an aura of intellectual and social exclusivity.

    But the same can be said of few practical qualifications, because many come and go with alarming frequency and certainly before even employers in the sector concerned can work out exactly what they mean..

    Of course, that’s not universally true. Yesterday evening, I attended a reception to celebrate the City & Guilds Institute, which was established in the 19th century by a consortium of 16 City of London guilds and which remains a notable exception to that rule.

    But even so I think it’s impoverishes our culture that even apprenticeships, which have been around as a form of training for at least twice as long as universities, do not confer a particular title.

    That’s just one reason of many that things need to change. People speak of the intellectual beauty of a mathematical theorem. But there is beauty, too, in the economy and certainty of movement of a master craftsmen.

    I believe that both kinds of beauty must be recognised on their own terms.

    And that implies not that the stock of academe must fall, but that the stock of craft must rise.

    Change of the kind I seek would colour our national life in the three ways.

    The first is economic.

    The comparative orthodox esteem in which vocational and academic qualifications seems to have relatively little to do with earning potential. Indeed, at times like these with many traditional graduate recruiters cutting back, a practical skill may often be more marketable.

    The essence of the value of a skill lies in the fact that not everyone has it, assuming a skill has a market value. Which is why people like me, make an embarrassed judgement about what it’s worth to hire a man with the tools and know-how needed to do what we cannot.

    The same process applies, though with less embarrassment, when a factory-owner is willing to pay qualified machine-operators more than unskilled labourers.

    The higher and more sophisticated the skill, the more value it is likely to add to a product.

    And, as Lord Leitch and others have argued, the higher the skills levels available in an economy, the more they add to the value of products and services, the more profitable the economy as a whole is likely to become, the more jobs it will support and the more business we will win from other countries.

    And raising skills levels brings social as well as economic benefits, like better public health, lower crime-rates and more intensive engagement by individuals in the sorts of voluntary and community activities that fuel the common good and power the national interest.

    Where there is disagreement about this it tends not to be about the principle of needing to build a high-skill economy, but about how the cost of developing the skills in question should be shared between individuals, employers and the State.

    The second area where elevating the status of craft would bring benefits is social.

    Sadly few these days are described – or describe themselves – as a master-craftsman.

    In part, that is the consequence of social change.

    Within living memory, the butcher, the baker and the candlestick-maker enjoyed significant social status, alongside the bank manager, the lawyer and the schoolteacher.

    But these days, in most of Britain, the hard-won skill of individuals has been subsumed by brutal, impersonal ubiquity. Butchers, bakers and others reduced to anonymous shop assistants in soulless megastores.

    But history shows us that there is an alternative.

    When industrialisation was reaching its zenith here, it provoked a

    reaction which eventually became known as the Arts and Crafts movement.

    This movement, too, recognised the unbreakable link between satisfaction in work and quality of life. Its proponents considered the dehumanising effects of mass production in their own time and sought to recreate what they saw as a happier period for working people. A period when their skills were recognised, valued and freed to produce great art.

    One of the leaders of the movement, William Morris, wrote that:

    “the Middle Ages was a period of greatness in the art of the common people. The treasures in our museums now are only the common utensils used in households of that age, when hundreds of medieval churches – each one a masterpiece – were built by unsophisticated peasants”.

    Of course, nowadays much of the chattering class would to mock such idealistic attitudes.

    Those of us who’ve been watching Michael Wood’s current series of programmes on BBC2 know that life in the Middle Ages for many people was nasty, brutish and short. And that the world from which the Peasants’ Revolt sprang much less pleasant for the lower classes than Morris’ novel about the period, A Dream of John Ball, suggests.

    Even the great craft guilds, which people like Morris lauded as the guardians of skills and the upholders of standards of craftsmanship, were not always wholly positive forces. There was sometimes a thin line between upholding traditions and imposing what were once referred to darkly as “Spanish practices”.

    That very duality is found in the most famous 19th-century celebration of the guilds, if not of Merrie England then at least of Merrie Bavaria, Wagner’s Die Meistersinger von Nurnberg.

    Nevertheless on some points especially, I think that such a romantic view of an earlier age has much of value to teach us.

    The world that past fiction characteristics is one in which membership of a craft guild, and consequently the skills required to qualify, was something to which ordinary people aspired.

    It’s a world in which bakers and builders are proud to be what they are, and to be admired as such by others.

    And it’s a world in which people can realise the satisfaction that practicing a skill of proficiently can give.

    In our age that satisfaction can, in principle, be available to anyone. It should be available to more.

    Such a spirit inspired the teaching institutions that sprang from Arts and Crafts – like the Guild of Handicraft, the schools in Newlyn, Keswick and Chipping Camden and several colleges that are now numbered among our universities.

    The benefits to individuals of acquiring new skills, whether for work or for private satisfaction, are reflected throughout society.

    I certainly don’t mean to idealise hard work. Let’s be clear that there’s nothing necessarily dignified about some jobs. Jobs that are physically hard and dirty or just boring and repetitive.

    But neither should we underestimate the dignity of labour – the satisfaction of a job well done. For to do so is to undervalue those who labour.

    It’s a dignity we must rejuvenate, because many, though not all, practical skills are undervalued in our society.

    Yet interestingly that does not mean that, as a society, we necessarily look down on skill. After all the 150 applicants for each BT apprenticeship place certainly don’t. And think of the popular fascination with skills of celebrity chefs and professional dancers or the popularity of T.V and radio shows about architecture, engineering or fashion design.

    The instinctive value we feel for craft must be reflected by our education system.

    The third area where we need change is cultural.

    The men who built and beautified the cathedrals were not by and large academic. Even now, they challenge our prejudices about what culture is and who creates it.

    The same could be said of many of the great artists.

    Giotto, according to Vasari’s Lives of the Artists, started life as a shepherd-boy.

    The name of the master who painted the Wilton Diptych was not even thought to be worth recording.

    Their art and their craft beautifies the world still.

    The craftsmen who built Georgian and, especially, Victorian London were both numerous and anonymous. But they, too, created an environment where the effects of craft enriched ordinary people’s lives. All that we build should add quality, as the Victorians knew.

    That celebration of life in a Victorian terraced house, Noel Coward’s This Happy Breed, celebrated something else, too. The bonds of neighbourliness, friendship and shared experience that held working-class communities together. The social glue that helped them to weather hard times in the 1920s and 1930s.

    Craft skill also beautified our public spaces. Of course, much of that beauty has been swept away, partly by the Luftwaffe, but mainly by much more ruthless urban planners. And our lives are poorer for it.

    So let one example stand for all. The Euston Road has its brighter points. Above all, the high Victorian fantasy of St Pancras, itself so nearly lost to the wrecker’s ball.

    It also has its low points. Notably leaking warehouse set amid the crumbling concrete that is Euston Station.

    But it wasn’t always thus. The gaping entrance to the station and its depressing bus station was once guarded by a vast Doric arch, built of stone in 1837. Its size and neoclassical simplicity were a powerful symbol of national confidence at the dawn of the railway age and the start of Queen Victoria’s reign.

    A Conservative Government approved its demolition in 1961. The stones which had brought pleasure to the lives of millions were taken away and dumped in a river.

    Those who ordered that deed should never be forgiven. Because it wasn’t just a symptom of environmental brutalism. It was a symptom of post-war contempt for the skills and craftsmanship of the people who built it.

    In my view, the skills of a bricklayer are in no way less admirable and certainly no less hard-won than those of a stockbroker. And admired is what they should be. For each feel value, all feel valued.

    So let me digress for a moment to wish the Euston Arch Trust well in its efforts to persuade the Mayor of London to rebuild it.

    When we look at something beautiful, it’s not just the object that we admire, but the skill that went into producing it. That’s why Maclise’s fresco of The Death of Nelson will always be more admirered than Marcel Duchamp’s urinal.

    My point is that admiration for skill, even when it doesn’t involve production of an object, is an integral part of our culture.

    I remember watching the 1970 world cup final on television. The next day at school was a Monday. And all that any of my schoolmates or I wanted to do in the playground was to replicate the outrageous dummy that we’d seen Pele sell to Albertosi, the Italian goalkeeper.

    It didn’t matter that Pele didn’t score. It was his skill and the vision that fired our imaginations.

    Of course, all children admire skill in sport. If my schoolmates and I wanted to play football like Pele, we also wanted to bowl like John Snow, bat like Colin Cowdrey or play tennis like Rod Laver.

    But it’s not just sporting skill that children admire. How many children do not dream of learning to drive a car or fly and aeroplane, to do a card trick, or juggle?

    And admiration for a physical prowess and physical skill doesn’t end with the onset of adulthood. It’s part of our wiring; part of that complex bundle of impulses that, together, make us human.

    The sort of revaluation I’m calling for won’t be easily accomplished. But I think there is a general recognition right across the spectrum of political and educational opinion that one is needed.

    So what can we do?

    There are five things I’d like to suggest.

    The first is to continue and intensify our efforts to re-establish apprenticeship as the primary form of practical training. We will create more apprenticeships than modern Britain has ever seen.

    And not just in the traditional craft sectors but in the new crafts too – in advanced engineering; IT; the creative industries or financial services .

    It’s not just that apprenticeships works – though they do.

    And it’s not just that apprenticeship is probably the most widely-recognised brand in the skills shop-window – although it is.

    It’s also about what apprenticeships symbolise. The passing-on of skill from one generation to the next and the proof that this offers that learning by doing is just as demanding and praiseworthy as learning from a book.

    As I said earlier, we need, with the help of sectoral bodies, to seek out new and more effective ways of recognising apprentices’ achievements.

    It was in an effort to begin to address that disparity that my colleague David Willetts announced at the recent Conservative Party conference that apprentices in the construction industry would in future be given the title of “technician”.

    But we will go further; I plan to reinstate fellows and masters too. The aesthetic of craft must be no less seductive that that of academe.

    And with the number of apprentices set to rise by 75,000 during this Parliament, we will to extend that sort of thinking to trainee craftsmen across sectors.

    Let me be clear this new aesthetic will not only offer the emblems of achievement to individuals but also provide business with important commercial advantages. Firms that invest in training deserve recognition and will be able to use the achievements gained by their staff as marketing tools.

    Second, we must re-evaluate and indeed redefine what a sectoral approach means.

    It’s been clear since even before guilds and livery companies existed that different sectors require specific skills, and that it therefore makes sense for sectoral bodies to be closely involved in designing training and qualifications and in setting standards.

    In some sectors, that link has been obscured, although it remains clear in others. The Goldsmiths and Fishmongers Companies are good examples of that, as indeed is the Royal College of Surgeons, which presides over the highest-stakes practical skill of them all.

    And, though my discussions with City and Guilds, I know that the livery companies are keen to build on the good work they already do.

    And there is also, I think, an opportunity for the sector skills councils to grasp.

    “Sector skills council”; it is hardly a label to stiffen the sinew and summon up the blood”. And that is a symptom of a deeper problem. Here, too, we have become stuck in a dreary technocratic language which limits imagination and inspiration.

    I want SSCs to dare to rise to the challenge of going beyond the strictly utilitarian, of becoming guilds for the twenty first century, creating a sense of pride in modern occupations, and giving individual workers a sense of worth and purposeful pride.

    Third, we must not forget the role that informal learning also plays in teaching skills.

    Acquiring skills make our lives, not necessarily wealthier, but definitely fuller. It raises our self-esteem and often also the esteem in which others hold us.

    Even a depressive and tubercular D H Lawrence found respite from contemplating man’s alienation from the modern world by applying practical skills. He once noted that:

    “I got the blues thinking of the future, so I left off and made some marmalade. It’s amazing how it cheers one up to shred oranges and scrub the floor”.

    The desire for skills can be accompanied by frustration if there is no clear way in which to gain them. But if they are available, what a difference they can make to individuals and communities.

    How many householders’ lives are enriched by watching Strictly Come Dancing? A programme about a group of celebrities and alleged celebrities acquiring practical skills by instruction and practice. How many learned the basics of gardening, that most satisfying of pastimes, from watching Geoff Hamilton or Alan Titchmarsh?

    What a force for social cohesion, and for every kind of practical skill, the formidable ladies of the Women’s Institute remain. What an introduction to manual skill the Boy Scouts and Girl Guides have given to millions of children. What pleasure it can give to the whole community to see the local gardening club come together once a year to pit their blooms and brassicas against one another.

    Show me a society where everyone has the opportunity and desire to seek out new knowledge and new skills and I’ll show you a society that really deserves to be called “bigger”.

    That’s why last week, as part of what’s probably the most hard-nosed cull of Government spending there has been in modern times, the budget for informal adult learning was protected.

    Learning for the common good protected. And on my watch it will remain so.

    My fourth point follows on from the previous three. We must do much more to facilitate progression.

    Under the last Government, we heard a great deal about creating ladders of learning. But their approach was fundamentally flawed because it was based on identifying problems and then trying to nail a few more rungs on the ladder to compensate.

    In fact, what the learner got was not so much one ladder as a game of snakes and ladders.

    Our task must therefore be to break down the barriers to progression that have been progressively erected. And to reject artificial distinctions wherever we find them

    For example, I don’t know how many of you could give us a comprehensible explanation of the difference between Level 3 and Level 4, and why it matters. I certainly know that many of those that administer the system couldn’t, and I doubt whether I could either.

    We must also make the barrier between HE and FE more permeable. If we want learning to be really lifelong, the road for any individual from basic skills to higher learning – not necessarily provided in higher education – must be as smooth as we can make it.

    My fifth point is about Further Education providers. FE Colleges are the great unheralded triumph of our education system. But their capacity to innovate has been limited by the target driven, bureaucratic, micro-management which characterised the last Government’s approach to skills. This Government could not be more different. We will free colleges to innovate and excel. In fact we have already begun rolling back the stifling blanket of red tape and regulation and we will go further.

    Our mission is to free colleges to be more responsive to learner choice and employer demands. This is vital to build provision sufficiently nimble to respond to dynamic demand. But often and understated product of this will be to drive up the status of FE Colleges, their teachers and learners, at last recognised as the jewels in learning’s crown.

    There were doubters when I first said that I wanted to give this speech. I think that was partly because it’s not about a particular piece of public policy, and perhaps partly also because it was bound to include unfashionable words like pride, beauty and dignity.

    To those doubters, I make no apology. Just as I make no apology for believing in the power of learning.

    I look back to the Englishmen who first raised the standard of craft skill as a force in the modern world – to Morris and Ruskin, Rossetti and Burne-Jones – and I think it’s high time to create a new aesthetics of craft, indeed, a new Arts and Crafts movement, for Britain in the 21st century.

    That won’t be done overnight. But I can announce today that we are making a start.

    I am considering backing high quality in the craft traditions by lending the Government’s support to a new award for excellence in the crafts. Details are at an early stage, but I think it is right that excellence should be rewarded and the Government will work over the next few months with those working to support the crafts, including the various charities under the Patronage of His Royal Highness The Prince of Wales, to encourage and reward excellence in this area.

    I hope I’ve shown this afternoon that I am not merely one of those who yearn for a mythical Merrie England,

    I don’t wish to idealise manual labour but to understand its intrinsic worth.

    The village blacksmith did not develop arms like iron bands by reading about how hard it is to swing a hammer.

    The price of the potter’s ability to throw was long hours of effort followed by failure, and several hundredweight of wasted clay.

    Art, said Hippocrates, is long, but life is short.

    But craft is about new industries too. Its about being as software designer and a network engineer; craft is as much about learning to be a film technician as furniture maker; as much about learning to be a fashion designer as a fishmonger.

    And what I want to show above all is that our society will benefit greatly when those that make policy understand what popular culture has always known –

    That skill, craft and dexterity give our lives meaning and value.

    They are at the heart of our society.

    Craft should be honoured and those who master it revered.

    So while we work to encourage the learning of practical skills, we must also work to build demand for and recognition of them.

    Craft to feed the common good. Skills to serve national interest.

    Ours will be – must be – the age of the craftsman

    Thank you.

     

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Institute of Directors

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Institute of Directors

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, to the Institute of Directors on 29 September 2010.

    Thank you David and good morning everyone.

    Group Training Associations England’s role in ensuring that GTA’s collective potential is harnessed right across the country is evident from the audience in front of me. That contribution is of enormous value in helping us to deliver the skills outcomes that will be so vital for the prospects of this country and its people.

    I know that the work of the GTAs has not been sufficiently recognised in recent years by the Government and its agencies. I know, too, that this neglect cannot be allowed to continue.

    Many GTAs have been established for half a century and they consistently deliver successful programmes of work based learning with above average completion rates. They offer, moreover a very special learning experience and have been developing and delivering outstanding training to industry for over forty years. The fact that GTAs are governed by and influenced by employers helps to ensure that you deliver meets real business needs.

    I’m particularly glad to see that some of your apprentices have been invited along this morning and are making their own contribution to your conference. Indeed, the truest measure of the success or failure of our work will be found in how well-equipped or otherwise today’s young people will be in future years to face the shifting challenges of life and work.

    To be successful in that, we must create a radically new model for workplace training with Apprenticeships at its heart and with partnership between Government, employers and individuals as its motive force.

    I’m sure that these young people are already well aware that, these days, none of us can afford to let our knowledge and understanding stand still because the world around us never stands still. They have grown up in an age that is driven by technology to an unprecedented degree. For them, it’s not just the ubiquity of mobile phones that appears normal, but also the fact that the latest model becomes obsolete almost as soon as they’re taken out of the box.

    But the need to come to terms with change doesn’t just apply to the young. As the years pass and we grow older, the world somehow seems to change more quickly than it used to. So we must carry on learning new things in order to adapt to it. That’s not always easy.

    For those of us who have reached, let us say, a very early middle age, the pace of change, like one of the new Boris bikes in London, can seem giddying, especially when we realise that it’s something we can’t stop or even slow down.

    For many it’s hard sometimes not to feel, like Dicken’s Mr Dombey, that “the world has gone”. Tradesmen are not the same as they used to be, apprentices are not the same, business is not the same, business commodities are not the same”.

    There are, however, compensations. If experience has perhaps taught many of us not only that change is not always for the better, then it has probably also shown, as Euripides wrote, that “there is in the worst of fortune the best of chances for a happy change”.

    That’s a thought to which anyone here who’s worried about the forthcoming Spending Review, about which I’ll have more to say later, might do especially well to hang on.

    But we can also take comfort from the fact that not all insights are modern, and that there remain truths which are immutable.

    Take, for example, the earliest and probably most-imitated of all great public speeches, the funeral oration, given by Euripides’ contemporary and countryman, Pericles. In it, he said that the best memorial is “graven not on stone but in the hearts of men”.

    If that remains as true today as it was two and a half thousand years ago, and I’ve no doubt it does, then young people like those here today and the changes that learning is making to them now, and will continue to make in the future, are the most important monument to the work that many of the rest of us here this morning do.

    Of course, I fully accept that it’s important to have figures in a ledger to show we spend the public’s money with which we are entrusted wisely and that we do good for the many and not just the few.

    Indeed, that’s something on which my friends at the Treasury tend to insist. And they have little alternative as they deal with the consequences of a decade in which the Government spent money it did not have with as much regard for financial prudence as a boatload of drunken sailors.

    The struggle to turn that situation around goes right across Government, and the contribution that the skills system must make its contribution. That is clear from my Department’s Strategy for Sustainable Growth, in which we have set out, among other things, the role that skills must play in creating the conditions needed to reduce the deficit and stimulate growth.

    And that’s one reason why we have promised to re-shape the Apprenticeships programme to ensure that it provides more high-quality training opportunities. We have already begun to deliver on that promise by redeploying £150 million to provide an extra 50,000 places.

    We are also taking an overdue look at how the costs of Apprenticeships and other forms of workplace learning are divided between Government, employers and individuals.

    Hard times always focus people’s attention on the balance-sheet. But at the same time, if numbers were the only reliable indicator of worth, John Nash, in whose astonishing building we find ourselves this morning, would be in the debit rather than the credit column. He would have gone down in history as an apprentice who failed to complete his training rather than as an architect who, by marrying opulence with good taste, changed the face of Britain.

    No. Real success for us must lie in the difference that the new knowledge and skills that learners acquire will make to their lives and to Britain as a whole. And not just at work but at home, too.

    It will lie in the contribution, both economic and social, that learning emboldens them to make in their local communities and in the part they play, individually and collectively, in creating a bigger, more open and more humane society.

    It will lie, perhaps most significantly of all, in the tradition of taking pride in knowledge and skills that they will in turn pass on to the next generation.

    And whatever the challenges we have to cope with, however different the skills landscape may look on the far side of the Spending Review, the objectives towards which we work and our determination to reach them must remain.

    The most important objective of all is to make Apprenticeships the primary, though I must stress not the only, means for people to gain skills in the workplace. GTAs have demonstrated over the decades their ability to work with employers to provide different forms of skills training as part of a wide programme of workforce development.

    But the primacy of Apprenticeships does not necessarily mean that they can be allowed just to continue as they are. They can, and should, be improved.

    Change is coming to how we educate adults, whether it’s in the classroom, in the community or at work. Some of that change we choose and it will be change for the better. Some is forced upon us by circumstances and we’ll have to make the best of it that we can.

    But this is an area that has never stood still.

    It’s certainly true that apprentices are not the same as they were even a few years ago, never mind in the Victorian era which many people still see as the golden age of apprenticeship.

    If memory serves me right, the conditions in which apprentices worked for much of the nineteenth century were determined by the Health and Morals of Apprentices Act of 1802. And the young learners who are with us this morning might like to reflect on some of the more humanitarian changes that this put in place.

    For example, it required apprentices to be given an hour’s religious instruction every Sunday and to attend church at least once a month. In my view, that’s a rule whose time might well come again. But that’s a fanciful thought, not a Government policy.

    So, too, could that of the even older, Elizabethan statute under which any apprentice guilty of “default” – which would be subject to whatever punishment the local mayor or justice of the peace thought appropriate.
    Apprenticeships have certainly changed over the many centuries during which this form of training has existed. And they will continue to adapt to the modern world’s changing training needs.

    Yet as with so much else, their essence has not changed. Above all, they remain perhaps the most effective way of passing on complex practical skills that has ever existed.

    And that’s why, even when money is short, the Government is committed to increasing the supply of Apprenticeships, and improving the quality of the training offered, to make them better suited to the needs of employers and learners alike.

    Indeed, we believe that the current Apprenticeships programme could be improved significantly in three main areas.

    First, many of you know from your own experience that British employers currently face a workforce with insufficient skills at intermediate technician and associate professional level, which are critical to many industries on which our future growth potential will depend and to our international competitiveness.
    I know that’s something on which you’re due to hear more from KPMG later on today.

    For the Government’s part, we want to create a clearer ladder of progression in the Apprenticeships Programme. There should be greater emphasis on progression to Level 3 and beyond.

    And this is why we are committed to expanding, in particular, the number of Apprenticeships available at more advanced skills levels. The Apprenticeship programme, newly refocused to prioritise progression to Level 3 and higher will help deliver the technician- level skills on which the jobs and industries of the coming decades will depend.

    Second, we wish to establish more firmly what the appropriate contribution for employers to make towards Apprenticeships should be. You can help in that because Group Training Associations are already a concrete example of how public -private learning partnerships can work successfully.

    The wealth of evidence on the return to both employers and individuals from investing in skills provides a compelling argument in this respect.

    Third, we want to make it easier for businesses of all sorts to take on apprentices and gain access to the benefits they bring. It is important that employers take up these opportunities and offer Apprenticeship places to secure a new generation of highly skilled employees and we will be encouraging them to do so. Group training models have an important role to play in this.

    For example, small businesses are the cornerstone of our economy and high quality training opportunities like Apprenticeships are key to supporting their growth and success. And group training models mean that we can reach more small and medium sized employers.

    In the past, many small businesses have been discouraged by the administration and the costs and risks of employing Apprentices. Group Training Associations help spread these costs and risks and create new jobs and training opportunities.

    This approach means smaller businesses, who may not have felt able to offer Apprenticeships before, can get on board. Group Training Associations help employers and apprentices alike, providing greater security for the Apprentice and flexibility for the employer.

    For further education, like everything else, the seasons are changing. But to make the most of, in Keats’ words, this time ‘of mists and mellow fruitfulness’ we must both reap the harvest provided by the hard working, dedicated staff within the sector, and prepare the ground for a new beginning.

    Securing a bountiful future will involve making difficult choices. I believe that we can deliver more and save money. But we will only achieve cost effectiveness by challenging the orthodox assumptions about what skills are for, how they are funded and what role Government should play.

    This is why I’m pleased to tell you that we’re bringing in-house the expertise of UKSkills, the charity responsible for championing skills and recognising home-grown talent through awards and competitions. UKSkills’ activities and staff will be transferred to the Skills Funding Agency who will lead a coherent annual programme of competitions and awards to promote skills and apprenticeships, in partnership with the devolved administrations. A highlight will be the WorldSkills 2011 international competition, which is being hosted by the UK in London in October 2011 and will see over 50 counties participate in over 30 skills competitions. My thanks go to UK Skills for their work to date.

    As for the future, I am determined to ensure our decisions are the result of proper consultation.

    That is why one of our first acts in Government was to publish two consultations on the future direction of skills policy and the simplification of skills funding. If you have not done so already, there is still time for you to contribute your views and your experiences.

    We will publish the results of this work after the Spending Review and set out at that stage the detail of how we intend to change and reorganise our learning and skills priorities.

    However, I want to go as far as I can – within these constraints – now, which is why I also want to announce that I am asking the SFA today to review urgently what additional financial support they can find to support the invaluable work of GTAs. I want them to find ways to help you reinvigorate your network. Furthermore, I have asked, when we met this morning, for GTA England to identify more ways in which Government can support further the work of GTAs. We will do all we can.

    Today, our country needs change and progress in equal measure. I know that you will support me in my mission to ensure that it gets both.

    Thank you.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Transforming Lives Speech

    John Hayes – 2010 Transforming Lives Speech

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, at the British Library in London on 7 September 2010.

    Good afternoon everyone. It’s a great pleasure for me to join you all today in welcoming the launch of Transforming Lives. I also want to take this opportunity to congratulate NIACE and indeed everyone involved in the Transformation Fund projects from which the report has sprung.

    Of course, this project began last year under the previous government. But as many of you can confirm, I’ve been an advocate of informal adult and community learning for long enough to know that any initiative that improves our understanding of adult learners and their needs must be welcomed, irrespective of whose idea it was.

    What matters most is what the project has achieved and what lessons we can learn from it as we look towards the future.

    For me, you don’t need to look further than the front cover of the report to find the key to what follows.

    That’s because, as I hope all of us here today know, learning is capable not just of changing lives, but of completely transforming them.

    I’m not just talking about the fact that learning brings the qualifications needed to get a higher- rather than lower-paid job. It seems to me horribly reductive to express, as I know some do, the benefits of learning only in terms of lifetime earnings differentials. And it seems to me just plain wrong to measure everything that a person acquires during the learning journey only by its effect on the thickness of their pay-packet.

    It makes me sad when, for example, I read about the new graduates who’ve been unable to find the sorts of jobs they’d hoped for this summer and last. And I can assure them that my colleagues and I are working hard to ensure that they can get a foot on their chosen career-ladder sooner rather than later. But at the same time I hope that those young people also recognise how their years of study and the experiences these have brought have transformed them as individuals.

    Since John Henry Newman at least, I think there has been general recognition that a real university education must be about far more than just acquiring a passport to a white collar and a tie, that its value lies also in how much it does to enrich the content of students’ characters.

    That same effect ought also to be evident in patently vocational forms of training. Now some people refuse to recognise that vocational training can have anything other than employment-related benefits. But I’ve certainly seen for myself as I’ve gone round the country over the summer how, for example, apprentices develop not only practical skills, but also a sense of their own achievement, of pride in what they have accomplished, and of self-worth.

    That’s not just good for themselves and their employers. In the long run, it benefits all of us and the society in which we live.

    So the transformational power of learning is shown both in how learning spreads opportunity and in how it spreads civilisation. But it’s also shown in the element of personal choice, personal responsibility and personal empowerment that learning entails. And that’s especially true of the less formal types of learning.

    That is something of which the Transforming Lives report reminds us very forcefully.

    There are three other important messages that I’d like to draw out from it.

    The first is that in this area, a little money can achieve a lot, particularly if we are prepared to innovate and to trust people at the front line to organise learning in ways that suit their needs rather than conforming to some centralised model.

    It’s hardly a secret that money is going to be in short supply, even in priority areas like education as the Government works to bring the public spending deficit under control. And we all know that cuts will have to be made, although details of where they will fall won’t be finalised until George Osborne and Danny Alexander publish the outcome of the Spending Review next month.

    This isn’t a government that believes, like Aeschylus, that “he who learns must suffer”. But it would be idle to assume that some spending decisions won’t have an impact on education, including on informal learning.

    And it follows that, unless we are prepared in future to contemplate a choice between the Scylla of learning for the few and the Charybdis of learning on the cheap – which I for one am not – we should look urgently for more creative ways to engage both learners and providers.

    That implies, for one thing, making much better use of the local resources we have, engaging a wider range of partners in facilitating learning at community level, and making it easier for grass-roots initiatives to flourish. A good example of the sort of initiative I’m talking about was launched only a couple of weeks ago. The Cafe Culture campaign aims to encourage employers to offer informal learning opportunities at work to their staff. So far, it has involved some 64 companies covering almost two million workers.

    The second important message from Transforming Lives that I want to highlight is that there remains enormous demand for informal learning. And I take comfort from that, because a nation that wants to learn is a nation that is going forward rather than backwards.

    It’s a nation that’s already, by virtue of its people own free will, taking its future into its own hands. Sometimes the State can play a useful role in that, but most often the impetus comes from individuals.

    There’s literally no limit to the range of forms this can take. From the pub landlord who provides space for the local book club to the employer who makes a room available for the lunchtime learning circle. From the housebound person whose isolation is reduced when they discover email or Facebook to the person with depression who finds relief through art or photography.

    These sorts of activities and many others like them make our society a happier and healthier place, and this country a better one in which to live.

    The third and final point from the report that I want to highlight follows from the first two. And it’s that the strength of informal adult and community learning stems precisely from its diversity.

    Like nature itself, in Pascal’s definition, informal learning is “an infinite sphere, the centre of which is everywhere and the circumference nowhere”. Like the internet, with its profusion of interconnected yet free-standing networks, informal learning might have been designed to survive even the biggest catastrophe.

    And that’s perhaps a good point on which to close, because my own long experience of informal adult and community learning has taught me above all else that it has an enviable ability not just to survive, but to adapt and grow. As if to spite those governments that have tried to kill it with neglect as well as those that have tried to kill it with regulation, it not only lives on, but thrives.

    Transforming Lives reminds us of all this and of the essential role that adult and community learning must play in creating a better, more inclusive, more content, more confident and, indeed, bigger society.

    Thank you.

     

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech at Hackney College

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech at Hackney College

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, at Hackney College on 22 July 2010.

    Thank you and good morning everyone.

    Ever since I’ve been in politics, I’ve spoken out for adult learning. In that time, I’ve seen plenty of strategies and plenty of lip-service paid to it. But what I’ve never seen is a system established in this country that delivers all the economic and social benefits that further education promises.

    The net result is that, today, the need to establish a system that makes possible a truly lifelong approach to learning, nurturing sustainable economic growth and social renewal, is perhaps more urgent than it has ever been before.

    I challenge anyone to walk around some of the estates of south-east London, where I grew up, and say that our society isn’t broken.

    Our common heritage is not unfairness and intolerance, nor the brutality that these evils breed. Neither is it passive acceptance of things not being right.

    The qualities that made the people of this country admired the world over – qualities like a willingness to stand up for what is right and a sense of fair play – have not become extinct. And yet parts of our society are indeed brutal and indeed intolerant.

    All too often, those who make the effort to improve their own, their families’ and their communities’ lives go unnoticed and unrewarded.

    Too many people feel they have lost power over their own lives.

    Too many neighbourhoods are communities in name only because there is no incentive for solidarity and joint action.

    I don’t pretend that democratising learning can cure all these ills. As David Cameron said just last Monday, we can only start to put things right by means of a wholesale devolution of power from central government to local communities.

    But unless we embrace the principle of lifelong learning, unless we become once again a people that cherishes knowledge and takes pride in skill, then we cannot begin the process of mending Britain.

    That is because education is the greatest civilising force that has ever existed or ever will.

    Knowledge really is power. It says to people, raise your heads and look to the future because your future is yours to build. And it says that what you become is in your hands.

    So I can’t help but feel honoured that it falls to me to, in Churchill’s words, “to lift again the tattered flag I found lying on a stricken field” and attempt to raise lifelong learning to the position that it deserves to occupy in our national life.

    For, as another great Conservative Benjamin Disraeli said ‘Upon the education of the people… the future of this country depends.’

    The consultation documents that we are launching today seek to place learning at the heart of our society.

    But if the full force for good that a culture of lifelong learning could exert on our society was not released when money seemed plentiful, how are we to release it now?

    Since the election, I’ve noticed two contrasting attitudes to the future of further education and indeed the future of public services in general.

    On one side are those who merely wring their hands and wait for the axe to fall.

    But other people, and I count myself among them, see in the need to make savings not impending disaster, but a once in a generation opportunity for really radical reform.

    The important thing is not that further education should become ever richer, but that it should become ever better. Spending more isn’t essential if you are prepared to spend more wisely.

    Those of us who think in this way see the waste, the over-regulation and the failure, all too often, to give institutions like this one what they need to really deliver for the people who depend on them.

    And we see in the impending cuts a driving force inexorable enough to overcome the inertia that stands in the way of real change or a storm of sufficient strength to finally sweep away, to borrow Shakespeare’s great formula, “the dust of creeds outworn”.

    I believe that we can deliver more and save money. But we will only achieve cost effectiveness by challenging the orthodox assumptions about what skills are for, how they are funded and what role Government should play.

    This opportunity to look critically at how closely what we are doing matches what individual learners and their employers need us to be doing must be grasped. And it should prompt in those of us who care deeply about adult learning a sense of excitement, not a sense of trepidation.

    It is in that spirit that our consultation proposals have been prepared. The system we want to build must harness both the economic and the social potential of lifelong learning. And I see the Comprehensive Spending Review not as a threat, but as an opportunity to do precisely that.

    The direction we want to take is clear. The issue is how best to get there. And that is where we need to hear your thoughts on how things could be made to work better, to draw on your knowledge of how things work in real life, and to learn more about the real obstacles you have to overcome on a daily basis.

    You can read the detail of our proposals for yourselves. But, in view of what I’ve said so far, it shouldn’t come as a surprise that they focus on two main themes.

    The first and most important is to secure a real transfer of power – and also of responsibility – from the centre to individuals and their employers.

    That needs to start with ensuring that they get accurate and impartial information about the learning available and of what benefit it is likely to be to them. In adult learning, the Government’s responsibility should be to facilitate informed choice.

    Of course, there can be no free choice without diversity. So we must do whatever is possible in the present funding environment to see that demand is met. For example, Apprenticeships are enormously popular with learners and employers alike.

    That is one reason why we have already acted to expand the number of Apprenticeships available by reallocating money that was previously being wasted through Train to Gain. And it explains why we must now look for innovative ways to incentivise employers to support training in the workplace. There is also growing demand for adult and community learning. This is not only valuable in its own right, but also as an activity that can stimulate people to learn for vocational reasons as well as for enjoyment.

    We therefore propose to help strengthen the relationships between colleges, local authorities, charities, voluntary organisations and social enterprises to support the delivery of adult education and community learning.

    The need to make the system less forbidding for customers obviously doesn’t end there. For example, there remains a need for much greater transparency around vocational qualifications and their credibility or otherwise with employers. What greater disincentive to continued learning is there than working hard for a qualification only to discover that it delivers absolutely nothing in terms of career progression?

    So we need to do more to ensure that no learning represents a dead-end. That’s particularly true of those who are currently out of work, dependent on benefits or otherwise disadvantaged. Our aim is to make it easier for them to get the training they need to enter and progress in work and learning.

    And new pathways need to be developed between formal and informal learning and, indeed, between the different levels and modes of formal learning. To take just one example, there is still a lack of clear routes between Level 3 Apprenticeships and study opportunities at higher education level.

    The second theme of the consultations follows from the first.

    If we want to ensure proper choice for learners and employers between high-quality options while achieving best value for money, we must free colleges and training organisations from unnecessary bureaucracy and make them more accountable to their customers.

    We made a good start on that with the relaxation of the burdens of inspection and reporting, together with the new freedom for most colleges to move money between adult learner and employer responsive budgets that I announced last month.

    Earlier this month, I received the recommendations of Chris Banks’ review of co-funding. The main aim of the review was to establish how to overcome the barriers to securing investment from employers and individuals alongside government while simplifying the further education and skills system.

    This is clearly an extremely important issue for everyone involved in adult learning and so we are taking advantage of this consultation also to invite views on how to implement this approach.

    This is clearly an extremely important issue for everyone involved in adult learning and so we are taking advantage of this consultation also to invite views on the fees review’s recommendations.

    But we must go further, faster. That is why we are seeking your views on what further simplifications would make it easier for you to deliver what your customers need.

    I hope that everyone here and in the wider further education community will share with me their thoughts and ideas on these and other questions. I want today to be remembered the day when we take the first steps towards releasing the genie of adult learning, in all its power, from the lamp of excessive state control. And in years to come, I hope that people will look back on this day as one of the milestones in the further education movement.

    If and when they do, I hope they’ll be able to say that, though times were tough and money short, our shared belief in and commitment to adult learning never wavered. Indeed, that where others saw cause only for woe, we instead found opportunity and grasped it.

    Today, by acknowledging the value of learning we can begin the task of re-evaluating our priorities, rediscovering craft, redefining community learning, rejuvenating apprenticeships, rebalancing the economy and building a big society.

    Thank you.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Learning Providers Summer Conference

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Learning Providers Summer Conference

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, on 14 July 2010.

    Good morning everyone.

    It often strikes me how well the people who work in all parts of adult education satisfy Aristotle’s criteria for true friends – “The young they keep out of mischief; to the old they are a comfort and aid in their weakness, and those in the prime of life they incite to noble deeds”.

    That’s true of private as well as public providers, and true of all those who offer training in the workplace as well as in the classroom. It’s certainly true of ALP’s membership.

    I know that your members also include some further education colleges and voluntary organisations, but I think of ALP as the voice of learning in the workplace.

    I’ve enjoyed a very positive relationship with you in Opposition, and you serve as a constant reminder to us all that a person’s learning should not – and in fact, must not – stop with their first paypacket.

    Indeed, a commitment to the principle of lifelong learning is the natural consequence if you believe, as I do, that everyone deserves a fair chance to get on in life and that learning can help give it to them.

    It’s hard to ignore if you hear, as I have heard since long before I became a Minister, learners and trainers, employers and trade unionists alike, all telling you that skills delivered in the workplace are essential for economic growth and personal progression.

    And it’s inescapable if you see, as this Government saw on the day it came to office, people out of work and increasingly out of hope because they had low skills or just the wrong skills, businesses struggling because of an inadequate supply of skilled labour, and jobs going abroad as a result.

    We need to enliven the British people to get on and progress in their jobs. I see the business of Government very much as a consultative process, and you are our eyes and ears out in the workplace. You are the experts who know how it should be done and how it can be done.

    A lifelong learning system

    Today, I want to talk to you about some of the ways in which the coalition government will try to build a truly lifelong learning system which may be of particular interest to ALP and its members. And I want to set these in the context of the financial challenges that we currently face.

    The easiest way for politicians to show that they care about a particular area of policy is to throw money at it – some think the larger the payout, the deeper the commitment. And, in recent years, some aspects of publicly-funded adult learning have certainly seen their coffers swell as a result of that approach.

    If this Government means to show, as we do, that we in our turn have a genuine commitment to further education, then just splashing out is no longer an option. Like the Archbishop of Canterbury in Henry V, we have to realise that “miracles are ceased/ And therefore we must needs admit the means/ How things are perfected”.

    To judge by the number of invitations I receive, there is a fashion at the moment for conferences and seminars with titles like “How to do more with less” in the context of ensuring cost-effectiveness. And we all know it’s true that, while public spending is under pressure more severe than it has known for a generation, the demands on public services continue to grow rather than shrink.

    I can’t pretend that we are not going to have to take some hard decisions about where our priorities lie, stopping some activities so that others may not just continue, but grow, and may indeed carry on growing.

    As we seek to develop a new strategy for skills, as we will be doing over the next few months, we’ll be trying to do something similar, sorting the show from the substance and seeking to distinguish activities that look good but achieve little from those that have real impact on the lives of real people.

    Over a period of years in Opposition and in government, I’ve stressed the importance of the social and cultural, as well as economic impact that continuing to educate adults brings to individuals and whole communities. And my determination to see learning for its own sake flourish as never before in this country remains undiminished.

    But especially when we speak of training in the workplace, economic considerations are clearly hard to ignore.

    For example, as the Government works to promote renewed growth, it’s obviously more important than ever that the full influence of further education is felt on the transformation of local economies. You must all know from your own experiences that this influence is potentially incredibly great.

    That is why the Government recently invited proposals for local enterprise partnerships that will work in close cooperation with colleges and training organisations.

    You have extensive knowledge of employer skills demand, and are therefore well placed to help the partnerships to develop their economic priorities. The measures that my colleagues and I are already putting in place to cut the bureaucratic burdens on training providers and free them to use their own initiative will help in that, and we will add to those measures freedom to innovate by cutting bureaucratic burdens on training providers.

    And since, as Macaulay said, “the object of oratory alone is not truth, but persuasion”, there are a number of things that I would like to try to persuade you to do in that context.

    For example, I would like you to develop effective networks that will enable you to offer your local enterprise partnership a coordinated view of the economic priorities for the area, and to agree how you can help them to respond to those priorities.

    The foundation-stone of your economic contribution is the teaching of practical skills. Not just random skills, but the skills needed to get local jobs with good prospects. And not just teaching skills, but teaching them well, so that every working day gives people the right to take pride in their own achievements.

    Apprenticeships

    And this Government believes that the best way to teach the practical skills that employers need to the required quality is through Apprenticeships. We need to look at the length, content and quality of Apprenticeships as we seek to inspire learners.

    ALP members provide more Apprenticeship training than anyone else and it follows that you are central to the success or failure of our efforts.

    Of course, it’s easy for those of us with a more sentimental cast of mind to be seduced by, as it were, the imprint of the potter’s thumb. We forget at our peril that while, at least at some level, all art is craft, not all craft is art. Indeed, what right have they who spend their lives sitting in offices to idealise physical labour and manual dexterity.

    Apprenticeships are often thought of as old, but they are also about new and future ideas. And I still firmly believe that there is no less nobility in mastering a skill than there is, say, in learning to understand why space is curved.

    Skills and those who master them deserve to be celebrated no less than the French subjunctive and those who learn to use it properly.

    The coalition Government has already shown in its actions that it views Apprenticeships as the central pillar of its approach to vocational skills. You’ll know that we are redirecting £150 million of funding this year to create 50,000 new high-quality Apprenticeship places. And we see ALP members as vital to the delivery of these extra places.

    In particular, we want to expand Apprenticeships at Level 3 and there are good reasons to do so. Evidence shows that people who gain an Apprenticeship at Level 3 are likely to receive, on average, nearly a fifth higher again than those qualified up to Level 2.

    The key challenge continues to be to get employers on board in offering Apprenticeship places.

    I know that you see some obstacles in the way of that, and that one of the most important is the impending removal of Key Skills from Apprenticeships and their replacement with Functional Skills. I have always been clear that this is a consultative process and we must take your views seriously.

    I have listened to your views on this and I find some of them very persuasive. It is important that we get this right, and I want to take the time over the summer to consider the issues you’ve raised. So I am pleased to be able to announce this morning that, as a result, the use of Key Skills in Apprenticeship Frameworks will be extended until March next year. This will allow providers the choice of offering either Functional Skills or Key Skills in the interim.

    I should stress that this is a temporary measure to allow more flexibility for providers and more time for us to work together to get the implementation right. I know that many providers will be finalising their preparations for delivery of Functional Skills from April 2011. They should still identify and access the support they need to develop their capacity to deliver Functional Skills, with which the Learning and Skills Improvement Service can help.

    The message is clear: it must be a priority for us to work together to build capacity and to decide what is best for the future.

    I would also strongly encourage those of you who are ready to deliver Functional Skills from September 2010 to go ahead and do so, as this will give apprentices the opportunity to develop these highly-valued skills.

    Of course, the need for reform goes much wider than Apprenticeships. There is much important work to do on other types of workplace training. For example, while Train to Gain needs to be dismantled, workplace learning must continue to be nurtured – for example, to ensure that businesses have the skilled workforces they need to grow and employees have the opportunity to progress.

    We must also help to integrate further education more closely into its local environment – social as well as economic. We can make it more efficient and less bureaucratic. We can offer adults more, better and more relevant learning opportunities.

    We can do much more. And we will.

    Empowering people

    Skills are a priority for my department and for my Government. But ultimately whether to learn and what learning to choose will remain a matter of individual choice. And all of these things I’ve been talking about this morning will fail to deliver fully on their promise unless we make sure people have the information they need to make the right choices for them.

    Because by informing people, we simultaneously empower them. And that’s something from which everyone – providers and employers as well as learners – benefits.

    That’s the thinking behind the Next Step service, which will be launched in August. It will aim to give everyone access to the best information, advice and resources to make more effective choices about skills, careers, work and life.

    Individual providers also have an important role to play in empowering learners. They can do their bit as well to ensure that learners and employers to still get good quality, comparable information about exactly what’s on offer.

    We don’t need huge bureaucracies to make this happen. Indeed, most providers already gather this type of information for their own purposes, and many publish it already. We must build on that.

    I’m particularly happy that Graham Hoyle, through his position as Chair of the National Improvement Partnership Board, is taking forward the UKCES proposal to introduce a course and provider labelling system.

    Having a labelling system will ensure that every provider publishes reliable information about their institution and the opportunities they provide.

    Comparatively few providers have anything to fear from this approach, since more than four out of five already deliver satisfactory or better results.

    For the Government’s part, we will maintain and continue to build a light-touch approach. But I have asked the Skills Funding Agency to ensure they take swift action where they identify any unsatisfactory provision.

    Either prompt improvement will follow, or public funding will be removed and reinvested in providers who can deliver to the standards learners and employers expect and deserve.

    Nevertheless, and even though today is Bastille Day, I don’t want to end my remarks, as it were, in the shadow of the guillotine.

    So instead, as we mark the anniversary of one revolution, I’ll end by reminding you all that we stand on the threshold of another.

    The areas on which I’ve concentrated this morning will clearly figure prominently in the new skills strategy to which I’ve already referred, but so will others that will be of particular interest to ALP members.

    For example, we need to think about the right form of public support for non-Apprenticeship workplace training after Train to Gain. I would welcome more thoughts on this subject, and on how to encourage progression and interchange between the different styles of formal and informal learning.

    It will make it much easier to get the right answers to some difficult questions if bodies like ALP are prepared to share their opinions, experience and expertise. And that is something for which I’ll be asking sooner rather than later.

    And now if you have any questions I’ll do my best to answer them.

    Thank you.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to City and Islington College

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to City and Islington College

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, at City and Islington College on 17 June 2010.

    Thank you and good morning everyone.

    Arthur Hugh Clough wrote that: “if hopes were dupes, fears may be liars”. And it seems to me that the words of this unjustly neglected poet are a particularly apt place to begin my remarks on what has been an unjustly neglected sector.

    I know that many of the hopes that the last government raised for further education ultimately proved illusory.

    And perhaps the most important thing I want to say today is that the fears which you may have for the future will prove equally misplaced.

    But before I try to justify that bold statement, I must first thank you all, and especially Frank and his staff, for accommodating my request for an early start this morning.

    For being here for me.

    I have to go to Parliament shortly for a debate on the importance of skills in building and maintaining a strong economy and, of course, that’s closely linked to what I have to say now…

    Even before Lord Leitch published his compelling analysis of the problem, it’s been no secret to most of us that skills are economically vital. And that doesn’t apply just to the manufacturing and industrial sectors, but right across our economy, to the service and retail sectors, and the public sector too.

    Employers can’t stay in business without people with the right skills for the job. While people can’t hope for a good job without the skills employers are looking for. Without the right skills, inward investment will dwindle because we can’t compete for jobs on the grounds of cost with countries where low wages are the rule. And of course we wouldn’t want to. We are thankfully beyond dark, satanic mills.

    But we can still compete effectively in ways which would have been unfamiliar to Mr Gradgrind. Through the business environment that the government creates. And, crucially, through the skills of our workers; skills which are still vital in the high-tech world in which we live than when William Morris majestically celebrated the joy of craft.

    Few people, and very few politicians, would disagree with any of that. Indeed, I know that you’ve heard members of the previous government say similar things, albeit with less style.

    But the similarity of aims should not obscure absolute difference of view about mean. You see my own analysis differs fundamentally from theirs, and the good news for you and particularly for me it that both the Prime Minister and Vince Cable agree with me, not my predecessors.

    I believe, like Ruskin, that “industry without art is brutality”.

    Too often in the recent past, the strength of the economic case for skills has been portrayed as the only case for skills, creating an implicit and in my opinion wrongheaded divide between learning that is useful and learning that is useless. We emphasise the economic and overlook the social and cultural benefits of learning at our peril.

    The previous government’s concentration on the utilitarian aspects of learning excluded too much valuable activity and too many people. I see learning as a single whole, not a series of separate silos. Learning a skill to do a job should lead into learning for pleasure or self-fulfilment, and vice versa. But more the acquisition of practical skills is virtuous for its own sake as it instils purposeful pride. We enjoy what we learn to do well.

    Likewise, the line between further and higher education should be a permeable membrane, not an iron curtain.

    As soon as people start to treat the various styles and levels of learning as discrete entities, they also begin to erect the sorts of arbitrary barriers that stop learners moving from one to another, barriers that are the antithesis of the ideal of lifelong learning. And, of course, the people worst affected by these barriers are the most disadvantaged in our society, those furthest from learning and with fewest chances for progression.

    These are all reasons why, in my view, no learning should be treated as if it were without point and every new element added to our collective stock of knowledge and skill should be applauded. Everything any of us learns adds a new brick to the edifice of civilised life. Those with the will and commitment to learn, however they do it and whatever they choose to study, should be admired and encouraged. None should be disparaged as one of Browning’s “picker-up of learning’s crumbs”.

    The services this college offers to its community – services the excellence of which has repeatedly been recognised – are a case in point.

    I recently took a look at your summer courses and was pleased to see intensive ceramic-throwing in there alongside more obviously vocational options like beginners’ computing and level 3 perming effects.

    I think the author of The Stones of Venice would have approved.

    But it’s the economic rather than the social or cultural case for skills that has been used by some not just to downgrade learning for its own sake, but as an excuse for the centralised command and control arrangements that have been foisted on adult educators over the past decade and more.

    Now we must finally acknowledge that this approach, even in the terms of its own narrow criteria, has failed.

    As the UK Commission of Employment and Skills reported in the Ambition 2020 report published last year, on recent trends, we are likely to slip from 18th to 21st in OECD rankings for intermediate level skills by 2020.

    On recent performance ‘we will not be in the top eight countries of the world at any skill level’ in ten years time.

    The highly centralised and bureaucratic system that developed over the course of the last Government meant that funds that could have been used on teaching and training, to dirve up skill levels, have, instead been devoted to formulating detailed plans and complying with targets.

    Bean counting, hoop jumping, form filling – these were the skills my predecessors most admired.

    Instead of enabling colleges and other providers to respond to needs of businesses and learners in their areas, Ministers, isolated in their Whitehall Offices, thought that they had a better idea of what these needs were.

    Excessive bureaucracy sapped precious energy from our education system.

    And, even worse, it led to systemic failure in the form of a F.E. capital crisis from which the sector is still reeling.

    The LSC encouraged bids that would have cost 10 times more than the available funds.

    144 capital projects were frozen.

    79 of these projects had already received agreement in principle, and many colleges incurred considerable costs .as the result of what the Foster Review into the crisis described as ‘mismanagement’.

    The top-heavy target driven bureaucratic system failed, as it was bound to. As Andrew Foster concluded, the LSC was too slow to respond: ‘there were straws in the wind, early storm warnings, but the problem was not crystallised fast enough.

    There has to be a better way. An increasingly dynamic economy necessitates a dynamic skills system. If we are to build a highly skilled, high tech economy Colleges and independent providers need to be able to respond quickly to the needs of learners and employers.

    That is why this government must and will offer further education a new beginning. – From satanic mills to bows of burning gold in one speech.

    Before being appointed as Minister I was fortunate enough to have enjoyed a long Apprenticeship as Shadow Minister for Lifelong Learning, Further Education and Skills. Over the past five years I have held countless meetings with College Principles, their representative bodies and others from the sector.

    I visited innumerable colleges across the country.

    Everything I said in Opposition, and everything I say now in Government has been informed by the relationship I have built with FE.

    I’ve listened to what you have had to say.

    Which is why we came into government with the promise to set colleges free.

    Now is the time to start delivering on this promise.

    That’s why I’ve to come here, to a college, to announce publicly that we’re starting today. This is not the end of a process, but only the beginning.

    Vince Cable has written this morning to the Chief Executive of the Skills Funding Agency setting out our ambitions for the Agency’s in 2010-11.

    In parallel, I have also written today to colleges and other training organisations. My letter announces a number of ways in which the burdens on them will be lightened:

    First, I am removing the requirement to complete Summary Statements of Activity, with a resulting reduction in performance monitoring of employer responsiveness.

    Second, the Government has already announced the removal of Ofsted inspections for schools with outstanding performance – I will work with Ministerial Colleagues to introduce the same way approach to the FE sector removing inspections for Colleges with outstanding performance’.

    Third, I will also remove the regulatory requirement for college Principals to undertake the Principals’ Qualifying Programme. That is not because I do not want appropriately qualified principals, but because I know that there are a range of development opportunities and qualifications which can enhance principals’ capabilities to run colleges.

    Individuals and their institutions should be free to decide what package of development is appropriate to suit individual circumstances.

    We will, of course, work with the Learning and Skills Improvement Service to ensure that there are high quality development opportunities available to prepare for and carry out leadership roles in the sector. This will allow governors to reassure themselves about the skills and capabilities of those seeking to take up leadership positions or to develop further in those roles.

    And fourthly and most importantly, I will enable all colleges except those which are performing poorly to move money between adult learner and employer budgets, because you know best how to help you learners’ fulfil their potential and meet employer needs.

    I hope that these are all changes which you welcome. But they are not an end in themselves. They are only a beginning, a first indication of this government’s determination to deliver on the promises it has made to providers and learners alike. To draw a line under the mistakes of the past and deliver a better future.

    With this Government FE is no longer the poor relation. Cinderella is going to the ball.

    With freedom comes a fresh challenge, as the costs of compliance is reduced I will be looking for colleges to find efficiencies. This may be, for example though the use of shared services and new approach to procurement. And colleges freed from constraints will also find new, better and more efficient ways of responding to local needs.

    It won’t have escaped you that there are other things that the government has promised, too. And that chief among them is to tackle the public sector deficit and secure our economic recovery. You may therefore suspect that, as I have come here today with some goodies for colleges in one hand, I’ve probably got a big stick in the other.

    So now you’ve at last got a Minister who is going to treat the FE sector as grown ups lets talk frankly. Members of the government from the Prime Minister down have striven to be completely frank with people about the scale of the savings that will need to be made to bring the public finances back under control and the pain that will inevitably result.

    I certainly can’t pretend that further education will be excluded from those challenges. But I can give you some indications about how it will be managed.

    So for the rest of my time this morning, I want to turn my attention to an area where we announced that there would be changes: the £1 billion Train to Gain programme. I know that there has been a lot of comments about this in the sector and among employers and it’s important that I should make our intentions clear.

    George Osborne’s budget announcement a couple of weeks ago saw £200 million from the Train to Gain budget, refocused where we know it is needed most . £50 million of that money is being recycled into new capital grants for colleges, while the remaining £150 million will pay for 50,000 extra apprenticeship places this year.

    The main point I want to make is that the money saved was not taken from further education and skills. A quarter of it is going to help alleviate a serious problem for many colleges; a left over from the capital crisis I spoke of earlier, while the rest will continue to support training in the workplace.

    In that context, those of you who have followed the debate around further education policy over the last few years will know how much store this government sets on apprenticeships. There are many good reasons for that. First and foremost, the apprenticeships model is not only work-based, but work-focused. It passes on the practical skills needed to do a particular job in a way that is widely appreciated and understood.

    The evidence also shows that apprenticeships add more to a person’s earning-power than any other form of practical training. Someone may begin an apprenticeship unable to do anything that might fit them for a skilled job. But they emerge as – and I’m not afraid of the word – a craftsman. I am as proud of medieval stonemasons, who build so many of our cathedrals – and an apprenticeship can still rightly involve learning how to use a mallet and chisel – as I am of the software designers, film technicians, aeronautical engineers that emerge from today’s apprenticeships.

    Demand for apprenticeship places is growing and one of our priorities is to encourage more employers to participate. Apprenticeships are both a route to key competences for employees and a vital way to help employers build highly skilled, efficient businesses.

    We must also seek new ways of guiding people from lower-level engagement into apprenticeships, and from apprenticeships into higher education or other forms of further study.

    Academic study should not, and both David Willetts and I are determined it won’t be, seen as the only thing that carries value. Practical skills are often undervalued, but that’s usually by people who don’t and couldn’t ever have them.

    As a youngster growing up in south east London, I realised that I was only clever enough to be an academic. I was not clever enough to use my hands to make and do things. And the older I get, the more I revere the practical skills of my forbears, their craftsmanship and the pride they were able to take in it.

    But as effective as apprenticeships are, they are not the be-all and end-all of workplace training. That is why we have never proposed, as some people mischievously claim, simply to end funding for other work based training and put all of the money saved into apprenticeships instead. And let me say once and for all that there’s nothing whatsoever wrong with helping people to train whilst in work.

    But there’s everything wrong with waste at any time and above all at times like these. Train to Gain was always too blunt an instrument to be efficient, craft the skills we need and its impact was never proportionate to the enormous amounts of money it cost.

    Indeed, the National Audit Office found that that the scheme did not provide good value for money.

    Apprenticeships have value, for people and for employers. People understand what they are and the benefits they bring. But for some, that won’t always be right. And we’re determined that we won’t repeat the mistakes of the last government by driving towards one arbitrary goal without actually considering what else employees and employers need.

    So one of the big questions I’m going to be seeking to answer over the next few months is what are the right things for the government to do to support employers and people for whom apprenticeships aren’t the right answer, as we create a comprehensive, efficient and effective workplace training offer.

    One of the key issues is eliminating deadweight – where taxpayers’ money is simply substituted for money that employers would spend regardless. Because every pound that my Department spends to zero effect is a pound that won’t be spent on other public services or in helping to bring down the deficit, or simply left in the pockets of the people who worked hard to earn.

    There are clearly also questions around the specific needs of particular economic sectors, and also whether special provision should be made for small and medium-sized enterprises who often find it more difficult than larger organisations to absorb the time and cost pressures that staff training can involve.

    Finally, there is the problem of bureaucracy on which I have already touched. Whatever new arrangements to support workplace training are established – including the provisions of information, advice and guidance to employers and learners – must avoid the pitfalls of excessive paperwork that have put so many people off training and frustrated employers.

    Those are some of the key issues that we will need to address soon. Others will occur to those of you with direct experience of training in the workplace. And that’s another important point.

    I am determined not to sit in Whitehall and remotely form a picture of how things are in colleges or workplaces. As I have done during our time in opposition I will consult, listen, learn and act.

    I want to take time to talk to people like you about how things are, and what we should do to make them better.

    Lets agree on the clear that action is needed, to build on what is working in the further education and skills sector and set right what is not.

    Change is coming and, as Dr Johnson so rightly said in the preface to his dictionary, “change is not made without inconvenience, even from worse to better”.

    It behoves all of us here, whatever the inconvenience and however difficult the transition, that the changes that are coming lead to a better deal for the learners whose hopes, in our various ways, we hold in our hands.

    I began my speech by quoting a poem by Arthur Hugh Clough. The last line of that poem is quite well known – “But westward, look, the land is bright”. This was once famously quoted by the last leader of a British coalition government before David Cameron. Even at one of the darkest moments of the war, Churchill was inviting Britain to look to the future with confidence. And even amid our current troubles, I invite you to do the same today. Because I firmly believe that the future for colleges is bright. I am determined to work unceasingly to make it so.

    Today, we take the first step towards a better, freer, more empowered further education system.

    Today we start to unchain the immense human capital in FE.

    Today, with the changes I have announced, we have made a new beginning. But tomorrow we must strive together to bring the process of rebuilding to fruition. Let us make sure that looking back we will be able to say that rebuilding started here, today, with us.

    And I hope that we will feel able to say, that Cinderella lived happily ever after.

    Thank you.

     

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech on the Government’s Skills Strategy

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech on the Government’s Skills Strategy

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Minister of State for Further Education, Skills and Lifelong Learning, at the QEII Conference Centre in London on 10 June 2010.

    Thank you Elinor and good afternoon everyone.

    What I have to say this morning sits comfortably between the points that Francis Maude has already made on public service reform and what David Freud will say later about welfare.

    Further and higher education are public services, quite as essential in their own way to maintaining our way of life as the NHS or the police force.

    Like other parts of the public sector, the previous government borrowed and spent billions on post-compulsory education. But much of this was wasted. Spending has risen far quicker than performance. And all too often, extra money has been spent not on improving the quality of teaching and learning, but on driving the system from the centre.

    This is not the fault of the sector or those who implemented public policy, it’s the fault of the politicians who pushed these policies through parliament.

    That goes not only for universities and colleges, but also for the education quangos that sprouted like mushrooms over the last decade.

    On Monday, the Prime Minister said that the consequences for the public sector of the financial crisis that this government inherited will be “painful”. I don’t want to make light of the fact that further and higher will inevitably bear their share of that pain. But even if the credit crunch had not happened and our economy today was booming, there would still be compelling reasons for this government to seek greater efficiency in further and higher education, informed by a sober analysis of what has worked and of what hasn’t.

    As I’ve no doubt David Freud will tell you shortly, welfare, too, is in urgent need of reform. And there are parallels between the difficulties that beset the benefits system and those we are striving to address in further and higher education.

    Some people call the benefits system a safety-net. And that’s also how post-compulsory education has often been treated in recent years.

    Now, safety-nets have their place in extremis. But, personally, I think that most people would find a springboard far more useful.

    [As Winston Churchill remarked] “We are for the ladder, let all try their best to climb” and a net, “below which none shall fall”.

    The last government made much of more people going into our universities rather than straight into a job or vocational training. But what about all those who were encouraged to aspire to the benefits that higher education brings, only to have their hopes dashed because there was no university place available for them?

    We’ve also heard plenty in recent years about the numbers of adults whose training in the workplace was funded by the government. But we heard rather less about the fact that two-thirds of them got absolutely no benefit in terms of higher pay or career progression as a result.

    What price lifelong learning for people who’ve been let down like that, especially those whose previous experiences of learning had been far from positive?

    Educating adults – educating anyone – therefore has to be about giving the reality of opportunity, not just the illusion. Educating adults has to be a driver of social, economic and personal improvement, not a means of keeping the unemployment statistics artificially low.

    All that implies that, notwithstanding the current state of the public finances, the government has a large agenda for change to deliver in further and higher education.

    I hope that you’ll forgive me if I spend the rest of my time this afternoon talking mainly about the way our plans to reform further education and skills are developing. That’s not just because further education and skills are my area of Ministerial responsibility, but also because I’m reluctant to repeat so soon after the event the points that my colleague David Willetts made in Oxford only this morning about our plans for higher education. His speech is already on our department’s website if you’d like to read it.

    So far as further education and skills are concerned, our plans are built around three basic principles.

    First, we must replace the bureaucratic, target-driven, top-down regime to which colleges, employers and learners alike have become used with a genuine devolution of power within the system. I see the Government’s primary role as being to create a framework which helps individual people and their employers to get at the learning they want or need. An indispensable part of achieving that goal is removing the barriers that get in the way of learning providers’ efforts to respond to what their customers are asking for.

    For example, there are better ways of measuring the outcomes that trainers achieve than simply counting the number of qualifications gained. The emphasis must be put on progression, whether that’s to higher skills or to other forms of lifelong learning, including informal learning. Bureaucracy which creates artificial distinctions between further and higher education, between different types of institutions or programmes, or between formal and informal learning stifles the creativity that is the essence of a responsive skills system.

    Second, we must eliminate waste and inefficiency wherever they are found by taking a robust attitude to value for money. That means, for example, refocusing the Train to Gain programme. The National Audit Office found that about £250 million a year from this programme was being spent on things that employers would otherwise have funded themselves. That can’t be allowed to continue.

    But I want to make clear that what must continue is training in the workplace and public support for employers who want to offer it. That, too, is an assessment based on value for money. Vocational qualifications delivered in the workplace provide better wage returns on average than qualifications delivered in colleges, while apprenticeships offer the highest returns of all.

    That’s a subject on which I’ll be saying much more when I speak at City and Islington College next week.

    For the moment, I’d just like to remind you that the £200 million cut in the Train to Gain budget that George Osborne announced on 24 May was not money lost to further education. Neither was it a vote of no-confidence in workplace training. Quite the opposite, in fact, because the money deducted from Train to Gain is being reinvested to create 50,000 new apprenticeship places and to offer £50 million in new capital grants to colleges left in the lurch by last year’s funding fiasco.

    Third, I believe that education should be about people, not just numbers. It must hold out the promise of good things for those who seek “to know wisdom and instruction; to perceive the words of understanding; To receive the instruction of wisdom, justice, and judgment, and equity”. Not my words, of course, but Solomon’s, from the Book of Proverbs.

    And indeed, we must never forget that the individual learner must be placed at the heart of the whole learning process.

    People should be helped to identify learning opportunities, whether at work or in college, that will lead them towards a better job or a more fulfilling life.

    People should not just be left floundering without education, employment or training. No one deserves to be broken on the wheel that revolves from a dead-end job to unemployment and back again.

    Some of you will have read the speech that Vince Cable gave at the Cass Business School last week. In it, he described the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills as a “department for growth”. The contribution of post-compulsory education to that mission is essential. I don’t just mean its contribution to economic growth, driven by the higher productivity that better work-related skills bring. I also mean its capacity to spark the personal growth and the growth of a more developed sense of community that all learning brings.

    The need to find efficiencies is no reason to counsel despair in further education or elsewhere. As Cardinal Newman put it, “Let us act on what we have, since we have not what we wish.”

    And as I hope I’ve shown in the last few minutes, the government’s plans for further education and skills are far more ambitious and progressive than a diet of cuts and more cuts. Our proposals are not just to inform learners, engage employers and get off the backs of providers, but to give them the power to ensure that the system works in their best interests will be the most radical reform that skills has seen in at least a generation.

    Whatever the economic weather, adult learning matters. There is much we can do, much we must do, to ensure that the beneficial power of adult learning reaches everyone, building stronger communities, stronger business and a bigger society.

    Thank you.

  • John Hayes – 2016 Speech on Digital Security

    John Hayes

    Below is the text of the speech made by John Hayes, the Minister of State for Security, at the Policy Exchange in London on 25 February 2016.

    The title of my speech this morning is taken from Hegel’s Philosophy of Right.

    It is perhaps his best known, and most contentious, observation: “What is reasonable is real; and what is real is reasonable.”

    The remark is contentious principally because some believe that Hegel was making a normative claim for what is actual: that what is real must be right.

    But of course that is not the case.

    Rather, Hegel, was arguing that ultimately philosophy must be a rational enterprise, concerned with understanding the world as it actually is.

    What was true of Hegel’s philosophy then is equally true of public policy today, particularly in relation to the fundamental issue of security.

    It is all too tempting to view the threat we face as abstract, as theoretical. To believe that we have always faced threats.

    That the threats we now face are essentially the same as those in the past.

    This is all too tempting because – as T.S. Eliot wrote in his four quartets – humankind cannot bear very much reality.

    I want to speak this morning about security and keeping people safe.

    The threat we face now is changing, ferocious and flexible.

    That threat is evolving rapidly.

    Responding to it is a testing challenge.

    That requires us, now more than ever, to review, revise and rejuvenate what we do and how we do it.

    And most of all what we need to do now and to do next.

    The Investigatory Powers Bill, which we published in draft in November, is crucial to these efforts.

    Fundamentally, our approach brings together work at home to build cohesive communities and root out extremism with cooperation and dialogue with nations worldwide.

    Threat

    Success requires realism.

    The terrorist threat we face here in the UK is unprecedented and growing.

    And that’s not only my view.

    Andrew Parker, the Director-General of MI5, has said: “The threat we are facing today is on a scale and at a tempo that I have never seen before in my career.”

    In the 12 months to September last year, our police and security services arrested 315 people for terrorism-related offences.

    That’s an increase of a third on the previous year and from just 121 five years ago.

    And we have stopped at least seven different attempts to attack the UK in the last 18 months alone.

    There have been 16 attacks in Europe over the past two years, most of them inspired or directed by Daesh.

    And the attacks in Paris in November 2015, in which 130 people died, showed what can happen when terrorists are successful.

    The terrorist threat now is not confined to Europe, or even just to the West.

    It is more sophisticated and more widely distributed.

    It could be a marauding terrorist firearms attack, as we saw in Paris.

    It might be an attack on transport, as we saw on the Russian MetroJet flight from Sharm El Sheikh or the attempted attack on the train travelling from Brussels to Paris.

    It could be a co-ordinated attack on a tourist site, as we saw at Sousse in Tunisia, or more recently at Bamako in Mali.

    Or it might be a knife attack, as we saw in Marseilles recently.

    The diversity of the threat, as well as its volume, is a serious challenge to us here, and to our allies around the world.

    The essential change in terrorism is the increasing adaptability of terrorists, and of Daesh in particular.

    It uses new technology, new methods.

    It is adaptable. And it revels in its own depravity.

    It has murdered hundreds of thousands of men, women and children – the vast majority of them practicing Muslims, the very people it claims to speak for.

    It operates in a way we have never seen before.

    We have never seen this number, demographic or range of ages of people travelling to take part in conflict.

    Daesh is responsible, directly or indirectly, for many of the attacks and attempted attacks that I have already mentioned.

    And far from being isolated in Syria and Iraq, its influence is spreading to groups worldwide – in Libya, in West Africa, in Afghanistan and beyond.

    But the other thing is that Daesh is not the only threat we face.

    Al Qaeda and its affiliates continue to pose a very real and very present danger.

    Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula took credit for the attack on the Charlie Hebdo magazine in January last year, in which 12 people died.

    It holds territory in ungoverned spaces in the Middle East.

    The Al-Nusrah Front, its affiliate in Syria, has combined success on the battlefield with an effective online media campaign and a presence on the ground in Syria.

    And AQ-M, its Africa-based affiliate, recently claimed responsibility for the attack on a Radisson hotel in Mali in November, in which 21 guests were killed.

    JTAC, the Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre – experts who have access to the latest intelligence – assess that the threat to the UK is SEVERE, that means that an attack in the UK is highly likely.

    And they don’t take that judgment lightly.

    People should be alert, but not alarmed; watchful but absolutely sure of our resolve.

    So the threat is growing.

    More complex.

    And more diverse.

    It is for this reason that we should heed Hegel’s warning – to understand the world as it really is.

    I know there is no complete solution to the problem I describe.

    This is not a project.

    You can’t ascribe a specific timescale to it.

    These are unpalatable truths.

    But if we are to succeed, we need to confront that reality.

    Response

    Which is what this Government has done.

    Facing reality means disrupting terrorist attacks and those who help to support them.

    And we have.

    We have proscribed terrorists groups – 15, including 11 linked to Syria and Iraq.

    We have revoked British citizenship from individuals.

    Since May 2010, we have excluded over 100 hate preachers.

    In 2014, we withdrew or refused a British Passport 24 times under the Royal Prerogative.

    And, last year, we extended Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures, TPIMs, to include relocation powers to allow the police and Security Services to manage the risk from individuals we cannot prosecute or deport.

    Facing reality means being prepared to respond to attacks in the national interest.

    As part of the recent Strategic Defence and Security Review, the SDSR, we have done just that.

    We will continue to invest in capabilities to protect ourselves against terrorist attack.

    We will invest £1.9bn over the next five years in protecting the UK from cyber attack.

    More than double our spending on aviation security around the world.

    An additional 1,900 personnel for the security and intelligence agencies.

    Facing reality means reviewing, in the light of the attacks in Paris last year, our response to a marauding firearms attack by terrorists.

    Those attacks highlighted the challenges any country would face in managing multiple, concurrent incidents.

    But since then, working with other nations, we have pressed for stronger protective security, crisis response and border management, to stop the movement of people and weapons, to increase information sharing, to improve controls on firearms and to enhance aviation security.

    Investigatory Powers Bill

    Facing reality also means ensuring that the police and security services have the legislation they need to keep us safe.

    Powers that are necessary and proportionate.

    Having passed the Counter Terrorism and Security Act last year, we published in November a draft Investigatory Powers Bill for pre-legislative scrutiny.

    Communications and modern technology are at the heart of the threat we face, and so the heart of our response.

    Facing reality means knowing that these days terrorists, paedophiles, serious fraudsters scheme in cyber space.

    The web enables individuals the world over to communicate quickly, easily, often using encryption.

    It works across borders and across jurisdictions, just as the extremists who use it do.

    Difficult to detect and even more difficult to disrupt.

    Of course its global nature makes regulation problematic.

    Crucially, terrorists in Syria and Iraq can use the web to reach out using online communications to direct, enable and inspire individuals the world over to contemplate attempting, at least, murder and violence.

    Communications data matters – that is the who, where, when and how of a communication but not its content.

    It is a vital tool to investigate crime and protect the public.

    It has been used by every major Security Service counter-terrorism investigation over the last year.

    It is used in 95 per cent of serious and organised crime investigations handled by the CPS.

    It might be used to find a missing person, to establish a link between a suspect and a victim.

    It is used to investigate crime, to keep children safe, to check alibis and to tie a suspect to a crime scene.

    When offences such as fraud are committed online, it is sometimes the only possible way of identifying the offenders.

    It has been used in the investigation of many of the most serious and widely reported crimes against children, including the murder of Holly Wells and Jessica Chapman, as well as the Oxford and Rochdale child grooming cases.

    Law enforcement capabilities are degrading due to rapid technological change and because more and more communications are taking place online.

    So, while this is important for our counter-terrorism efforts, that is by no means the only reason it is important and it is by no means the only reason why we are bringing forward legislation.

    Bernard Hogan-Howe, Metropolitan Police commissioner, has said that communications data is regularly used to tackle criminals whose activities affect the wider community, such as repeat burglars, robbers, drugs dealers. Put simply, the police need access to this information to keep up with the criminals who bring so much harm to victims and our society.

    But it is important that we appreciate why this legislation is itself important – and in particular how far we have come in ensuring that we have a legal regime that serves the interests of both privacy and security.

    We have provided more information than ever before about some of the most sensitive powers available to the security and intelligence agencies – including the use of bulk personal datasets and the acquisition of bulk communications data to thwart terrorist attacks.

    The draft Bill puts these capabilities on a clear statutory footing and makes them subject to robust, world-leading safeguards.

    The Parliamentary Joint Committee which looked into these matters in such very great detail – and I can see members of that committee in the audience here today – along with two other parliamentary committees who scrutinised the Bill, have made valuable recommendations about how the Bill could be improved and our proposals clarified. We are committed to ensuring the Bill receives maximum scrutiny.

    We remain committed to having new legislation on the statute books by the end of the year – a result of existing legislation falling away on 31 December.

    We will return to Parliament with a revised Bill.

    The draft Bill goes further than the current oversight regime.

    A double lock on ministerial authorisation of intercept warrant means that both judges and ministers will consider the evidence supporting warrants.

    For trust is the golden thread running through the viability of the new legislation.

    Which is why necessity and proportionality are the lodestars of the draft Bill.

    Prevent

    We cannot confront the reality of the threat we face without confronting the poisonous ideologies and extremist messages that underpin it.

    As we have seen time and time again in cases of young people radicalised here in the UK, it is also more insidious than ever.

    It is easy to assume the threat is elsewhere – is there – but in fact the threat is here and the threat is now.

    Daesh’s propaganda combines extreme violence and extremist messages with modern technology, using social media to reach out to young and vulnerable over the whole world.

    From their bedrooms they can access images of murder and brutality, messages of death and destruction.

    The Police Counter-Terrorism Internet Referral Unit is currently removing 100 pieces of Daesh or Syria-related content every day.

    And we have seen the impact that such material can have time and time again.

    To appreciate the impact of Daesh’s propaganda, take the case of a 14-year-old boy who, from his bedroom, plotted an attack on a parade in Melbourne.

    That plot, developed over the internet, sought to behead police officers.

    The child was recruited online by a known Daesh recruiter.

    He himself had reached out in turn online to a 16-year-old girl, who was subsequently found to possess extremist literature, bomb-making instructions and violent imagery.

    Had we not detected that young man’s plot, many would have been killed.

    Cases such as this demonstrate Daesh’s insidious, sinister, seductive appeal; its ability to inspire, as well as to direct, attacks; and the extraordinary difficulty in detecting what they plan.

    Because these two children were not battle-hardened foreign fighters; they were not individuals who had travelled to Syria; they were not career criminals.

    They were young people, in their homes, using the internet – like my children, like so many of our children.

    It is stories like this which make me so determined to counter Daesh and safeguard those at risk of being corrupted by it.

    We cannot afford to ignore what lies behind radicalisation and terrorism.

    We must identify, anticipate and counter the doctrine of our enemies and how it is proselytized.

    Through our Prevent strategy, we have built a unique model of partnership between Government, civil society and industry.

    It supports people who are vulnerable to being drawn into terrorism. And it works with sectors and institutions where there are risks of radicalisation.

    Last year, we supported 130 community projects, reaching over 25,000 participants.

    Over half of these were delivered in schools, aimed at increasing young people’s resilience to terrorist and extremist ideologies.

    Since April 2015 we have engaged in Prevent with over 285 mosques, 200 community organisations, 100 faith organisations, 800 schools and colleges and 40 universities. The Prevent duty, of course, has cemented all of this.

    Nurturing the common good in the national interest.

    Much has also been made of Channel, our voluntary programme to support those at risk of radicalisation. Contrary to what some have alleged, this is, as I said, a voluntary programme.

    And hundreds of people have been provided with support.

    I can tell you today that the vast majority of those who choose to participate in Channel leave with no further concerns about their vulnerability of being drawn into terrorism.

    Channel works.

    Take the teenager reported to the police for considering travelling to Syria. She had a difficult family life – domestic violence; a broken home; isolated, few or no friends.

    She had been subject to a serious assault. And perhaps unsurprisingly, she turned to the internet for religious guidance.

    That so-called guidance led to her supporting Daesh and advocating hatred for non-believers.

    Through Channel, however, she was able to rebuild her relationship with her mother, to address her religious concerns and build her self-esteem and self-confidence.

    Let me be clear.

    Prevent is about radicalisation. Prevent is about safeguarding.

    The most significant of these threats is currently from Islamist terrorist organisations such as Daesh.

    They are trying specifically to incite and recruit people of Muslim background, partly by distorting religion for their own ends.

    Clearly, we need to respond to that.

    We must protect those most at risk of radicalisation. But let me be equally clear – Prevent covers all forms of such activity, whatever its source.

    This is about safeguarding; about protecting the common good.

    Global response

    I said earlier that the threats we faced are global.

    A global threat necessitates a global response.

    It is for that reason that we are playing a leading role in the global coalition of more than 60 countries committed to defeating Daesh.

    The Coalition includes Iraq, partners in the Arab world, European nations and the United States.

    We are working to defeat Daesh on all fronts – not just military, but cutting off its finances, sharing counter-terrorism expertise and working to defeat its poisonous narrative.

    At the heart of our work is the need for a political solution in Syria that brings peace to the country and enables millions of refugees to return home.

    We are working with the UN and international community to bring this about.

    Daesh has a worldwide influence that reaches across states and reaches across borders.

    So our response also needs to be global, not just in the UK, not just in Europe, not just in Syria and Iraq. In particular, Daesh has a footprint in Libya.

    It is important that we continue to support efforts to establish a unified national government there.

    It is only when one is established can begin the difficult work of establishing in turn effective, legitimate governance, restoring stability and tackling the threat posed by Daesh.

    Defeating Daesh’s values

    I spoke at the start about understanding the world as it really is.

    And that, as I have said, means understanding the threat we face.

    It means recognising the changing reality that makes the Investigatory Powers Bill so essential.

    It means ensuring that we deal with the poisonous ideas that underpins Daesh’s appeal.

    That is what drives all we do.

    Not only does that mean keeping the UK safe, dealing with the severe threat.

    It also means ensuring we are winning hearts and minds.

    It means defeating Daesh’s purported values.

    Daesh claims to offer clarity and certainty.

    That we have little or nothing to offer.

    If we are to counter that claim, to succeed, we must be realistic about the challenge we face, and in response have a positive vision of the pluralistic society we value.

    Out of adversity comes an opportunity – for us, for the UK, to provide real leadership and to develop a common response to terrorism that crosses social, cultural and national boundaries.

    Tackling the problem at source means working with communities, through our Prevent strategy, and speaking out against those who would divide us.

    It means working with industry, including with major communications service providers, to ensure we all have the tools we need and that they are fulfilling their responsibilities.

    It means working at home and abroad – in Europe and beyond – to help them respond robustly to the threat.

    As I have said there are those who are set on destroying our values, on radicalising our young people, on killing indiscriminately across the globe.

    Out of adversity comes opportunity – for us, for the UK, to provide real leadership, to grasp that our certainty must outpace our adversaries, our commitment must out match those who want to harm us.

    Sure that our confidence that we will triumph outshines those whose dark dreams and deadly intent we face. Our clear purpose is to keep our people safe from harm.

    In this struggle for the national interest – our determined cause:

    We will be certain.

    We are committed.

    And I am confident.

    Thank you so much.