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Tag: Joe Biden

  • Joe Biden – 2024 Statement on Not Standing for Re-Election as President

    Joe Biden – 2024 Statement on Not Standing for Re-Election as President

    The statement made by Joe Biden, the President of the United States, on 21 July 2024.

    My Fellow Americans,

    Over the past three and a half years, we have made great progress as a Nation.

    Today, America has the strongest economy in the world. We’ve made historic investments in rebuilding our Nation, in lowering prescription drug costs for seniors, and in expanding affordable health care to a record number of Americans. We’ve provided critically needed care to a million veterans exposed to toxic substances. Passed the first gun safety law in 30 years.

    Appointed the first African American woman to the Supreme Court. And passed the most significant climate legislation in the history of the world. America has never been better positioned to lead than we are today.

    I know none of this could have been done without you, the American people. Together, we overcame a once in a century pandemic and the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. We’ve protected and preserved our Democracy. And we’ve revitalized and strengthened our alliances around the world.

    It has been the greatest honor of my life to serve as your President. And while it has been my intention to seek reelection, I believe it is in the best interest of my party and the country for me to stand down and to focus solely on fulfilling my duties as President for the remainder of my term.

    I will speak to the Nation later this week in more detail about my decision.

    For now, let me express my deepest gratitude to all those who have worked so hard to see me reelected. I want to thank Vice President Kamala Harris for being an extraordinary partner in all this work. And let me express my heartfelt appreciation to the American people for the faith and trust you have placed in me.

    I believe today what I always have: that there is nothing America can’t do – when we do it together. We just have to remember we are the United States of America.

  • Joe Biden – 2023 Comments at 25th Anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement

    Joe Biden – 2023 Comments at 25th Anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement

    The comments made by Joe Biden, the President of the United States, at Ulster University in Belfast on 12 April 2023.

    THE PRESIDENT:  Well, good afternoon, everyone.  What a great — please have a seat.  It’s a great honor to be here.

    I just told Gabrielle that — that when she’s the leading public figure in this country and I show up, to promise you won’t say, “Joe who is outside?”  (Laughter.)  You’ll say, “Joe Biden.”  Remember — just remember me, okay?  Huh?  All right.

    Chancellor Davidson, Vice-Chancellor Bartholomew, thank you for hosting us today on this beautiful campus of Ulster University.

    I came here in ’91, in this neighborhood, and you couldn’t have a glass building like this here in this neighborhood, I don’t think.  I don’t think it would have stood up very well.  But things are changing

    Lord Mayor Black and Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Heaton-Harris, thank you for the welcome to Belfast.

    And, Mr. Speaker and leaders of Northern Ireland’s leading five political parties, I was honored to welcome you to the White House a few weeks ago, and — and it’s wonderful to see all of you again today.

    And, Ambassador Hartley, thank you for your outstanding work leading our Mission to the UK Ambassador Hartley is — is an old friend.

    And the former ambassador from Great Britain to the United States — the home of that ambassador and the embassy is along the fence line of the Vice President’s Residence, which I lived in for eight years.  And the Vice President and I became — I became friends with the ambassador.  And his last trip back home, before he came back to Washington to serve out the final few months of his term, he — he told me he was going to bring something back for me.

    And so, I didn’t know what he had in mind, but when he came back, we had him over to the house.  We spent some time together — he and his wife and I and my wife.  And he brought back a book with a — a — a photograph on the front of the book.  A — a — it had been just reprinted, the book — of a somewhat stout British captain in his quarters with a big bulldog sitting next to him.  And his name was Captain George Biden.  Because he used to always kid me and say, “You know, Biden is English.  You talk about the Irish.  Biden is English.”  (Laughter.)

    And he told me that he went back, and he had the Lord Admiralty — this is the God’s truth story — check.  And my great-great- — 1840s — I think it was 1842, could have been 1828; I can’t remember — it’s one of those two dates — had written the rules — the rules of mutiny for the British Navy.  (Laughter.)  And I said, “Well, at least that part is consistent, Reverend.”  (Laughter.)  The mutiny.

    But anyway, he used to always kid me when I’d say — you know, I’d talk about — he’d say, “Yeah, you talk about the Irish.”  He said, “You’re English.  Just remember that.”

    Then I found out — my sister and I found out the name Robinette — Robinette, my middle name is Robinette.  I thought that, all of those years, it was French.  It must have been Huguenots because they came to Great Britain in the 1700s somewhere along the way, and they’re all from Nottingham.  So I don’t know what hell is going on here.  (Laughter.)  You come back, it’s confusing.

    And anyway — Consul General Naran — Narain and the envoy — Special Envoy Joe Kennedy, thank you for your efforts to continue deepening and strengthening the ties between Northern Ireland and the United States.

    It’s good to see Belfast, a city that’s alive with commerce, art — and, I’d argue, inspiration.  The dividends of peace are all around us.

    And this very campus is situated in an intersection where conflict and bloodshed once held terrible sway.  The idea, as I said, to have a glass building here when I was here in ’91 was highly unlikely.

    Where barbed wire once sliced up the city, today we find cathedral — a cathedral of learning built of glass and let the shine — light out — in and out.  It just has a profound impact for someone who has come back to see it.  You know, it’s an incredible testament to the power and the possibilities of peace.

    Twenty-five years ago this week, the landmark Belfast/Good Friday Agreement was signed.  And it wasn’t easy.  I was a United States senator at the time.  And I worked very closely with my good friend George Mitchell, who will be here, I believe, within a couple days.

    And there were no guarantees that the deal on paper would hold.  No guarantees that it would be able to deliver the progress we celebrate today.

    And it took long, hard years of work to get to this place.  It took a people willing to come together in good faith

    and to risk boldly for the future.  Leaders and — for peace like John Hume and David Trimble and David Ervine and Monica McWilliams and Mary Robinson, et cetera.  They were all people that I got to meet back then.

    And it took people across — all across Northern Ireland who made the choice to work for a brighter and a shared future.

    At the time, it seemed so distant, some of it.  It seemed so distant.

    First at the ballot box and every day since, the acts of seeing each other through the lens of a common humanity — which, again, when I first came here as a young senator, didn’t seem like it was realistic.

    It took pioneering women across all communities and parties that said “enough” — “enough” — and demanded change as well as a seat at the negotiating table, including through the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition.

    And it took a determined effort of my good friend who — someone who embodies my country’s commitment to all the people — all the people in this region, Senator George Mitchell.

    And, you know, his time serving as Special Envoy for Northern Ireland is one of the great examples in history of the right person for the right job at the right time, in my view.

    I think sometimes, especially when the distance of history, we forget just how hard-earned, how astoundingthat peace was at the moment.  It shifted the political gravity in our world.  It literally — it shifted the political gravity.

    In 1998, it was the longest-running conflict in Europe since the end of World War Two.  Thousands of families had been affected by the Troubles.  The losses were real.  The pain was personal.  I need not tell many people in this audience.

    Every person killed in the Troubles left an empty chair at that dining-room table and a hole in the heart that was never filled for the ones they lost.

    Peace was not inevitable.  We can’t ever forget that.  There was nothing inevitable about it.

    As George Mitchell often said, the negotiations had, quote, “Seven hundred days of failure and one day of success.”  Seven hundred days of failure and one day of success.

    But they kept going because George and all the many others never stopped believing that success was possible.

    And I want all of you to know, especially the young people in the audience today —

    (Addressing the students.)  And don’t jump, okay?  (Laughter.)  Oh, I didn’t see you all the way up there.  (Laughter.)  As my father would say, “Please, excuse my back.  I apologize.”  (Laughter.)

    But all kidding aside, the American people were with you — are with you every step of the way.  It’s real.

    Those of you who’ve been to America know that there is a — there is a large population that is invested in what happens here, that cares a great deal about what happens here.

    Supporting the people of Northern Ireland, protecting the peace, preserving the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement is a priority for Democrats and Republicans alike in the United States, and that is unusual today because we’ve been very divided in our parties.  This is something that brings Washington together.  It brings America together.

    I spoke about this with Northern Ireland’s political leaders, as well as the Taoiseach, at our St. Patrick’s Day celebration at the White House.

    This has been a key focus for me throughout my career.

    I remember working as a senator to see how the United States could support and encourage bit by bit any moves toward peace.

    I got elected in 1972 as a 29-year-old kid to the United States Senate, and it was just the start of it.  I mean, it seemed like it was a d- — a goal that was so far away.

    I remember coming here, as I said, in ‘91, seeing this city divided and barricaded.

    Then, in ‘94, when the cease-fire was declared, it was like a sea change.  The tide of violence began to recede.  Hope rolling in.

    In 1998, overwhelming joy.

    It’s hard to communicate just how deeply invested your success — in your success the people across the United States are.  And those of you who’ve been there know it.  You know it.  I’m not making this up.  This is real.  This is — it’s almost — people can taste it.

    The family ties and the pride in those Ulster Scots immigrants — those — those Ulster Scots immigrants who helped found and build my country, they run very deep — very deep.

    Men born in Ulster were among those who signed the Declaration of Independence in the United States, pledging their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor for freedom’s cause.

    The man who printed the revolutionary document was John Dunlap.  He hailed from County Tyrone.

    And countless — countless others established new lives of opportunity across the Atlantic — planting farms, founding communities, starting businesses — never forgetting their connection to this island.

    As a matter of fact, as you walk into my office in the — in the Oval Office in the United States’ capital — guess what?  You know who founded and designed and built the White House?  An Irishman.  (Laughter.)  No, not a joke.  Not a joke.

    Passing it down, generation after generation.

    Your history is our history.  But even more important, your future is America’s future.

    Today’s Belfast is the beating heart of Northern Ireland,

    and it’s poised to drive unprecedented economic opportunity and investment from communities across the UK, across Ireland, and across the United States.

    The simple truth is that peace and economic opportunity go together.  Peace and economic opportunity go together.

    In the 25 years since the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland’s gross domestic product has literally doubled.  Doubled.  And I predict to you, if things continue to move in the right direction, it will more than triple.

    There are scores of major American corporations wanting to come here, wanting to invest.  Many have already made homes in Northern Ireland, employing over 30,000 people.

    And in just the past decade, American business has generated almost $2 billion in investment in the region.  Two billion dollars.

    Today, Northern Ireland is a churn of creativity, art, poetry, theater.

    Some of our favorite television shows and movies are filmed here — (laughs) — as you know.

    And I understand the star of the recent Oscar-winning film and someone — a Belfast barista, James Martin, is here today.  James, where are you?  (Applause.)

    I got to meet James, and I got my picture taken.  I’m going to go home and brag to my daughter.  (Laughter.)

    Cruise ships packed with tourists fill Belfast Port.

    And young people, instead of fleeing for opportunities elsewhere, can see their futures and careers for themselves that speak to unlimited possibilities here.

    How many of you have heard over the years, those of you ol- — closer to my age, “Mom, Dad, there’s nothing here for me.  I’m going to move.  I’m going to leave.  I got to go.”  Well, it’s not happening now.

    So, it’s up to us to keep this going — to keep building on the work that has been done every day for the last 25 years; to sustain the peace, unleash this incredible economic opportunity, which is just beginning.  I promise you.  You think I’m joking.  It’s just beginning.  We get this — keep it going.

    We all know there is more we can do together.

    You know, there is so much energy and dynamism, especially among young people, who are starting their own businesses, blazing their own trails, connecting to the global community of entrepreneurs.

    And young people in Northern Ireland are on the cutting edge of sectors that are going to define so much of the future: cyber, technology, clean energy, life sciences.

    Here in Northern Ireland, programs like Young Entrepreneur — Young Enterprise Northern Ireland, helping thousands of young people each year gain skills and pursue the goals — their goals as entrepreneurs.

    That’s why I asked Joe Kennedy, my new Special Envoy in Northern Ireland of Economic Affairs, to help supercharge that work to bring more businesses, more investment, more opportunity here to Northern Ireland, and to help realize the enormous economic potential of this region.

    Because I’d note parenthetically: When that happens here, it gives fai- — faith to people around the world.  If it can be done here, it can be done in my community.  Not a joke.

    The world is changing.  It’s changing drastically, and it presents enormous opportunity but also significant dangers.

    To that end, later this year, Joe is going to be leading a trade delegation of American companies to Northern Ireland.

    Now, I know the UK’s departure from the European Union created complex challenges here in Northern Ireland.  And I encouraged the leaders of the UK and EU to address the issues in a way that served Northern Ireland’s best interests.

    I deeply appreciate the personal leadership of Prime Minister Sunak and European Commissioner von der Leyen to reach an agreement.

    The Windsor Framework addresses the practical realities of Brexit and the essential — and it’s an essential step to ensuring hard-earned peace and progress of the Good Friday Agreement is — that they’re preserved and strengthened.

    You know, the negotiators listened to business leaders across the UK and Ireland who shared what they needed to succeed.

    And I believe the stability and predictability offered by this framework will encourage greater investment in Northern Ireland, significant investment in Northern Ireland.

    I come from a little state where — the state of Delaware, back home, that has more corporations that are registered in that state than every other state in the Union combined.  So I know a little bit about corporate attitudes.

    All the immense progress we see around us was built through conver- — conversation and compromise, discussion and debate, voting and inclusion.  It’s an incredible attestation to the power of democracy to deliver the needs for all the people.

    And now I know better than most how hard democracy can be at times.  We in the United States have firsthand experience how fragile even longstanding democratic institutions can be.  You saw what happened on January the 6th in my country.

    We learn anew with every generation that democracy needs champions.  When I went to college, I was a political science major and history major.  We were taught every generation has to fight to preserve democracies.  I didn’t believe it at the time.  I just thought it was automatic.  We had this great democracy.  What would we need to do?

    As a friend, I hope it’s not too presumptuous for me to say that I believe democratic institutions established through the Good Friday Agreement remain critical for the future of Northern Ireland.  It’s a decision for you to make, not for me to make.  But it seems to me they’re related.

    An effective, devolved government that reflects the people of Northern Ireland and is accountable to them.  A government that works to find ways through hard problems together is going to draw even greater opportunity in this region.

    So I hope that the Assembly and the Executive will soon be restored — that’s a judgment for you to make, not me, but I hope it happens — along with the institutions that facilitate North-South and East-West relations, all of which are vital pieces of the Good Friday Agreement.

    For in politics, no matter what divides us, if we look hard enough, there are always areas that are going to bring us together if we look hard enough.  Standing for peace, rejecting political violence must be one of those things.

    So I want — so I want to once more recognize the way the leaders of Northern Ireland’s major political parties come together in the wake of the attempted murder of Detective Chief Inspector Caldwell to show that the enemies of peace will not prevail.

    Northern Ireland will not go back, pray to God.

    The attack was a hard reminder that there will always be those who seek to destroy rather than rebuild.  But the lesson of the Good Friday Agreement is this: In times when things seem fragile or easily broken, that is when hope and hard work are needed the most.  That’s when we must make our theme “repair.”  Repair.

    And in the holy Easter season — this season — when all Christians celebrate renewal and life, the Good Friday Agreement showed us that there is hope for repair even in the most awful breakages.

    You know, it helped people all around the world to hope for renewal and progress in their own lives.  And most of all, it allowed an entire generation of young people in Northern Ireland and across the UK and in the Republic of Ireland to grow up in a society mended by connection, made stronger by independence — interdependence and respect.

    Young people like Gabrielle, who we just heard from earlier.  Her success and her opportunities have been underwritten by the Good Friday Agreement

    Young people like Jordan Graham, born less than three weeks

    after the agreement was signed in 1998.  His whole life — his whole life has unfolded under the wing of peace, which means,

    not quite 25 years of age, he’s been able to build an expertise in branding and marketing that he’s used to help grow local businesses, support startups, and consult for charities.

    Young people like Aimee Clint, born in 2000, whose parents like to tell the story about how she came home from her first day of secondary school and asked, “What’s the difference between a Protestant and a Catholic?”  “What’s the difference between a Protestant and a Catholic?”

    She didn’t grow up thinking in sectarian divides.  She grew up thinking about how she could support her beloved brother and other children who have autism.

    Today, Aimee’s social enterprise has donated more than 5,000 copies of her book to schools across Northern Ireland to help children better understand autism and to learn to treat others with kindness and respect.

    That’s the real power of the Good Friday Agreement: compassion.  Compassion.  It changed how this entire region sees itself.

    In the words of Morrisey, Belfast’s first poet laureate: “What’s left is dark and quiet…But book-ended by light, as when Dorothy opens the dull cabin door and…” happens out — “…what happens outside is technicolor.”  “[W]hat happens outside is technicolor.”

    This is place is transformed by peace, made technicolor by peace, made whole by peace.

    So today, I come to Belfast to pledge to all the people of Northern Ireland: The United States of America will continue

    to be your partner in building the future the young people of our world deserve.

    It matters to us, to Americans, and to me personally.  It genuinely matters if you travel in my country.

    So, let’s celebrate 25 extraordinary years by recommitting

    to renewal, repair; by making this exceptional peace the birthright of every child in Northern Ireland for all the days to come.  That’s what we should be doing.  God willing, you’ll be able to do it.

    Thank you all for listening.  And may God bring you the peace we need.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

  • Joe Biden – 2022 Statement on Russian Attack on Ukrainian Civilians

    Joe Biden – 2022 Statement on Russian Attack on Ukrainian Civilians

    The statement made by Joe Biden, the President of the United States, on 10 October 2022.

    The United States strongly condemns Russia’s missile strikes today across Ukraine, including in Kyiv. These attacks killed and injured civilians and destroyed targets with no military purpose. They once again demonstrate the utter brutality of Mr. Putin’s illegal war on the Ukrainian people.

    We offer our condolences to the families and loved ones of those who were senselessly killed today, as well as our best wishes for the recovery of those who were wounded.

    These attacks only further reinforce our commitment to stand with the people of Ukraine for as long as it takes. Alongside our allies and partners, we will continue to impose costs on Russia for its aggression, hold Putin and Russia accountable for its atrocities and war crimes, and provide the support necessary for Ukrainian forces to defend their country and their freedom.

    We again call on Russia to end this unprovoked aggression immediately and remove its troops from Ukraine.

  • Joe Biden – 2022 Statement on Russia’s Attempt to Annex Ukrainian Territory

    Joe Biden – 2022 Statement on Russia’s Attempt to Annex Ukrainian Territory

    The statement made by Joe Biden, the President of the United States, on 30 September 2022.

    The United States condemns Russia’s fraudulent attempt today to annex sovereign Ukrainian territory. Russia is violating international law, trampling on the United Nations Charter, and showing its contempt for peaceful nations everywhere.

    Make no mistake: these actions have no legitimacy. The United States will always honor Ukraine’s internationally recognized borders. We will continue to support Ukraine’s efforts to regain control of its territory by strengthening its hand militarily and diplomatically, including through the $1.1 billion in additional security assistance the United States announced this week.

    In response to Russia’s phony claims of annexation, the United States, together with our Allies and partners, are announcing new sanctions today. These sanctions will impose costs on individuals and entities — inside and outside of Russia — that provide political or economic support to illegal attempts to change the status of Ukrainian territory. We will rally the international community to both denounce these moves and to hold Russia accountable. We will continue to provide Ukraine with the equipment it needs to defend itself, undeterred by Russia’s brazen effort to redraw the borders of its neighbor. And I look forward to signing legislation from Congress that will provide an additional $12 billion to support Ukraine.

    I urge all members of the international community to reject Russia’s illegal attempts at annexation and to stand with the people of Ukraine for as long as it takes.

  • Joe Biden – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    Joe Biden – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The tribute made by Joe Biden, the President of the United States, on 8 September 2022.

    Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II was more than a monarch. She defined an era.

    In a world of constant change, she was a steadying presence and a source of comfort and pride for generations of Britons, including many who have never known their country without her. An enduring admiration for Queen Elizabeth II united people across the Commonwealth. The seven decades of her history-making reign bore witness to an age of unprecedented human advancement and the forward march of human dignity.

    She was the first British monarch to whom people all around the world could feel a personal and immediate connection—whether they heard her on the radio as a young princess speaking to the children of the United Kingdom, or gathered around their televisions for her coronation, or watched her final Christmas speech or her Platinum Jubilee on their phones. And she, in turn, dedicated her whole life to their service.

    Supported by her beloved Prince Philip for 73 years, Queen Elizabeth II led always with grace, an unwavering commitment to duty, and the incomparable power of her example. She endured the dangers and deprivations of a world war alongside the British people and rallied them during the devastation of a global pandemic to look to better days ahead. Through her dedication to her patronages and charities, she supported causes that uplifted people and expanded opportunity. By showing friendship and respect to newly independent nations around the world, she elevated the cause of liberty and fostered enduring bonds that helped strengthen the Commonwealth, which she loved so deeply, into a community to promote peace and shared values.

    Queen Elizabeth II was a stateswoman of unmatched dignity and constancy who deepened the bedrock Alliance between the United Kingdom and the United States. She helped make our relationship special.

    We first met the Queen in 1982, traveling to the UK as part of a Senate delegation. And we were honored that she extended her hospitality to us in June 2021 during our first overseas trip as President and First Lady, where she charmed us with her wit, moved us with her kindness, and generously shared with us her wisdom. All told, she met 14 American presidents. She helped Americans commemorate both the anniversary of the founding of Jamestown and the bicentennial of our independence. And she stood in solidarity with the United States during our darkest days after 9/11, when she poignantly reminded us that “Grief is the price we pay for love.”

    In the years ahead, we look forward to continuing a close friendship with The King and The Queen Consort. Today, the thoughts and prayers of people all across the United States are with the people of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth in their grief. We send our deepest condolences to the Royal Family, who are not only mourning their Queen, but their dear mother, grandmother, and great-grandmother. Her legacy will loom large in the pages of British history, and in the story of our world.

  • Joe Biden – 2022 Statement on the Death of Mikhail Gorbachev

    Joe Biden – 2022 Statement on the Death of Mikhail Gorbachev

    The statement made by Joe Biden, the President of the United States, on 30 August 2022.

    Mikhail Gorbachev was a man of remarkable vision.

    When he came to power, the Cold War had gone on for nearly 40 years and communism for even longer, with devastating consequences. Few high-level Soviet officials had the courage to admit that things needed to change. As a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I saw him do that and more. As leader of the USSR, he worked with President Reagan to reduce our two countries’ nuclear arsenals, to the relief of people worldwide praying for an end to the nuclear arms race. After decades of brutal political repression, he embraced democratic reforms. He believed in glasnost and perestroika – openness and restructuring – not as mere slogans, but as the path forward for the people of the Soviet Union after so many years of isolation and deprivation.

    These were the acts of a rare leader – one with the imagination to see that a different future was possible and the courage to risk his entire career to achieve it. The result was a safer world and greater freedom for millions of people.

    Even years after leaving office, he was still deeply engaged. When Mr. Gorbachev visited the White House in 2009, he and I spoke for a long time about our countries’ ongoing work to reduce U.S. and Russian nuclear stockpiles. It was easy to see why so many worldwide held him in such high esteem.

    We send our deepest condolences to his family and friends, and to people everywhere who benefited from his belief in a better world.

  • Joe Biden – 2022 Speech in Warsaw on the Russian Military Attack on Ukraine

    Joe Biden – 2022 Speech in Warsaw on the Russian Military Attack on Ukraine

    The speech made by Joe Biden, the President of the United States, in Warsaw on 26 March 2022.

    Thank you very much. It’s a great honor to be here. Mr. President, they tell me you’re over there somewhere. There you are. Thank you, Mr. President.

    “Be not afraid.” They were the first words at the first public address of the first Polish Pope after his election on October of 1978. They were words that would come to define Pope John Paul II. Words that would change the world.

    John Paul brought the message here to Warsaw in his first trip back home as Pope in June of 1979. It was a message about the power — the power of faith, the power of resilience, and the power of the people.

    In the face of a cruel and brutal system of government, it was a message that helped end the Soviet repression in the Central land and Eastern Europe 30 years ago. It was a message that will overcome the cruelty and brutality of this unjust war.

    When Pope John Paul brought that message in 1979, the Soviet Union ruled with an iron fist behind an Iron Curtain.

    Then a year later, the Solidarity movement took hold in Poland. And while I know he couldn’t be here tonight, we’re all grateful in America and around the world for Lech Wałęsa. (Applause.)

    It reminds me of that phrase of philosopher Kierkegaard: “[F]aith sees best in the dark.” And there were dark moments.

    Ten years later, the Soviet Union collapsed, and Poland and Central and Eastern Europe would soon be free. Nothing about that battle for freedom was simple or easy. It was a long, painful slog fought over not days and months, but years and decades.

    But we emerged anew in the great battle for freedom: a battle between democracy and autocracy, between liberty and repression, between a rules-based order and one governed by brute force.

    In this battle, we need to be clear-eyed. This battle will not be won in days or months either. We need to steel ourselves for the long fight ahead.

    Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Mayor, members of the Parliament, distinguished guests, and the people of Poland, and I suspect some people of Ukraine that are here: We’re — (applause) — we are gathered here at the Royal Castle in this city that holds a sacred place in the history of not only of Europe, but humankind’s unending search for freedom.

    For generations, Warsaw has stood where liberty has been challenged and liberty has prevailed.

    In fact, it was here in Warsaw when a young refugee, who fled her home country from Czechoslovakia was under Soviet domination, came back to speak and stand in solidarity with dissidents.

    Her name was Madeleine Korbel Albright. She became — (applause) — one of the most ardent supporters of democracy in the world. She was a friend with whom I served. America’s first woman Secretary of State. She passed away three days ago.

    She fought her whole life for essential democratic principles. And now, in the perennial struggle for democracy and freedom, Ukraine and its people are on the frontlines fighting to save their nation.

    And their brave resistance is part of a larger fight for an essential democratic principles that unite all free people: the rule of law; free and fair elections; the freedom to speak, to write, and to assemble; the freedom to worship as one chooses; freedom of the press.

    These principles are essential in a free society. (Applause.) But they have always — they have always been under siege. They’ve always been embattled. Every generation has had to defeat democracy’s mortal foes. That’s the way of the world — for the world is imperfect, as we know. Where the appetites and ambitions of a few forever seek to dominate the lives and liberties of many.

    My message to the people of Ukraine is the message I delivered today to Ukraine’s Foreign Minister and Defense Minister, who I believe are here tonight: We stand with you. Period. (Applause.)

    Today’s fighting in Kyiv and Mariupol and Kharkiv are the latest battle in a long struggle: Hungary, 1956; Poland, 1956 then again 1981; Czechoslovakia, 1968.

    Soviet tanks crushed democratic uprisings, but the resistance continued until finally, in 1989, the Berlin Wall and all of the walls of Soviet domination — they fell. They fell. And the people prevailed. (Applause.)

    But the battle for democracy could not conclude and did not conclude with the end of the Cold War.

    Over the last 30 years, the forces of autocracy have revived all across the globe. Its hallmarks are familiar ones: contempt for the rule of law, contempt for democratic freedom, contempt for the truth itself.

    Today, Russia has strangled democracy — has sought to do so elsewhere, not only in its homeland. Under false claims of ethnic solidarity, it has invalidated [invaded] neighboring nations.

    Putin has the gall to say he’s “de-Nazifying” Ukraine. It’s a lie. It’s just cynical. He knows that. And it’s also obscene.

    President Zelenskyy was democratically elected. He’s Jewish. His father’s family was wiped out in the Nazi Holocaust. And Putin has the audacity, like all autocrats before him, to believe that might will make right.

    In my own country, a former president named Abraham Lincoln voiced the opposing spirit to save our Union in the midst of a civil war. He said, “Let us have faith that right makes might.” “Right makes might.” (Applause.)

    Today, let us now have that faith again. Let us resolve to put the strength of democracies into action to thwart the denigns [sic] of our — the designs of autocracy. Let us remember that the test of this moment is the test of all time.

    The Kremlin wants to portray NATO enlargement as an imperial project aimed at destabilizing Russia. Nothing is further from the truth. NATO is a defensive alliance. It has never sought the demise of Russia.

    In the lead-up to the current crisis, the United States and NATO worked for months to engage Russia to avert a war. I met with him in person and talked to him many times on the phone.

    Time and again, we offered real diplomacy and concrete proposals to strengthen European security, enhance transparency, and build confidence on all sides.

    But Putin and Russia met each of the proposals with disinterest in any negotiation, with lies and ultimatums. Russia was bent on violence from the start.

    I know not all of you believed me and us when we kept saying, “They are going to cross the border. They are going to attack.”

    Repeatedly, he asserted, “We have no interest in war.” Guaranteed he would not move.

    Repeatedly saying he would not invade Ukraine.

    Repeatedly saying Russian troops along the border were there for “training” — all 180,000 of them.

    There is simply no justification or provocation for Russia’s choice of war. It’s an example of one of the oldest of human impulses: using brute force and disinformation to satisfy a craving for absolute power and control.

    It’s nothing less than a direct challenge to the rule-based international order established since the end of World War Two.

    And it threatens to return to decades of war that ravaged Europe before the international rule-based order was put in place. We cannot go back to that. We cannot.

    The gravity of the threat is why the response of the West has been so swift and so powerful and so unified, unprecedented, and overwhelming.

    Swift and punishing costs are the only things that are going to get Russia to change its course.

    Within days of its invasion, the West had moved jointly with sanctions to damage Russia’s economy.

    Russia’s Central Bank is now blocked from the global financial systems, denying Kremlin’s access to the war fund it stashed around the globe.

    We’ve aimed at the heart of Russia’s economy by stopping the imports of Russian energy to the United States.

    To date, the United States has sanctioned 140 Russian oligarchs and their family members, seizing their ill-begotten gains: their yachts, their luxury apartments, their mansions.

    We’ve sanctioned more than 400 Russian government officials, including key architects of this war.

    These officials and oligarchs have reaped enormous benefit from the corruption connected to the Kremlin, and now they have to share in the pain.

    The private sector is acting as well. Over 400 private multinational companies have pulled out of doing business in Russia — left Russia completely — from oil companies to McDonald’s.

    As a result of these unprecedented sanctions, the ruble almost is immediately reduced to rubble. The Russian economy — (applause) — that’s true, by the way. It takes about 200 rubles to equal one dollar.

    The economy is on track to be cut in half in the coming years. It was ranked — Russia’s economy was ranked the 11th biggest economy in the world before this evasion [sic] — invasion. It will soon not even rank among the top 20 in the world. (Applause.)

    Taken together, these economic sanctions are a new kind of economic statecraft with the power to inflict damage that rivals military might.

    These international sanctions are sapping Russian strength, its ability to replenish its military, and its ability — its ability to project power. And it is Putin — it is Vladimir Putin who is to blame, period.

    At the same time, alongside these economic sanctions, the Western world has come together to provide for the people of Ukraine with incredible levels of military, economic, and humanitarian assistance.

    In the years before the invasion, we, America, had sent over $650 million, before they crossed the border, in weapons to Ukraine, including anti-air and anti-armor equipment.

    Since the invasion, America has committed another $1.35 billion in weapons and ammunition.

    And thanks to the courage and bravery of the Ukrainian people — (applause) — the equipment we’ve sent and our colleagues have sent have been used to devastating effect to defend Ukrainian land and airspace. Our Allies and partners have stepped up as well.

    But as I’ve made clear: American forces are in Europe — not in Europe to engage in conflict with Russian forces. American forces are here to defend NATO Allies.

    Yesterday, I met with the troops that are serving alongside our Polish allies to bolster NATO’s frontline defenses. The reason we wanted to make clear is their movement on Ukraine: Don’t even think about moving on one single inch of NATO territory.

    We have a sacred obligation — (applause) — we have a sacred obligation under Article 5 to defend each and every inch of NATO territory with the full force of our collective power.

    And earlier today, I visited your National Stadium, where thousands of Ukrainian refugees are now trying to answer the toughest questions a human can ask: “My God, what’s going to happen to me? What’s going to happen to my family?”

    I saw tears in many of the mothers’ eyes as I embraced them; their young children — their young children not sure whether to smile or cry. One little girl said, “Mr. President” — she spoke a little English — “is my brother and my daddy — are they going to be okay? Will I see them again?” Without their husbands, their fathers, in many cases, their brothers or sisters who stayed back to fight for their country.

    I didn’t have to speak the language or understand the language to feel the emotion in their eyes, the way they gripped my hand, and little kids hung on to my leg, praying with a desperate hope that all this is temporary; apprehension that they may be perhaps forever away from their homes, almost with debilitating sadness that this is happening all over again.

    But I was also struck by the generosity of the people of Warsaw — for that matter, all the Polish people — for the depths of their compassion, their willingness to reach out — (applause) — opening their hearts.

    I was saying to the Mayor they’re preparing to open their hearts and their homes simply to help. I also want to thank my friend, the great American chef, José Andrés, and his team who helped feeling [sic] those — (applause) — feeding those who are yearning to be free.

    But helping these refugees is not something Poland or any other nation should carry alone. All the world democracies have a responsibility to help. All of them. And the people of Ukraine can count on the United States to meet its responsibility.

    I’ve announced, two days ago, we will welcome 100,000 Ukrainian refugees. We already have 8,000 a week coming to the United States of other nat- — nationalities.

    We’ll provide nearly $300 million of humanitarian assistance, providing tens of thousands of tons of food, water, medicine, and other basic supplies.

    In Brussels, I announced the United States is prepared to provide more than $1 billion, in addition, in humanitarian aid.

    The World Food Programme told us that despite significant obstacles, at least some relief is getting to major cities in Ukraine, but not Metropol [sic] — no, excuse me, Mar- — not Mariupol, because Russian forces are blocking relief supplies.

    But we’ll not cease our efforts to get humanitarian relief wherever it is needed in Ukraine and for the people who’ve made it out of Ukraine.

    Notwithstanding the brutality of Vladimir Putin, let there be no doubt that this war has already been a strategic failure for Russia already. (Applause.) Having lost children myself — I know that’s no solace to the people who’ve lost family.

    But he, Putin, thought Ukrainians would roll over and not fight. Not much of a student of history. Instead, Russian forces have met their match with brave and stiff Ukrainian resistance.

    Rather than breaking Ukrainian resolve, Russia’s brutal tactics have strengthened the resolve. (Applause.)

    Rather than driving NATO apart, the West is now stronger and more united than it has ever been. (Applause.)

    Russia wanted less of a NATO presence on its border, but now he has [we have] a stronger presence, a larger presence, with over a hundred thousand American troops here, along with all the other members of NATO.

    In fact — (applause) — Russia has managed to cause something I’m sure he never intended: The democracies of the world are revitalized with purpose and unity found in months that we’d once taken years to accomplish.

    It’s not only Russia’s actions in Ukraine that are reminding us of democracy’s blessing. It’s our own country — his own country, the Kremlin, is jailing protestors. Two hundred thousand people have allegedly already left. There’s a brain drain — leaving Russia. Shutting down independent news. State media is all propaganda, blocking the image of civilian targets, mass graves, starvation tactics of the Russian forces in Ukraine.

    Is it any wonder, as I said, that 200,000 Russians have all left their country in one month? A remarkable brain drain in such a short period of time, which brings me to my message to the Russian people:

    I’ve worked with Russian leaders for decades. I sat across the negotiating table going all the way back to Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin to talk arms control at the height of the Cold War.

    I’ve always spoken directly and honestly to you, the Russian people.

    Let me say this, if you’re able to listen: You, the Russian people, are not our enemy.

    I refuse to believe that you welcome the killing of innocent children and grandparents or that you accept hospitals, schools, maternity wards that, for God’s sake, are being pummeled with Russian missiles and bombs; or cities being surrounded so that civilians cannot flee; supplies cut off and attempting to starve Ukrainians into submission.

    Millions of families are being driven from their homes, including half of all Ukraine’s children. These are not the actions of a great nation.

    Of all people, you, the Russian people, as well as all people across Europe, still have the memory of being in a similar situation in the late thirties and forties — the situation of World War Two — still fresh in the minds of many grandparents in the region.

    What — whatever your generation experienced — whether it experienced the Siege of Leningrad or heard about it from your parents and grandparents — train stations overflowing with terrified families fleeing their homes; nights sheltering in basements and cellars; mornings sitting through the rubble in your homes — these are not memories of the past. Not anymore. Because it’s exactly what the Russian army is doing in Ukraine right now.

    March 26, 2022. Just days before — we’re at the twenty-fir- — you were a 21st century nation with hopes and dreams that people all over the world have for themselves and their family.

    Now, Vladimir Putin’s aggression have cut you, the Russian people, off from the rest of the world, and it’s taking Russia back to the 19th century.

    This is not who you are. This is not the future reserve — you deserve for your families and your children. I’m telling you the truth: This war is not worthy of you, the Russian people.

    Putin can and must end this war. The American people stand with you and the brave citizens of Ukraine who want peace.

    And my message to the rest of Europe: This new battle for freedom has already made a few things crystal clear.

    First, Europe must end its dependence on Russian fossil fuels. And we, the United States, will help. (Applause.) That’s why just yesterday, in Brussels, I announced a plan with the President of the European Commission to get Europe through the immediate energy crisis.

    Over the long term, as a matter of economic security and national security and for the survivability of the planet, we all need to move as quickly as possible to clean, renewable energy. And we’ll work together to help get that done so that the days of any nation being subject to the whims of a tyrant for its energy needs are over. They must end. They must end.

    And second, we have to fight the corruption coming from the Kremlin to give the Russian people a fair chance.

    And finally, and most urgently, we maintain absolute unity — we must — among the world’s democracies.

    It’s not enough to speak with rhetorical flourish, of ennobling words of democracy, of freedom, equality, and liberty. All of us, including here in Poland, must do the hard work of democracy each and every day. My country as well.

    That’s why — (applause) — that’s why I came to Europe again this week with a clear and determined message for NATO, for the G7, for the European Union, for all freedom-loving nations: We must commit now to be in this fight for the long haul. We must remain unified today and tomorrow and the day after and for the years and decades to come. (Applause.)

    It will not be easy. There will be costs. But it’s a price we have to pay. Because the darkness that drives autocracy is ultimately no match for the flame of liberty that lights the souls of free people everywhere.

    Time and again, history shows that it’s from the darkest moments that the greatest progress follows. And history shows this is the task of our time, the task of this generation.

    Let’s remember: The hammer blow that brought down the Berlin Wall, the might that lifted the Iron Curtain were not the words of a single leader; it was the people of Europe who, for decades, fought to free themselves.

    Their sheer bravery opened the border between Austria and Hungary for the Pan-European Picnic. They joined hands for the Baltic Way. They stood for Solidarity here in Poland. And together, it was an unmistakable and undeniable force of the people that the Soviet Union could not withstand.

    And we’re seeing it once again today with the brave Ukrainian people, showing that their power of many is greater than the will of any one dictator. (Applause.)

    So, in this hour, let the words of Pope John Paul burn as brightly today: “Never, ever give up hope, never doubt, never tire, never become discouraged. Be not afraid.” (Applause.)

    A dictator bent on rebuilding an empire will never erase a people’s love for liberty. Brutality will never grind down their will to be free. Ukraine will never be a victory for Russia — for free people refuse to live in a world of hopelessness and darkness.

    We will have a different future — a brighter future rooted in democracy and principle, hope and light, of decency and dignity, of freedom and possibilities.

    For God’s sake, this man cannot remain in power.

    God bless you all. And may God defend our freedom. (Applause.) And may God protect our troops. Thank you for your patience. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you.

  • Joe Biden – 2022 Comments on Supporting Ukraine

    Joe Biden – 2022 Comments on Supporting Ukraine

    The comments made by Joe Biden, the President of the United States, on 1 March 2022.

    I just spoke with President Zelenskyy to discuss our continued support for Ukraine — including security assistance and humanitarian aid — as it defends itself against Russian aggression. We will hold Russia accountable, and our sanctions are already having a devastating impact.

  • Joe Biden – 2021 Statement on Visit to the UK

    Joe Biden – 2021 Statement on Visit to the UK

    The statement issued by Joe Biden, the President of the United States, on 10 June 2021.

    Today, President Biden visited the U.K. at the invitation of the Prime Minister and in advance of the G7 Summit. The President and the Prime Minister set out a global vision in a new Atlantic Charter to deepen cooperation in democracy and human rights, defence and security, science and innovation, and economic prosperity, with renewed joint efforts to tackle the challenges posed by climate change, biodiversity loss, and emerging health threats.

    DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, & MULTILATERALISM

    Building on the U.K. G7 Presidency’s focus on open societies, and looking ahead to the U.S.-hosted Summit for Democracy, the U.S. and U.K. will continue to make practical efforts to support open societies and democracy across the globe. We will do this by defending media freedom, advancing a free and open internet, combatting corruption, tackling disinformation, protecting civic space, advancing women’s political empowerment, protecting freedom of religion or belief, and promoting human rights of all people. The United Nations remains the cornerstone of the international system, and its foundational principles reflect our shared values. In the 75 years since the UN’s creation, international security has been increasingly challenged by threats that do not recognise borders: climate change, pandemics, famine, migration, organised crime, and terrorism. The U.K. and U.S. will work with the UN and our international partners to continue to adapt and reform the international system to tackle these evolving threats and to build back better for the 21st century, while remaining true to the universal founding principles of the UN and the core values of its Charter. We commit to promoting peaceful and inclusive societies to reduce injustice, inequality, poverty, and hunger worldwide. We carry responsibility for creating sustainable and viable conditions to global economic challenges through our commitment to the G7 Agenda and 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development, and we will work together to address pre-existing inequities and inequalities being exacerbated by COVID-19, ensuring they no longer go unaddressed. The U.S. and U.K. are committed to promoting the advancement of gender equity and equality as a key pillar of foreign policy and national security, including through educating girls, empowering women socially, economically, and politically, and ending violence against women and girls.

    DEFENCE & SECURITY

    We commit to enhance further the world’s strongest bilateral defence, security, and intelligence partnership to overcome the evolving threats of the twenty-first century. This includes threats and challenges associated with: cyberspace, foreign interference, harmful influence campaigns, illicit finance, violent conflict and extremism, and terrorism in all its forms. To this end, we will continue our partnership on those challenges, including working together closely on cyber security, countering illicit finance, and tackling all forms of terrorism by working together to address it online and enhance international collaboration on thwarting violent extremism that is racially, ethnically or ideologically motivated, including a range of hateful and white supremacist ideologies.

    Through strong and principled leadership we will work to shape and secure the international order of the future with NATO as the bedrock of our collective defence. We will work together to further strengthen and modernise NATO, and increase its common funding, so the Alliance can harness the full range of military and non-military capabilities to contest existing and new threats, including malicious cyber activity and attacks that test the resiliency of our societies. We intend to take operational measures to modernise and integrate our armed forces, and strengthen bilateral cooperation on next generation capabilities. Last month, the U.K.’s new aircraft carrier, HMS QUEEN ELIZABETH, sailed on her first operational mission with U.S. and U.K. F-35 aircraft on board – a demonstration of the unique interoperability of our Armed Forces. As we maintain close alignment on our nuclear deterrence and modernisation programs, we reaffirm our commitment to effective arms control and nuclear security, and to the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. We will draw on our extensive diplomatic, defence, security, civil and scientific cooperation to ensure Space is a safe and secure environment for all.

    We look forward to bringing into force a robust bilateral data access agreement, to be based on a mutual recognition that both countries have an appropriately high level of data protection, that allows law enforcement investigations on both sides of the Atlantic to obtain the evidence needed to bring offenders to justice, whilst maintaining rigorous privacy standards. We will work together to maintain tightly-controlled lawful access to communications content that is vital to the investigation and prosecution of serious crimes including terrorism and child abuse. And we will work in partnership with technology companies to do this, protecting the safety of our citizens.

    SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

    We will develop a new landmark bilateral technology partnership in 2021/22. It will enable a new era of strategic cooperation to guarantee: the safety and security of our citizens; that we continue to lead the world in R&D; wealth creation and tackling inequality; the values of liberal democracies, open societies and open markets; and that all of these are codified in and threaded throughout the design and use of technology globally We will strengthen cooperation in areas such as: ensuring the diversity, resilience and security of our critical supply chains; enabling our industries and research institutions to develop and apply existing and emerging technologies such as AI, quantum, and battery technologies; and reducing barriers to the accessibility and flow of data to support economic growth, public safety and scientific & technological progress.

    We will continue to strengthen collaboration in science and technology. This will facilitate increased joint world-class research, as well as encourage the development of rules, norms and standards governing data sharing, technology, and the digital economy that reflect our values and principles. We will cooperate on the basis of openness, transparency, and reciprocity, and in hope of ensuring that our collaborative research benefits our people. We will combine our expertise to tackle global challenges, such as cancer, antimicrobial resistance, climate change, and pandemic preparedness. We will do this through closer coordination between the Prime Minister’s Council for Science and Technology and the President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology, and through closer collaboration between U.S. and U.K. senior science and technology advisers.

    TRADE & PROSPERITY

    We commit to deepening and strengthening our vital economic and trading partnership. We commit to the rapid settlement of the Large Civil Aircraft dispute. Both countries recognise that trade, when done right, can support our mutual interest in sustainable and green growth, good jobs for our workers, new opportunities for our innovators and businesses, and high labour and environmental standards. We will therefore work closely to identify and pursue opportunities to deepen our already extensive trade relationship.

    We reaffirm our commitment to spur economic regeneration and build back better in a way that benefits all communities that have experienced the pain of economic change and advances equality for all – not just in cities, but also small towns and post-industrial areas. Mindful of the distributional consequences of economic policy and that current economic models do not serve all equally in society or adequately tackle issues such as the climate crisis, and recognising the need for equality of opportunity, we intend to launch a new joint initiative that brings together experts, practitioners and officials to advance a new “common sense” about how the economy works and the goals it should promote; the initiative will share best practice and review the evidence around public policies to tackle structural inequalities across the economy and deliver prosperity across society.

    We are proud to welcome G7 leaders’ discussions around a values-driven, high-standard and transparent, infrastructure partnership that seeks to collectively mobilise private-sector capital through catalytic investments in low- and middle-income countries from our development finance tools. We look forward to discussing the outline of this new partnership with our G7 partners in Carbis Bay.

    We also welcome the efforts underway through the G20/OECD Inclusive Framework to address the tax challenges arising from globalisation and the digitalisation of the economy and to adopt a global minimum tax. We commit to reaching an equitable solution on the allocation of taxing rights, with market countries awarded taxing rights on at least 20% of profit exceeding a 10% margin for the largest and most profitable multinational enterprises. We will provide for appropriate coordination between the application of the new international tax rules and the removal of all Digital Services Taxes, and other relevant similar measures, on all companies. We also commit to a global minimum tax of at least 15% on a country by country basis. We agree on the importance of progressing agreement in parallel on both Pillars and look forward to reaching an agreement at the July meeting of G20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors.

    CLIMATE & NATURE

    Together we will work to: rally all countries to strengthen their climate ambitions; achieve the goals of the Paris Agreement; keep within reach the goal of limiting global average temperature rise to no more than 1.5 degrees above pre-industrial levels; and bend the curve of biodiversity loss by 2030. We will champion the best available science – particularly reports from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform for Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services – and welcome global partnerships, including the COP26 Policy Dialogue on a Transition to Sustainable Agriculture and the Agriculture Innovation Mission for Climate to increase and accelerate research and development for innovation in agricultural food systems; and support a resilient transition to decarbonised economies with quality job opportunities; and make progress on climate action in a gender responsive manner. We underscore our commitment to achieving net zero emissions by 2050 at the latest, and call on all other countries to do likewise. We welcome the G7’s creation of an Industrial Decarbonisation Agenda (IDA), which will help drive innovation in, and lower costs of, the decarbonisation of heavy industrial sectors around the world.

    We are committed to achieving an ambitious outcome at COP26 and to the collective developed country goal of mobilising $100 billion annually through to 2025 from a wide variety of public and private sources in the context of meaningful mitigation actions and transparency on implementation. We are both increasing our climate finance from 2020, including for adaptation, and are continuing to pursue additional opportunities to increase climate finance mobilisation. We intend to provide support to countries to enable adaptation, and address the effects of climate impacts, including through finance for nature-based solutions, and by scaling up disaster risk-management, including through the Risk-Informed Early Action Partnership. We are committed to mainstreaming nature across all sectors and into economic decision-making. We also commit to working even more closely together on forests, including through the Forest Agriculture, and Commodity Trade (FACT) Dialogue, the ocean, and finance for nature to conserve, protect and restore natural ecosystems including by championing an ambitious post-2020 Global Biodiversity Framework.

    Recognising the impact that energy has on our national security, economy, net-zero ambitions, and shared prosperity, we are launching a new ‘Strategic Energy Dialogue’, led by the U.K. Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy and the U.S. Department of Energy. This dialogue aims to deepen our cooperation in areas such as the development and deployment of innovative, clean energy technologies, industrial decarbonisation, nuclear energy, energy security and resilience, joint priorities in multilateral energy forums, and shared science, research, and innovation cooperation.

    HEALTH

    We are determined to work together to overcome the current pandemic, which has reversed progress on improving the human condition, and to be better prepared in the future. Reflecting our shared strength in science and technology, we commit to enhancing our cooperation on tackling variants of concern and emerging infectious disease threats with pandemic or epidemic potential. This will be underpinned by collaboration between the new U.K. Health Security Agency (U.K.HSA) Centre for Pandemic Preparedness and the new U.S. National Center for Epidemic Forecasting and Outbreak Analytics. Our collective strength in science will allow us to: scale up surveillance and genomic sequencing capacity, as well as variant assessment capabilities; adopt a One Health approach to account for animal health, and zoonotic and environmental risk; and support others without these capabilities. We welcome the plan to establish an integrated global surveillance system – the Global Pandemic Radar – and commit to working with the WHO and other partners to take this forward. Enhancing global surveillance is critical to achieving our collective ambition to deliver safe, effective and affordable vaccines, therapeutics and diagnostics within 100 days of a future pandemic threat being identified. We are committed to working together with fellow G7 chief scientists to drive progress toward the bold 100 day ambition and report back to G7 leaders on next steps later this year. We will strengthen collaboration on G7 action on clinical trials for vaccines and therapeutics, through more coordinated research agendas and better sharing of data and results.

    We look forward to normalising two-way travel between our two countries. We will establish a joint U.K.-U.S. Experts’ Working Group, which will share expertise and provide recommendations to leaders on the return of safe and sustainable international travel, demonstrating the commitment of both countries to tackle COVID-19 together.

    We will work together to help increase global vaccine supply through investments in manufacturing of safe and effective vaccines and the materials needed to produce them. We will promote the timely availability of vaccines, key components and equipment by encouraging bilateral trade and investment and avoiding export restrictions or other supply chain disruption. We will work together to strengthen multilateral vaccine initiatives, in particular COVAX and its partner organisations CEPI, Gavi, UNICEF and WHO. We will support resource mobilisation for partner financing needs, and work with international financial institutions to build delivery capacity in-country and develop long term, sustainable financing models to increase pandemic preparedness and response and global health security. To this end, the U.K. and U.S. will work together with likeminded countries to explore options for a new sustainable, catalytic health security financing mechanism. We will bring together government and industry to encourage further investment to tackle COVID-19 and prepare for the next health security threat, including by strengthening preparedness and resilience, increasing R&D spending, and tackling new variants. We will continue to help allies and partners accelerate implementation of, and compliance with, the International Health Regulations (IHR). To move towards this goal, we will both strive to promote and advance the Global Health Security Agenda and its bold 2024 target, including through capacity building to prevent, detect, and respond to infectious disease threats.

    The U.K. and U.S. recognise the central importance of the WHO in global health security. The U.K. and the U.S. will work together and with like-minded Member States to implement the WHO strengthening resolution adopted at the World Health Assembly in May 2021. We will also support a timely, transparent and evidence-based independent process for the next phase of the WHO-convened COVID-19 origins study, including in China, and for investigating outbreaks of unknown origin in the future. We will take account of the recommendations of the International Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response as we work together to learn the lessons from the pandemic and strengthen future preparedness. We commit to advancing critical areas in global health, including strengthening health systems and building regional and country capacity to better withstand future shocks; expanding the availability, accessibility, and quality of essential health services among the world’s most vulnerable, marginalized, and inadequately-served; and prioritizing maternal, neonatal and child health, nutrition, malaria, tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS. We will also establish an institution-to-institution partnership to strengthen our approach to reducing health inequalities. We will elevate our partnership on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights advancing our renewed commitment throughout the 76th United Nations General Assembly. . We call on regional, local and national actors to support these efforts.

    We will convene the first U.S.-U.K. Bilateral Cancer Summit and bring together researchers, patients, and other stakeholders to share ideas and identify opportunities for collaboration to accelerate advances in lifesaving approaches to cancer, which remains a leading cause of death worldwide.

    COMMITMENT TO NORTHERN IRELAND

    Northern Ireland has taken huge strides forward since its courageous leaders put reconciliation and progress before violence and division 23 years ago. We are proud of the achievements of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, and we remain fully committed to its three strand approach, that: established the democratic institutions in Northern Ireland; provided for consultation, co-operation and action across the island of Ireland; and created structures for British-Irish engagement. It took a deep partnership between the U.K., Ireland, and the U.S. to support the people of Northern Ireland in bringing the Troubles to an end, and it will take a continued and ongoing partnership to advance and safeguard Northern Ireland’s stability and prosperity into the future.

    Today, the U.K. and U.S. reaffirm their commitment to working closely with all parties to the Agreement to protect its delicate balance and realise its vision for reconciliation, consent, equality, respect for rights, and parity of esteem. Unlocking Northern Ireland’s tremendous potential is a vital part of safeguarding the stability created by the Agreement, and the U.K. and the U.S. will continue working together towards that shared goal.

  • Joe Biden – 2021 Statement Following Death of HRH The Duke of Edinburgh

    Joe Biden – 2021 Statement Following Death of HRH The Duke of Edinburgh

    The statement made by Joe Biden, the President of the United States, on 9 April 2021.

    On behalf of all the people of the United States, we send our deepest condolences to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, the entire Royal Family, and all the people of the United Kingdom on the death of His Royal Highness Prince Philip, the Duke of Edinburgh. Over the course of his 99-year life, he saw our world change dramatically and repeatedly. From his service during World War II, to his 73 years alongside the Queen, and his entire life in the public eye — Prince Philip gladly dedicated himself to the people of the UK, the Commonwealth, and to his family. The impact of his decades of devoted public service is evident in the worthy causes he lifted up as patron, in the environmental efforts he championed, in the members of the Armed Forces that he supported, in the young people he inspired, and so much more. His legacy will live on not only through his family, but in all the charitable endeavors he shaped.

    Jill and I are keeping the Queen and Prince Philip’s children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren in our hearts during this time.