Tag: Jeremy Corbyn

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 2016 Speech at Unite Policy Conference

    jeremycorbyn

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Corbyn, the Leader of the Opposition, at the Unite Policy Conference on 16 January 2016.

    I’m delighted to be here at the first Unite Scottish Policy Conference.

    But I join you at a time when we are facing the greatest attack on the trade union movement and our democracy that we have ever witnessed.

    You will have already heard a lot about the Trade Union Bill, which has now passed through the House of Commons.

    Only the House of Lords stands in the way of the Bill becoming law next year.

    We already have the most restrictive labour laws in Europe they are now moving beyond restricting trade unions, they are trying to take away your voice for good.

    Labour opposed this Bill in the Commons and our peers are opposing it in the Lords I have to tell you in all likelihood, the Bill will become law – and we will have adapt to the new realities it brings.

    But amid those new realities, there is an eternal truth; Politics is about power.

    The word ‘democracy’ itself contains that concept. It is formed of two Greek words: ‘demos’ meaning ‘the people’, and ‘kratos’ meaning ‘to rule’ or ‘to have power’.

    So democracy means ‘the people have the power’. That is, ‘the people have power’, not the Tories in Westminster, not the suits in the boardrooms, not the billionaires ensconced in their tax havens. We, the people.

    But we only realise our power, when we stand together as one.

    Socialist politics is about forcing unaccountable power to be accountable and about stripping the unaccountable of their power.

    Millions of people face unaccountable power every day. At work in their workplace – the boss, the management. They’re not elected by the workforce, they cannot be voted out. They are appointed by those with money.

    They set your pay, decide on your pension, your working hours, your working conditions.

    Never was that more brutally on display that in the Grangemouth dispute and that showed why we must strengthen trade union and employment rights.

    The co-operative movement – the other historic part of our labour movement – was also established to say, ‘there is a different way’ that there is value in every worker and every voice in the workplace.

    People find it when they are sacked without reason, when they cannot afford a lawyer to defend them in court, or when they are sanctioned at the job centre.

    They want you to know your place to do what you’re told without thinking or questioning. To like it or lump it.

    They have the power and you must accept it. I know, I’ve never accepted that either.

    Our labour movement was formed to fight that powerlessness. To put power in the hands of worker, and of all people.

    It is not only at work that people feel this powerlessness.

    People feel it when they can’t get a permanent home because of a lack of council housing, or because buy-to-let landlords have turned housing into an investment opportunity for a few, instead of a home for the many.

    Education is a right not a privilege and it must remain so. We must protect our schools, our colleges and our universities. Education is about us liberating our minds and liberating ourselves.

    We built on our own institutions like the Workers’ Educational Association in 1903 – which still delivers over 14,000 courses a year in England and Scotland, and it was a Labour government that created the Open University.

    We founded the welfare state – the Attlee government inheriting a national debt four times the size that Osborne inherited in 2010.

    It created the NHS, built hundreds of thousands of council homes, and introduced the social security system.

    Today, those institutions of fairness and opportunity – built by our movement – are being systematically dismantled. In Scotland as in England, college funding is being cut, adult education budgets are being slashed. Taking away opportunities from thousands of people.

    If we look back in our history, it was the labour movement that fought for the right to vote – to extend to the working class, and to women.

    Today the Tories are trying to weaken those bonds they are trying to remove 1 million people from the electoral records by rushing through individual electoral registration.

    They know who this will affect: the young, insecure workers, BME communities, the people least likely to vote Tory.

    These gains were only built by Labour governments or the pressure of the labour movement.

    Today those bonds are being renewed and more people are coming back to Labour.

    But even as those bonds are being renewed, the Tories’ Trade Union Bill is trying to break them by cutting off trade union funding to the Labour Party.

    The Labour Party got a long wrong in the past, we let working people down – including here in Scotland ­- and we need to win back trust.

    The Labour Party has changed and is changing still the Labour Party standing at the May elections is a different party, with a renewed sense of social justice at its heart. There will be no support from this Labour Party for disastrous foreign wars.

    In Kezia Dugdale, we have a dynamic young leader in Scotland who is rebuilding our party. We are fighting the Tories attacks on social security we stopped their cuts to tax credits. We are resisting cuts to Scottish council budgets that pay for schools and social care and Labour councils across Scotland have pledged that they will refuse to implement the Tories’ Trade Union Bill. We appeal to the SNP to work with us to derail this Bill.

    Whether it’s the trade unions, the Labour Party, the welfare state or public services like colleges or the health and safety executive these institutions are under attack because they are the basis of our power.

    We as the labour movement have to take a new approach the labour movement – the trade unions and the next Labour government working together to eradicate the scourge of in-work poverty.

    By doing so we can tackle the exploitative casualisation of the workforce – and make work a source of security.

    I was elected on a platform of extending democracy in every part of the country and every part of society giving people a real say in their communities and workplaces, breaking open the closed circle of Westminster and Whitehall – and yes, of boardrooms too.

    We are setting up a commission for workplace rights it will be led by my shadow minister for trade unions, the former President of the National Union of Mineworkers, Ian Lavery MP.

    Not only will we repeal the Trade Union Bill when we get back in 2020 we will extend people’s rights in the workplace – and give employees a real voice in the organisations they work for.

    That means new trade union freedoms and collective bargaining rights of course because it is only through collective representation that workers have the voice and the strength to reverse the race to the bottom in pay and conditions.

    The Tories are determined to tip the scales still further in the direction of the employer. That same rigging of workplace power is what has led directly to the explosion in executive pay and boardroom excess while low wages and insecure employment have mushroomed under Cameron.

    Myself and Ian Lavery want your input as we draw up policy for the world of work fit for the 21st century.

    Over half of the 422,000 people who voted in the Labour leadership election, voted online and even the Tories used online voting to select their London mayoral candidate.

    But they don’t want us to have equal rights to do the same one rule for them and another for us.

    We will also modernise trade union balloting.

    Trade unions should be allowed to ballot their members online and securely in their workplace.

    The Tories boast that there are record numbers in employment.

    But don’t just look at the quantity of that employment, but the quality too.

    It is no coincidence that the quality of jobs has declined as trade union membership has also declined.

    It is also no coincidence that productivity has declined as trade union strength has weakened. Trade unions force employers to invest in their workplace and their workforce unionised workplaces mean greater job security, and if workers are staying then employers invest in them.

    We also need to redouble our efforts to promote equality – to reduce and eradicate the gender pay gap partly that is about stopping discrimination against women workers, and partially about ensuring an equality of status and pay for the sectors in which women workers dominate; care, cleaning and catering.

    It is our movement, the labour movement, that challenged this way of thinking that found practical solutions to this wielding of power.

    It was Labour’s Barbara Castle who started that process with the Equal Pay Act 45 years ago. It’s time it was implemented by all employers in the spirit in which it was intended.

    We founded trade unions to bring people together in their workplace to provide a counterweight to the power of the owners and to management.

    The Tory party was founded when working class people didn’t have the vote. The Tories’ purpose remains to keep power from the majority that the only wealth creators are billionaire tax dodgers.

    They believe they have a divine right to rule and they are currently stuffing the House of Lords with Tory peers to weaken opposition to their divisive agenda.

    After the travesty of the Poll Tax, the Labour government delivered devolution, which has meant you as a country can make different choices; over health, education and housing.

    Democracy means you can make your own choices based on your values. We as the labour movement always fight for the extension of democracy at every level and in every sphere.

    That is the historic mission of the labour movement to share power in more and more hands they want to restrict it in fewer and fewer hands.

    When you act together in solidarity when we realise our collective power, then we stop being individuals who get things done to us we become a force that can make choices and determine our own destiny.

    We say austerity is a political choice not an economic necessity because it is true and it is empowering. It is not inevitable, it is something that can be resisted and stopped.

    And when the Scottish Parliament receives more powers over tax and welfare, the Scottish Parliament should harness those powers to end austerity in Scotland.

    For workers and trade unions too, the rate of technological advance can be disorientating and a threat to jobs. But why should it be?

    Why isn’t it the case that making labour less intensive, making our work easier, is something we all share in? Why is it only the bosses who benefit by reducing costs or making higher profits?

    There is a better way.

    The best way to get job security, get a pay rise, or win equal pay is through well-organised unions in every workplace.

    You are the most effective opposition to the Tories’ austerity agenda and you also stand in the way of their plans for privatisation.

    This Tory government wants to sell the goods and services we have collectively built over generations.

    They want to row back every gain that we have made together. But we can resist and we can defeat them.

    I want to pay tribute to all the Labour led local authorities who have promised not to assist in the draconian attacks this Trade Union Bill represents.

    That spirit of resistance and rebellion is what won us democracy it is what built trade unions it is what will enable us to see off austerity and this Tory government.

    The slogans of our movement are not empty slogans they are truths learned in struggle. United we stand, divided we fall. Unity is strength. The workers united will never be defeated.

    We will defeat this government. We will defeat austerity when Labour gets back into power:

    We will repeal the Trade Union Bill and extend employment rights

    We will bring the railways back into public ownership

    We will democratise our energy so that communities are in control

    We will rebuild a social security system that is about support, not sanctions

    We will build a fairer society, together.

    Thank you.

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 2015 Speech at Whittington Hospital

    jeremycorbyn

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Corbyn, the Leader of the Opposition, at Whittington Hospital on 18 December 2015.

    The NHS is facing its worst crisis since it was founded. The NHS will be over £2 billion in debt by the end of the year.

    The government is failing to meet its own targets: on A&E waiting times, cancelled operations, and cancer treatment times.

    Add in the impact of George Osborne’s social care cuts, which result in longer and needless stays in hospital, and the human consequences are all too clear.

    This week we’ve learned there are some hospitals that are so broke they are having to borrow money to buy medicines for patients and pay wages over Christmas.

    Through all this, NHS staff are doing a fantastic job and I want to thank them for their hard work, dedication and incredible professionalism.

    The Labour Party I lead will hold this government to account for their shocking failure to support and protect the world’s best health care service – our NHS.

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 1984 Speech on Care of the Elderly

    jc-small

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Corbyn in the House of Commons on 22 February 1984.

    I shall attempt to be brief. It is a shame that so few hon. Members can participate in the debate. My hon. Friend the Member for Oldham, West (Mr. Meacher) pointed out that there was a link between Health Service cuts, the effects on local social services and the effects on the elderly within each community. The council in the area that I represent has just been told by the Government that its social services budget is being overspent by well over 30 per cent. and that it is spending too much money on providing for the needs of the elderly. Yet the services for the elderly provided by Islington council, excellent as they are in many ways, are insufficient and do not meet the demands and wishes of councillors, the director of social services and others.

    The council provides 900 meals on wheels. 1,700 elderly people’s holidays, 2,674 households with home helps and 285 places for elderly people in day centres. Obviously, the cost of those services is considerable. It is incredible that, considering the borough’s needs and the increasing dependence of elderly people on the council to provide services, the Government should be telling the council to make cuts.

    On a first look at the demographic pattern of arty inner city area Ministers and many civil servants would say that there is a continual outflow of population from the boroughs. In many cases, that is true. An increasingly elderly and single population is dependent on local authorities to look after it. A document produced in 1982 by Islington council’s social services programme plan working party states: The elderly now form a higher proportion of our population than they did 10 years ago, since emigration from the borough has been mainly by adults and children, leaving the elderly with less support from their families and neighbours. The number of single-pensioner households has decreased from 10,563 in 1971 to 10,170 in 1981. More importantly, the proportion of such households has increased. In 1971, single-pensioner households formed 13.7 per cent. of all households in the borough, while in 1981 they formed 16 per cent. In 1971, people over retirement age formed 15 per cent. of the total population; in 1981, they formed 17.3 per cent. It is important to emphasise that the great majority of the elderly do not require, or do not use local authority services; but when other support to the elderly becomes less available from family and neighbours then increasingly the Social Services Department is asked to fill the gaps, particularly when Health Service bed norms fail to reflect the significance of high proportions of single pensioner households. Local authorities are facing an increasing demand upon their services and a demand for better services and more imaginative use of homes for the elderly. Like my hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, North-East (Mrs. Short), I have often been in old people’s homes. I have been profoundly depressed not just by the conditions within them — I am talking of homes throughout the country—but the attitude that leads us to force people to live in old people’s homes with a colour television blazing away in the corner as a piece of moving wallpaper and with people not participating in arty activity in the homes. That promotes and provokes senility.

    We need a more imaginative approach towards care for the elderly and a recognition of the growing needs of the ethnic minority elderly communities in many parts of London and the major cities. I am pleased that my area has formed an elderly persons’ luncheon club for retired West Indian people. The same is happening in many other places. It is incredible, and it makes me angry, that many old people in my constituency who rely entirely on the local authority to provide services for them do not have any relatives living nearby. They are not in a position to buy luncheon club facilities, to have meals on wheels delivered to them or to pay for maids or other people to come in to help. We do not have a huge, generous, middle class able to provide daily volunteers to do the work for the elderly. Unlike the case referred to by the hon. Member for Mid-Kent (Mr. Rowe), who spoke on behalf of Kent county council, the local authority and political system in my area is determined to provide for all our old people.

    We resent the Government’s attitude when they say that Islington is spending £9 million too much on its social services when there is clearly a demand for them. That figure has not just been thrown at Islington council; nearly every London social service department has been told that it is spending well over the Government’s grant-related expenditure assessment formula. This is a scandal. If Conservative Members are serious about caring and supporting the elderly in a decent and humane way, they would not be imposing spending cuts on local authorities or attempting to control their spending.

    Conservative Members have been quick to tell us that there have been no Health Service cuts. I challenge and refute that. A further £163 million is required for the National Health Service to provide for the elderly. As the motion points out, we are looking for a comprehensive policy on care for the elderly. That means an end to the attacks on local authorities that are trying to provide services, an end to the cuts and closures in the Health Service and a different attitude towards transport, mobility allowances and bus passes.

    Mr. Winnick Does my hon. Friend agree that one of the most unfortunate aspects of the Minister’s speech, and his sneering remarks about 1945, was his refusal to recognise that many advances have been made in the care of elderly people since 1945? With a Labour Government, with a large majority, 1945 was a watershed in the provision of services by the state and local authorities. Without such provisions the elderly would be far worse off than they are at present.

    Mr. Corbyn I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. The Government’s policies of controlling local authority spending, cutting National Health spending and promoting private medicine and care for the elderly are a return to the workhouse. The only difference is that it is a capitalist workhouse rather than a discreet workhouse stuck away in the hills outside the town.

    Last week saw the culmination of a massive campaign by pensioners throughout London, who are determined not to lose their concessionary bus and train passes, and who are determined not to see the gains won for them by a Labour-controlled GLC in 1973 swept away by the London regional transport authority.

    We must recognise the other matters that are affected by the Government’s change in policy. If cuts are made in public spending on the elderly or people in the Health Service, many relatives will be forced to look after elderly people. That care is often inadequate because the relatives cannot do the work. Women are forced to give up work to nurse elderly relatives. The problem caused by women having to give up jobs to look after elderly relatives is growing. One hears of unpaid carers giving up their work to look after elderly relatives without support or recognition from the state, despite lectures about bounteous volunteers.

    I have heard of people in their sixties and seventies being full-time carers for elderly patients in their nineties. That will become worse unless the Government change their attitude towards the elderly and recognise the work done in homes for the elderly, by meals on wheels workers and home helps. I am sponsored by the National Union of Public Employees. The Government have said that those workers are not worth £100 a week for the jobs they do and the dedication they show. They are subjected to moral blackmail, in the way that Health Service workers were two years ago.

    In addition to forcing local authorities to cut their spending, we have the Government’s privatisation policy. There is a growing number of residential and nursing homes for the elderly. Conservative Members have asked what is wrong with them. I believe that there are two things wrong. First, I am not satisfied that the DHSS has the resources or the capability, or is prepared to provide them to enable local authorities to undertake the necessary tight supervision and inspection of those homes to ensure that they adopt progressive caring policies. Secondly, there is motive. If there is a local authority home with a caring policy for the elderly, the motive is clear. The people who work in that home, who manage and administer it, are doing so because they care for the elderly and wish to see them looked after.

    The motive in operating a private home—not from the point of view of the staff but from that of the owners —is simply to make money out of care for the elderly. I reject the idea that one can privatise care for the elderly, which is what Conservative Members in their arrogant way continually tell us.

    Mr. Boyes Does my hon. Friend agree with the Association of Directors of Social Services, which says that the system is unfair and that the Government are prepared to allow private money to be poured into these homes whereas local authority homes are continually monitored by expensively paid auditors? On the one hand, private owners can provide even poorer services and get away with it, while, on the other, local authority homes are continuously under pressure.

    Mr. Corbyn My hon. Friend has hit the nail squarely on the head. The Government are restricting money for publicly run, publicly owned and publicly administered homes for the elderly yet at the same time are encouraging the development of private homes for the elderly without imposing the same conditions on them.

    My own authority has been told that it is 33 per cent. over budget on social services. When the Minister kindly finds the time to visit my borough, or any other poor inner city areas, he might care to tell the people which home for the elderly should be shut, how many home helps ought to be dismissed from post and where exactly the cuts should be made.

    Mr. Kenneth Clarke The hon. Gentleman’s whole speech is based on the ridiculous claim that his borough is in trouble for overspending solely because of its caring policies for the elderly. It is in trouble because of the totality of its spending. Islington is notorious for the money that it pours into crackpot political groups and the curious hiring of fringe officials to perform unnecessary duties on behalf of the borough. Does not the hon. Gentleman accept that something must be done to tackle Islington’s wasteful expenditure so that it can maintain the services and reduce the rate burden for some of its elderly population?

    Mr. Corbyn The Minister, who is a member of a Government who are promoting the Rates Bill, which seeks to control local authority spending, shows a worrying misunderstanding of the way in which the GREA formula works. That formula is specified department by department. My borough, along with others, has been told that it is overspending on social services. I am not talking about the totality of its spending. Indeed, virtually every other London borough has been told exactly the same thing by the Minister and his Government colleagues. He ought to understand the way in which the Government’s policies operate on social services spending.

    Mr. Clarke With respect, targets are not based on GREAs, as the hon. Gentleman, as an experienced councillor, knows perfectly well. He makes a quite misleading use of GREAs by suggesting that that is the measure of overspending that the Government are taking into account. They are taking account of the inexorable year-on-year increase in Islington’s budget, because that borough spends its money in profligate, wasteful and sometimes downright foolish ways. That has got the borough into trouble and is threatening its services.

    Mr. Corbyn I do not know how long we shall be able to continue this discussion. The Minister ought to get a new brief on what the rate capping legislation means. The GREA formula is specific on each department, and it is specific that social services departments in London are overspending.

    Care for the elderly is an important issue. It cannot be left to volunteers, charities or to people going out with collecting boxes to see that old people are looked after properly. The issue is central to our demands for a caring society. That means an end to the cuts and an end to the policy of attacking those authorities that try to care for the elderly. Instead, there should be support for and recognition of those demands.

    Elderly people deserve a little more than pats on the head from Conservative Members. They deserve more than the platitudinous nonsense talked about handing the meals on wheels service over to the WRVS or any other volunteer who cares to run it. Instead, there should be a recognition that those who have worked all their lives to create and provide the wealth that the rest of us enjoy deserve some dignity in retirement. They do not deserve poverty, or to be ignored in their retirement, having to live worrying whether to put on the gas fire, or boil the kettle for a cup of tea, or whether they can afford a television licence or a trip out. They should not have to wonder whether the home help who has looked after them so long will be able to continue. The issue is crucial. The motion says clearly that care for the elderly comes before the promotion of policies that merely increase the wealth of those who are already the wealthiest in our society.

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 2003 Speech on George Bush

    jc-small

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Corbyn in November 2003.

    Tomorrow the streets of London will be filled with a cross-section of the entire community as we march from Malet Street to Trafalgar Square via Kingsway, Waterloo and culminating in a march along Whitehall. This itself is a product of weeks of negotiation with the Metropolitan Police, to try and protect the right of free speech and assembly in our capital city. Having been a party to all these talks I have always had the feeling that there were huge pressures being placed on the Police to try and prevent any access to London by anybody whilst Bush was visiting.

    Bush’s visit, the first state visit by a US President (as opposed to the lower status ‘Head of Government’ visits by Carter, Regan, Bush Snr and Clinton) is really bizarre for any observers of this scene. Refused an open procession in the State Landau with the Queen, Londoners will at least see a horse and carriage, with appropriate cycling outriders when the Stop the War Coalition put on this event later this morning.

    All visiting heads of state or Government visit the Palace of Westminster and make an address to an assembly of both Houses, and some even answer questions. President Mandela came twice and happily answered questions on one visit for over an hour; he led no one into war, showed the courage of the South African people to oppose, and defeat the vile apartheid system. His State visit was the most popular ever. Bush Jnr on the other hand has no history of ever standing up for anything, unless avoiding being drafted into a war which he claimed to support counts as principle.

    Since he is the centre of attention this week, and those of us who oppose his visit are being accused of “crude anti Americanism”, it is worth looking at his record.

    On Sunday evening I was privileged to meet Vietnam veteran Ron Kovic and introduce him to the audience at the Prince Charles Cinema in Leicester Square, and then watched the film with him. The film is really a journey of discovery of a young man growing up in a patriotic American household in the sixties. Convinced of his country’s rightness and opposition to the communist menace he joins the marines, and in his fervour, does two tours of duty. Almost killed and paralysed in 1968, he comes home to indifference and hostility and in time, becomes opposed to the brutality of the Vietnam War.

    Ever since that time Ron has devoted his life to opposing the military policies of the United States. On Monday morning he led a delegation to Downing Street to ask that Bush’s visit be cancelled.

    Tomorrow the march will be led by a group of United States citizens who are opposed to the war. Far from being anti-American, the peace movement has united the ordinary people on both sides of the Atlantic, in the cause of peace.

    George Bush, for the red carpet and £4 million worth of security and hospitality being spent, is the only US President to be elected by the Supreme Court, and as a result of the greatest ever expenditure, by Corporate America, on his campaign. Since then he has repaid with interest: tax cuts, welfare cuts, huge arms budgets, oil drilling and now contracts to rebuild Iraq to the same companies who provided the weapons to destroy it.

    Globally, his administration has opposed the Kyoto protocol, supported cruel World Trade Organisation conditions and methods, and continued dumping surplus US food on the poorest countries – destroying much sustainable agriculture.

    Post September 11th the US never took stock and looked at the world; war in Afghanistan followed; the Axis of Evil speech; and then the build up to Iraq. Afghanistan is presented as a victory, yet 8000 died and opium production is soaring, so it is hardly complete.

    In Iraq, the military ‘victory’ of May, and the premature celebrations have been brought to a halt, as the casualties mount, and the effects of cluster bombs and Depleted Uranium are felt by thousands of wholly innocent Iraqis and their children.

    Bush’s cabinet contains those who met and financed the Saddam Hussein section of the Ba’ath Party and they will be well aware of the problems that the unilateral and illegal war has created. Nobody who opposes the war ever supported the regime, but most people want to see a peaceful Iraq with an accountable Government.

    In his determination to go to war in Iraq, Bush flouted the UN, and now wants the world body to pick up the pieces, without any legal authority.

    Whilst the war in Iraq and Afghanistan gain all the publicity, we should not forget the on-going gruesome and grim conflict in Colombia, where the pro US Government is rapidly losing support as the US maintains its military presence on the pretence of being part of an anti drugs crusade.

    Whilst many issues unite the peace and anti-war movements in this country, the Government’s support for the Bush-inspired National Missile Defence system has mobilised many members and supporters of CND; we opposed the US inspired cruise missiles in the 1980’s; NMD is equally as dangerous to world peace.

    Amidst all the opposition to Bush we should reflect on one positive aspect: the world, as John Pilger reminds us, is divided into one superpower and world opinion. The unwanted visit of George Bush has helped to create a huge Trans Atlantic movement for peace and justice. Merely being allowed to hold the march tomorrow shows the strength of public opinion and the power of peaceful protest.

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 2015 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    jc-small

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Corbyn, the Leader of the Labour Party, at the party’s conference in September 2015.

    Friends, thank you so much for that incredible welcome and Rohi, thank you so much for that incredible welcome. Rohi, thank you so much for the way you introduced me and the way our family and you have contributed so much to our community. That was absolutely brilliant. Thank you very much.

    I am truly delighted to be invited to make this speech today, because for the past two weeks, as you’ve probably known I’ve had a very easy, relaxing time. Hardly anything of any importance at all has happened to me.

    You might have noticed in some of our newspapers they’ve taken a bit of an interest in me lately.

    Some of the things I’ve read are this. According to one headline “Jeremy Corbyn welcomed the prospect of an asteroid ‘wiping out’ humanity.”

    Now, asteroids are pretty controversial. It’s not the kind of policy I’d want this party to adopt without a full debate in conference. So can we have the debate later in the week!

    Another newspaper went even further and printed a ‘mini-novel’ that predicted how life would look if I were Prime Minister. It’s pretty scary I have to tell you.

    It tells us football’s Premier League would collapse, which makes sense, because it’s quite difficult to see how all our brilliant top 20 teams in the Premiership would cope with playing after an asteroid had wiped out humanity. So that’s a no-no for sure!

    And then the Daily Express informed readers that – I’m not quite sure how many greats there are here, but I think there are three or four – great-great-great grandfather, who I’d never heard of before was a very unpleasant sort of chap who apparently was involved in running a workhouse. I want to take this opportunity to apologise for not doing the decent thing and going back in time to have a chat with him about his appalling behaviour.

    But then there’s another journalist who had obviously been hanging around my street a great deal, who quotes: “Neighbours often see him riding a Chairman Mao style bicycle.” Less thorough journalists might just have referred to it as just a ‘bicycle’, but no.

    So we have to conclude that whenever we see someone on a bicycle from now on, there goes another supporter of Chairman Mao. Thus, the Daily Express has changed history.

    But seriously Conference it’s a huge honour and a privilege for me to speak to you today as Leader of the Labour Party.

    To welcome all our new members.

    More than 160,000 have joined the Labour party.

    And more than 50,000 have joined since the declaration of the leadership and deputy leadership election results.

    I’m very proud to say that in my own constituency, our membership as of last night had just gone over 3,000 individual members and 2,000 registered supporters. 5,000 people in my constituency.

    I want to say first of all thank you to all of the people of my constituency of Islington North and Islington North Labour party for their friendship, support and all the activities we’ve done and all the help and support they’ve given me in the past few weeks. I’m truly grateful to you. Thank you very much indeed to everyone in Islington.

    Above I want to welcome all our new members to this party, everyone who’s joined this party in this great endeavour. To change our party, change our country, change our politics and change the way we do things. Above all I want to speak to everyone in Britain about the tasks Labour has now turned to.

    Opposing and fighting the Tory government and the huge damage it is doing.

    Developing Labour’s alternative.

    Renewing our policies so we can reach out across the country and win.

    Starting next year.

    In Wales.

    In Scotland.

    In London.

    In Bristol.

    In local government elections across Britain.

    I want to repeat the thanks I gave after my election to all the people who have served the Labour Party so well in recent months and years.

    To Ed Miliband for the leadership he gave our party, and for the courage and dignity he showed in the face of tawdry media attacks.

    And also for the contribution I know he will be making in the future.

    Especially on the vital issues of the environment and climate change.

    Thank you Ed. Thank you so much for all you’ve done.

    And to Harriet Harman not just for her leadership and service, but for her commitment and passion for equality and the rights of women.

    The way she has changed attitudes and law through her courage and determination. The Equality Act is one of many testaments to her huge achievements. Thank you, Harriet, for everything you’ve done and everything you continue to do.

    I also want to say a big thank you to Iain McNicol, our General Secretary, and all our Party staff in London and Newcastle and all over the country for their dedication and hard work during the General Election and leadership election campaigns.

    And also to all the staff and volunteers who are doing such a great job here this week in Brighton at this incredible conference we’re holding. Thank you to all of them. They’re part of our movement and part of our conference.

    Also I want to say a special thank you to the fellow candidates who contested the leadership election for this party.

    It was an amazing three month experience for all of us.

    I want to say thank you to Liz Kendall, for her passion, her independence, determination and her great personal friendship to me throughout the campaign. Liz, thank you so much for that and all you contribute to the party.

    I want to say thank you to Yvette Cooper for the remarkable way in which she’s helped to change public attitudes towards the refugee crisis.

    And now for leading a taskforce on how Britain and Europe can do more to respond to this crisis. Yvette, thank you for that.

    And to Andy Burnham, our new Shadow Home Secretary, for everything he did as Health Secretary to defend our NHS – health service free at the point if use as a human right for all.

    I want to say thank you to all three for the spirit and friendship with which they contested the election.

    Thank you Liz.

    Thank you Yvette.

    Thank you Andy.

    I want to thank all those who took part in that election, at hustings and rallies all across the country. Our Party at its best, democratic, inclusive and growing.

    I’ve got new people to thank as well.

    The talented colleagues working with me in the Shadow Cabinet and on Labour’s front bench.

    An inclusive team from all political wings of our Party.

    From every part of our country.

    It gives us the right foundation for the open debate our Party must now have about the future.

    I am not leader who wants to impose leadership lines all the time.

    I don’t believe anyone of us has a monopoly on wisdom and ideas – we all have ideas and a vision of how things can be better.

    I want open debate in our party and our movement.

    I will listen to everyone.

    I firmly believe leadership is about listening.

    We will reach out to our new members and supporters.

    Involve people in our debates on policy and then our Party as a whole will decide.

    I’ve been given a huge mandate, by 59 per cent of the electorate who supported my campaign. I believe it is a mandate for change.

    I want to explain how.

    First and foremost it’s a vote for change in the way we do politics.

    In the Labour Party and in the country.

    Politics that’s kinder, more inclusive.

    Bottom up, not top down.

    In every community and workplace, not just in Westminster.

    Real debate, not necessarily message discipline all the time.

    But above all, straight talking. Honest.

    That’s the politics we’re going to have in the future in this party and in this movement.

    And it was a vote for political change in our party as well.

    Let me be clear under my leadership, and we discussed this yesterday in conference, Labour will be challenging austerity.

    It will be unapologetic about reforming our economy to challenge inequality and protect workers better.

    And internationally Labour will be a voice for engagement in partnership with those who share our values.

    Supporting the authority of international law and international institutions, not acting against them.

    The global environment is in peril.

    We need to be part of an international movement to cut emissions and pollution.

    To combat the environmental danger to our planet.

    These are crucial issues. But I also want to add this.

    I’ve been standing up for human rights, challenging oppressive regimes for 30 years as a backbench MP.

    And before that as an individual activist, just like everyone else in this hall.

    Just because I’ve become the leader of this party, I’m not going to stop standing up on those issues or being that activist.

    So for my first message to David Cameron, I say to him now a little message from our conference, I hope he’s listening – you never know:

    Intervene now personally with the Saudi Arabian regime to stop the beheading and crucifixion of Ali Mohammed al-Nimr, who is threatened with the death penalty, for taking part in a demonstration at the age of 17.

    And while you’re about it, terminate that bid made by our Ministry of Justice’s to provide services for Saudi Arabia – which would be required to carry out the sentence that would be put down on Mohammed Ali al-Nimr.

    We have to be very clear about what we stand for in human rights.

    A refusal to stand up is the kind of thing that really damages Britain’s standing in the world.

    I have huge admiration for human rights defenders all over the world. I’ve met hundreds of these very brave people during my lifetime working on international issues. I want to say a special mention to one group who’ve campaigned for the release of British resident Shaker Aamer from Guantanamo Bay.

    This was a campaign of ordinary people like you and me, standing on cold draughty streets, for many hours over many years.

    Together we secured this particular piece of justice.

    That’s how our human rights were won by ordinary people coming together. Ordinary people doing extraordinary things – that is how our rights and our human rights have been won.

    The Tories want to repeal the Human Rights Act and some want leave the European convention on Human Rights.

    Just to show what they’re made of, their new Trade Union Bill which we’re opposing very strongly in the House and the country, is also a fundamental attack on human rights and is in breach of both the ILO and the European Convention on Human Rights.

    Now I’ve been listening to a lot of advice about how to do this job.

    There’s plenty of advice around, believe me.

    Actually I quite like that.  I welcome that.

    I like to listen to advice, particularly the advice which is unwelcome. That is often the best advice you get. The people that tell you, “yes, you’re doing great, you’re brilliant, you’re wonderful”. Fine. Thank you, but what have I got wrong? “Oh, I haven’t got time for that.”

    I want to listen to people.

    But I do like to do things differently as well.

    I’ve been told never to repeat your opponents’ lines in a political debate.

    But I want to tackle one thing head on.

    The Tories talk about economic and family security being at risk from us the Labour party, or perhaps even more particularly, from me.

    I say this to them. How dare these people talk about security for families and people in Britain?

    Where’s the security for families shuttled around the private rented sector on six month tenancies – with children endlessly having to change schools?

    Where’s the security for those tenants afraid to ask a landlord to fix a dangerous structure in their own homes because they might be evicted because they’ve gone to the local authority to seek the justice they’re entitled to?

    Where’s the security for the carers struggling to support older family members as Tory local government cuts destroy social care and take away the help they need?

    Where’s the security for young people starting out on careers knowing they are locked out of any prospect of ever buying their own home by soaring house prices?

    Where’s the security for families driven away from their children’s schools, their community and family ties by these welfare cuts?

    Where’s the security for the hundreds of thousands taking on self-employment with uncertain income, no sick pay, no Maternity Pay, no paid leave, no pension now facing the loss of the tax credits that keep them and their families afloat?

    And there’s no security for the 2.8 million households in Britain forced into debt by stagnating wages and the Tory record of the longest fall in living standards since records began.

    And that’s the nub of it.

    Tory economic failure.

    An economy that works for the few, not for the many.

    Manufacturing still in decline.

    Look at the Tory failure to intervene to support our steel industry as the Italian government has done.

    So, as we did yesterday in conference, we stand with the people on Teesside fighting for their jobs, their industry and their community. The company has said that it will mothball the plant and lay the workers off, therefore it is not too late now, again, to call on the Prime Minister even at this late stage, this 12th hour, to step in and defend those people, like the Italian government has done. Why can’t the British government? What is wrong with them?

    There’s an investment crisis.

    Britain at the bottom of the international league on investment.

    Just below Madagascar and just above El Salvador.  So we’re doing quite well!

    Britain’s balance of payment deficit £100 billion last year.

    Loading our economy and every one of us with unsustainable debt for the future.

    And the shocks in world markets this summer have shown what a dangerous and fragile state the world economy is in.

    And how ill prepared the Tories have left us to face another crisis.

    It hasn’t been growing exports and a stronger manufacturing sector that have underpinned the feeble economic recovery.

    It’s house price inflation, asset inflation, more private debt.

    Unbalanced.

    Unsustainable.

    Dangerous.

    The real risk to economic and family security.

    To people who have had to stretch to take on mortgages.

    To people who have only kept their families afloat through relying on their credit cards, and payday loans.

    Fearful of how they will cope with a rise in interest rates.

    It’s not acceptable.

    The Tories’ austerity is the out-dated and failed approach of the past.

    So it’s for us, for Labour to develop our forward-looking alternative.

    That’s what John McDonnell started to do in his excellent speech to conference.

    At the heart of it is investing for the future.

    Every mainstream economist will tell you that with interest rates so low now is the time for public investment in our infrastructure.

    Investment in council housing, and for affordable homes to rent and to buy.

    John Healey’s plan for 100,000 new council and housing association homes a year.

    To tackle the housing crisis, drive down the spiralling housing benefit bill and so to make the taxpayer a profit. A profit for the taxpayer because the benefit bill falls when the cost of housing falls. It’s quite simple actually and quite a good idea.

    Investment in fast broadband to support new high technology jobs.

    A National Investment Bank to support investment in infrastructure.

    To provide finance to small and medium sized firms that our banks continue to starve of the money they need to grow.

    A Green New Deal investing in renewable energy and energy conservation to tackle the threat of climate change.

    The Tories of course are selling off the Green Investment Bank. They are simply not interested in this.

    This is the only way to a strong economic future for Britain.

    That’s sustainable.

    That turns round the terrible trade deficit.

    That supports high growth firms and businesses.

    That provides real economic security for our people.

    The economy of the future depends on the investment we make today in infrastructure, skills, and schools.

    I’m delighted that Lucy Powell is our new shadow Education Secretary.
    She has already set out how the education of every child and the quality of every school counts.

    Every school accountable to local government, not bringing back selection.
    We have aspirations for all children, not just a few.

    Now my first public engagement as Labour leader came within an hour of being elected.

    I was proud to speak at the ‘Refugees Welcome’ rally in London. I wanted to send out a message of the kinder politics we are pursuing and a caring society we want to achieve.

    I have been inspired by people across our country.

    Making collections for the refugees in Calais. Donating to charities.

    The work of Citizens UK to involve whole communities in this effort.

    These refugees are the victims of war – many the victims of the brutal conflict in Syria.

    It is a huge crisis, the worst humanitarian crisis in Europe since the Second World War. And globally it’s the biggest refugee crisis there has ever been.

    But the scale of the response from the government, Europe and the international community isn’t enough.

    And whilst the government is providing welcome aid to the region, especially in the Lebanon, we all know much more needs to be done. Because it’s a crisis of human beings just like you and just like me looking for security and looking for safety. Let’s reach out the hand of humanity and friendship to them.

    Now let me say something about national security.

    The best way to protect the British people against the threats we face to our safety at home and abroad is to work to resolve conflict.

    That isn’t easy, but it is unavoidable if we want real security.

    Our British values are internationalist and universal.

    They are not limited by borders.

    Britain does need strong, modern military and security forces to keep us safe.

    And to take a lead in humanitarian and peace keeping missions – working with and strengthening the United Nations.

    On my first day in Parliament as Labour Leader it was a privilege to meet the soldiers and medics who did such remarkable work in tackling the Ebola crisis in Sierra Leone.

    There is no contradiction between working for peace across the world and doing what is necessary to keep us safe.

    Today we face very different threats from the time of the Cold War which ended thirty years ago.

    That’s why I have asked our Shadow Defence Secretary, Maria Eagle, to lead a debate and review about how we deliver that strong, modern effective protection for the people of Britain.

    I’ve made my own position on one issue clear. And I believe I have a mandate from my election on it.

    I don’t believe £100 billion on a new generation of nuclear weapons taking up a quarter of our defence budget is the right way forward.

    I believe Britain should honour our obligations under the Non Proliferation Treaty and lead in making progress on international nuclear disarmament.

    But in developing our policy through the review we must make sure we all the jobs and skills of everyone in every aspect of the defence industry are fully protected and fully utilised so that we gain from this, we don’t lose from this. To me, that is very important.

    And on foreign policy we need to learn the lessons of the recent past.

    It didn’t help our national security that, at the same time I was protesting outside the Iraqi Embassy about Saddam Hussein’s brutality, Tory ministers were secretly conniving with illegal arms sales to his regime.

    It didn’t help our national security when we went to war with Iraq in defiance of the United Nations and on a false prospectus.

    It didn’t help our national security to endure the loss of hundreds of brave British soldiers in that war while making no proper preparation for what to do after the fall of the regime.

    Nor does it help our national security to give such fawning and uncritical support to regimes like Saudi Arabia and Bahrain – who abuse their own citizens and repress democratic rights. These are issues we have to stand up on and also recognise in some cases they are using British weapons in their assault on Yemen. We have got to be clear on where our objectives are.

    But there is a recent object lesson in how real leadership can resolve conflicts, prevent war and build real security.

    It’s the leadership, the clever and difficult diplomacy that has been shown by Barack Obama and others in reaching the historic deal with Iran. A deal that opens the way for new diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict in Syria.

    The scale of the destruction and suffering in Syria is truly dreadful.

    More than a quarter of a million people killed.

    More than ten million driven from their homes.

    I yield to no-one in my opposition to the foul and despicable crimes committed by Isil and by the Assad government including barrel bombs being dropped on civilian targets.

    We all want the atrocities to stop and the Syrian people free to determine their own destiny.

    But the answer to this complex and tragic conflict can’t simply be found in a few more bombs.

    I agree with Paddy Ashdown when he says that military strikes against Isil aren’t succeeding, not because we do not have enough high explosives, but because we do not have a diplomatic strategy on Syria.

    That’s the challenge for leadership now, for us, for David Cameron.

    The clever, patient, difficult diplomacy Britain needs to play a leading role in.

    That’s why Hilary Benn and I together are calling for a new United Nations Security Council resolution that can underpin a political solution to the crisis.

    I believe the UN can yet bring about a process that leads to an end to the violence in Syria. Yesterday’s meetings in New York were very important.

    Social democracy itself was exhausted.

    Dead on its feet.

    Yet something new and invigorating, popular and authentic has exploded.

    To understand this all of us have to share our ideas and our contributions.

    Our common project must be to embrace the emergence of a modern left movement and harness it to build a society for the majority.

    Now some media commentators who’ve spent years complaining about how few people have engaged with political parties have sneered at our huge increase in membership.

    If they were sports reporters writing about a football team they’d be saying:

    “They’ve had a terrible summer. They’ve got 160,000 new fans. Season tickets are sold out. The new supporters are young and optimistic. I don’t know how this club can survive a crisis like this.”

    We celebrate the enthusiasm of so many people, old and young, from all communities.

    In every part of the country.

    Joining Labour as members and supporters.

    And we need to change in response to this movement.

    Our new members want to be active and involved.

    Want to have a say in our Labour Party’s policies.

    Want to lead local and national campaigns against injustice and the dreadful impact of Tory austerity.

    Want to work in their local communities to make people’s lives better.

    They don’t want to do things the old way.

    Young people and older people are fizzing with ideas. Let’s give them the space for that fizz to explode into the joy we want of a better society.

    They want a new politics of engagement and involvement.

    Many of them are already active in their communities, in voluntary organisations, in local campaigns.

    And we’ve convinced them now to take a further step and join our Labour Party.

    What a tremendous opportunity for our Labour Party to be the hub of every community.

    The place where people come together to campaign.

    To debate, to build friendships, to set up new community projects.

    To explain and talk to their neighbours about politics, about changing Britain for the better.

    That’s going to mean a lot of change for the way we’ve done our politics in the past.

    Our new Deputy Leader Tom Watson is well up for that challenge. He’s leading the charge and leading the change of the much greater use of digital media as a key resource.

    That is the way of communication, it is not just through broadsheet newspapers or tabloids, it’s social media that really is the point of communication of the future. We have got to get that.

    One firm commitment I make to people who join our Labour Party is that you have a real say, the final say in deciding on the policies of our party.

    No-one – not me as Leader, not the Shadow Cabinet, not the Parliamentary Labour Party – is going to impose policy or have a veto.

    The media commentariat don’t get it.

    They’ve been keen to report disagreements as splits: agreement and compromise as concessions and capitulation

    No.

    This is grown up politics.

    Where people put forward different views.

    We debate issues.

    We take a decision and we go forward together.

    We look to persuade each other.

    On occasions we might agree to disagree.

    But whatever the outcome we stand together, united as Labour, to put forward a better way to the misery on offer from the Conservatives.

    There’s another important thing about how we are going to do this.

    It’s a vital part of our new politics.

    I want to repeat what I said at the start of the leadership election.

    I do not believe in personal abuse of any sort.

    Treat people with respect.

    Treat people as you wish to be treated yourself.

    Listen to their views, agree or disagree but have that debate.

    There is going to be no rudeness from me.

    Maya Angelou said: “You may not control all the events that happen to you, but you can decide not to be reduced by them.”

    I want a kinder politics, a more caring society.

    Don’t let them reduce you to believing in anything less.

    So I say to all activists, whether Labour or not, cut out the personal attacks.

    The cyberbullying.

    And especially the misogynistic abuse online.

    And let’s get on with bringing values back into politics.

    So what are our first big campaigns?

    I want to start with a fundamental issue about democratic rights for Britain.

    Just before Parliament rose for the summer the Tories sneaked out a plan to strike millions of people off the electoral register this December.

    A year earlier than the advice of the independent Electoral Commission.

    It means two million or more people could lose their right to vote.

    That’s 400,000 people in London. It’s 70,000 people in Glasgow.

    Thousands in every town and city, village and hamlet all across the country

    That’s overwhelmingly students, people in insecure accommodation, and short stay private lets.

    We know why the Tories are doing it.

    They want to gerrymander next year’s Mayoral election in London by denying hundreds of thousands of Londoners their right to vote.

    They want to do the same for the Assembly elections in Wales.

    And they want to gerrymander electoral boundaries across the country.

    By ensuring new constituencies are decided on the basis of the missing registers when the Boundary Commission starts its work in April 2016.

    Conference we are going to do our best to stop them.

    We will highlight this issue in Parliament and outside.

    We will work with Labour councils across the country to get people back on the registers.

    And from today our Labour Party starts a nationwide campaign for all our members to work in every town and city, in every university as students start the new term, to stop the Tory gerrymander. To get people on the electoral register.

    It’s hard work – as I know from 10 years as the election agent for a marginal London constituency.

    But now we have new resources.

    The power of social media.

    The power of our huge new membership.

    Conference, let’s get to it. Get those people on the register to give us those victories but also to get fairness within our society.

    And, friends, we need to renew our party in Scotland. I want to pay tribute today to our leader in Scotland, Kezia Dugdale and her team of MSPs in the Scottish Parliament.

    I know that people in Scotland have been disappointed by the Labour Party.

    I know you feel we lost our way.

    I agree with you.

    Kezia has asked people to take another look at the Labour Party.

    And that’s what I want people across Scotland to do.

    Under Kezia and my leadership we will change.

    We will learn the lessons of the past.

    And we will again make Labour the great fighting force you expect us to be.

    We need to be investing in skills, investing in our young people – not cutting student numbers. Giving young people real hope and real opportunity.

    Conference, it is Labour that is the progressive voice for Scotland.

    There’s another big campaign we need to lead.

    David Cameron’s attack on the living standards of low paid workers and their families through the assault on tax credits.

    First, remind people over and over again David Cameron pledged during the election not to cut child tax credits.

    On the Question Time Leader’s debate he said he had rejected child tax credit cuts.

    It’s a shocking broken promise – and the Tories voted it through in Parliament just two weeks ago.

    How can it be right for a single mother working as a part time nurse earning just £18,000 to lose £2,000 to this broken promise?

    Some working families losing nearly £3,500 a year to this same broken promise.

    And how can it be right or fair to break this promise while handing out an inheritance tax cut to 60,000 of the wealthiest families in the country?  See the contrast

    So we’ll fight this every inch of the way.

    And we’ll campaign at the workplace, in every community against this Tory broken promise.

    And to expose the absurd lie that the Tories are on the side of working people, that they are giving Britain a pay rise.

    It was one of the proudest days of my life when cycling home from Parliament at 5 o’clock in the morning having voted for the national minimum wage legislation to go through.

    So of course it’s good to see a minimum wage.

    But the phoney rebranding of it as a living wage doesn’t do anyone any good.

    And the Institute of Fiscal Studies has shown Cameron’s broken promise mean millions of workers are still left far worse off.

    They can and must be changed.

    As I travelled the country during the leadership campaign it was wonderful to see the diversity of all the people in our country.

    And that is now being reflected in our membership with more black, Asian and ethnic minority members joining our party.

    Even more inspiring is the unity and unanimity of their values.

    A belief in coming together to achieve more than we can on our own.

    Fair play for all.

    Solidarity and not walking by on the other side of the street when people are in trouble.

    Respect for other people’s point of view.

    It is this sense of fair play, these shared majority British values that are the fundamental reason why I love this country and its people.

    These values are what I was elected on: a kinder politics and a more caring society.

    They are Labour values and our country’s values.

    We’re going to put these values back into politics.

    I want to rid Britain of injustice, to make it fairer, more decent, more equal.

    And I want all our citizens to benefit from prosperity and success.

    There is nothing good about cutting support to the children of supermarket workers and cleaners.

    There is nothing good about leaving hundreds of thousands unable to feed themselves, driving them to foodbanks that have almost become an institution.

    And there is nothing good about a Prime Minister wandering around Europe trying to bargain away the rights that protect our workers.

    As our Conference decided yesterday we will oppose that and stand up for the vision of a social Europe, a Europe of unity and solidarity, to defend those rights.

    I am proud of our history.

    It is a history of courageous people who defied overwhelming odds to fight for the rights and freedoms we enjoy today.

    The rights of women to vote.

    The rights and dignity of working people;

    Our welfare state.

    The NHS – rightly at the centre of Danny Boyle’s great Olympic opening ceremony.

    The BBC.

    Both great institutions.

    Both under attack by the Tories.

    Both threatened by the idea that profit comes first, not the needs and interests of our people. That’s the difference between us and the Tories.

    So let me make this commitment.

    Our Labour Party will always put people’s interests before profit.

    Now I want to say a bit more about policy – and the review that Angela Eagle has announced this week.

    Let’s start by recognising the huge amount of agreement we start from, thanks to the work that Angela led in the National Policy Forum.

    Then we need to be imaginative and recognise the ways our country is changing.

    In my leadership campaign I set out some ideas for how we should support small businesses and the self-employed.
    That’s because one in seven of the labour force now work for themselves.

    Some of them have been driven into it as their only response to keep an income coming in, insecure though it is.

    But many people like the independence and flexibility self-employment brings to their lives, the sense of being your own boss.

    And that’s a good thing.

    But with that independence comes insecurity and risk especially for those on the lowest and most volatile incomes.

    There’s no Statutory Sick Pay if they have an accident at work.

    There’s no Statutory Maternity Pay for women when they become pregnant

    They have to spend time chasing bigger firms to pay their invoices on time, so they don’t slip further into debt.

    They earn less than other workers.

    On average just £11,000 a year.

    And their incomes have been hit hardest by five years of Tory economic failure.

    So what are the Tories doing to help the self-employed, the entrepreneurs they claim to represent?

    They’re clobbering them with the tax credit cuts.

    And they are going to clobber them again harder as they bring in Universal Credit.

    So I want our policy review to tackle this in a really serious way. And be reflective of what modern Britain is actually like.

    Labour created the welfare state as an expression of a caring society – but all too often that safety net has holes in it, people fall through it, and it is not there for the self-employed.  It must be. That is the function of a universal welfare state.

    Consider opening up Statutory Maternity and Paternity Pay to the self-employed so all new born children can get the same level of care from their parents.

    I’ve asked Angela Eagle, our Shadow Business Secretary, and Owen Smith, our Shadow Work and Pensions Secretary, to look at all the ways we can we support self-employed people and help them to grow their businesses.

    And I want to thank Lillian Greenwood, our Shadow Transport Secretary for the speed and skill with which she has moved policy on the future of our railways forward.

    It was wonderful to see Conference this morning agree our new plan to bring private franchises into public ownership as they expire.

    Labour’s policy now is to deliver the fully integrated, publicly owned railway the British people want and need. That’s the Labour policy, that’s the one we’ll deliver on.

    Housing policy too is a top priority.

    Perhaps nowhere else has Tory failure been so complete and so damaging to our people.

    In the last parliament at least half a million fewer homes built than needed.

    Private rents out of control.

    A third of private rented homes not meeting basic standards of health and safety.

    The chance of owning a home a distant dream for the vast majority of young people.

    There’s no answer to this crisis that doesn’t start with a new council house-building programme.

    With new homes that are affordable to rent and to buy.

    As John Healey, our Shadow Housing Minister, has shown it can pay for itself and make the taxpayer a profit by cutting the housing benefit bill by having reasonable rents, not exorbitant rents

    And we need new ideas to tackle land hoarding and land speculation.

    These are issues that are so vital to how things go forward in this country.

    I want a kinder, more caring politics that does not tolerate more homelessness, more upheaval for families in temporary accommodation.

    A secure home is currently out of reach for millions.

    And John Healey has already made a great start on a fundamental review of our housing policies to achieve that.

    And we are going to make mental health a real priority.

    It’s an issue for all of us.

    Every one of us can have a mental health problem.

    So let’s end the stigma.

    End the discrimination.

    And with Luciana Berger, our Shadow Minister for Mental Health, I’m going to challenge the Tories to make parity of esteem for mental health a reality not a slogan.

    With increased funding – especially for services for children and young people.

    As three quarters of chronic mental health problems start before the age of 18.

    Yet only a quarter of those young people get the help they need.

    All our work on policy will be underpinned by Labour’s values.

    End the stigma, end the discrimination, treat people with mental health conditions as you would wish to be treated yourself. That’s our pledge.

    Let’s put them back into politics.

    Let’s build that kinder, more caring world.

    Since the dawn of history in virtually every human society there are some people who are given a great deal and many more people who are given little or nothing.

    Some people have property and power, class and capital, status and clout which are denied to the many.

    And time and time again, the people who receive a great deal tell the many to be grateful to be given anything at all.

    They say that the world cannot be changed and the many must accept the terms on which they are allowed to live in it.

    These days this attitude is justified by economic theory.

    The many with little or nothing are told they live in a global economy whose terms cannot be changed.

    They must accept the place assigned to them by competitive markets.

    By the way, isn’t it curious that globalisation always means low wages for poor people, but is used to justify massive payments to top chief executives.

    Our Labour Party came into being to fight that attitude.

    That is still what our Labour Party is all about. Labour is the voice that says to the many, at home and abroad: “you don’t have to take what you’re given.”

    Labour says:

    “You may be born poor but you don’t have to stay poor. You don’t have to live without power and without hope.

    “You don’t have to set limits on your talent and your ambition – or those of your children.

    “You don’t have to accept prejudice and discrimination, or sickness or poverty, or destruction and war.

    “You don’t have to be grateful to survive in a world made by others.

    No, you set the terms for the people in power over you, and you dismiss them when they fail you.”

    That’s what democracy is about.

    That has always been our Labour Party’s message.

    You don’t have to take what you’re given.

    It was the great Nigerian writer Ben Okri who perhaps put it best:

    “The most authentic thing about us is our capacity to create, to overcome, to endure, to transform, to love”.

    But they’re at it again.

    The people who want you to take what you’re given.

    This Tory government.

    This government which was made by the few – and paid for by the few.

    Since becoming leader David Cameron has received £55 million in donations from hedge funds. From people who have a lot and want to keep it all.

    That is why this pre-paid government came into being.

    To protect the few and tell all the rest of us to accept what we’re given.

    To deliver the £145 million tax break they have given the hedge funds in return.

    They want us to believe there is no alternative to cutting jobs.

    Slashing public services.

    Vandalising the NHS.

    Cutting junior doctor’s pay.

    Reducing care for the elderly.

    Destroying the hopes of young people for a college education or putting university graduates into massive debt.

    Putting half a million more children in poverty.

    They want the people of Britain to accept all of these things.

    They expect millions of people to work harder and longer for a lower quality of life on lower wages. Well, they’re not having it.

    Our Labour Party says no.
    The British people never have to take what they are given.

    And certainly not when it comes from Cameron and Osborne.

    So Conference, I come almost to the end of my first conference speech, and I think you for listening OK, alright, don’t worry. Listen, I’ve spoken at 37 meetings since Saturday afternoon, is that not enough? Well talk later.

    So I end conference with a quote.

    The last bearded man to lead the Labour Party was a wonderful great Scotsman, Keir Hardie who died about a century ago this weekend and we commemorated him with a book we launched on Sunday evening. Kier grew up in dreadful poverty and made so much of his life and founded our party.

    Stood up to be counted on votes for women, stood up for social justice, stood up to develop our political party.

    We own him and so many more so much. And he was asked once summaries what you are about, summarise what you really mean in your life. And he thought for a moment and he said this:

    “My work has consisted of trying to stir up a divine discontent with wrong”.

    Don’t accept injustice, stand up against prejudice.

    Let us build a kinder politics, a more caring society together.

    Let us put our values, the people’s values, back into politics.

    Thank you.

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 2015 Speech to Labour South West Conference

    jc-small

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Corbyn, the Leader of the Opposition, at Labour’s South West conference held in Bristol on 21 November 2015.

    Thank you for that kind introduction and welcome.

    It’s great to be back in the south west – the region where I was born.

    I want to congratulate our new MPs in this region:

    Thangam Debbonaire for Bristol West…. and Karin Smyth in Bristol South.

    As well as our returning MPs….  Ben Bradshaw in Exeter and Kerry McCarthy in Bristol East.

    We have council elections across this region next year.. and a mayoral contest in this city.. where we have an excellent candidate in Marvin Rees.

    Last night we launched Marvin’s campaign with a fundraiser here in Bristol.

    Over the summer we held a huge rally here, and others across the south-west..  in Plymouth, Exeter and at Tolpuddle.. for the Tolpuddle Martyrs’ Festival.

    Tolpuddle reminds us of the roots of our movement.
    In working people organising together for a better life.

    The bravery, determination and endurance of those early trade unionists inspire us to this day.

    They understood the overriding importance of solidarity – no matter how tough the circumstances.

    And trade unions are as necessary today as ever – not least in a region like this, where up to 40% of jobs in Devon and Cornwall earn less than the living wage. That makes Devon and Cornwall the low pay capital of Britain.

    ‘Together, we’re stronger’. ..‘United we stand, divided we fall’… These are not just slogans of the Labour movement, but enduring truths for all of us.

    We’ve seen those values of solidarity and steadfastness in the response of the people of Paris to the horrific events of a week ago.

    Those attacks on civilians were an indefensible outrage.
    The same goes for the recent terrorist atrocities in Beirut, Ankara and elsewhere.

    Those who planned and organized these mass killings must be brought to account.

    The attacks were also an attempt to break the unity of our communities.

    But the quiet heroism we have seen in Paris and other cities, by people who refused to be cowed or divided, is an example to everyone.

    Today I want to use this chance of speaking to you to stand back a bit and reflect on the huge changes that have taken place here in Britain.. in our politics and our party.. how we got here and on the direction we now need to take.

    By any measure, this has been an extraordinary few months for us all – in the Labour party, in British politics and across the country as a whole.

    In six months we’ve gone from the demoralisation of a general election defeat.. through what can only be described as an eruption of grassroots democracy in our political system.

    Two months ago, that tide of people demanding a real political alternative delivered a landslide in the Labour leadership election.

    Of course, I’m humbled by the huge support and mandate I’ve been given.

    It’s been a rollercoaster.. no doubt about that.

    But I also know it’s not about me personally.

    It’s about a thirst for a different kind of politics.. which I’m honoured to help give voice to.

    And we’ve drawn strength from the huge numbers that continue to turn out across the country… to join what is now a deeply rooted movement for change.. for a different kind of Britain.

    Labour party members and supporters in hugely expanded numbers, of course.. but also hundreds of thousands who’ve never been involved in politics before.

    What seemed to come out of nowhere has certainly taken the powers-that-be by surprise.

    But we know that what’s happened in the Labour party has deep roots in something that’s been building up in our country and across the world for years. It’s been a political rebirth.

    People are fed up with a so-called free market system that has delivered grotesque inequality, stagnating living standards for the many…  calamitous foreign wars without end … and a political stitch-up which leaves the vast majority of people shut out of power or influence.

    Since the crash of 2008, anti-austerity politics – and the demand for an alternative – has led to the rise of new movements and parties.. in one country after another.

    In Britain it’s happened in the heart of traditional politics, in the Labour party… which is something we should be extremely proud of.

    It’s exactly what Labour was founded for: to be the voice of the many.. of social justice and progressive change from the bottom up.

    Now of course it’s been a bumpy couple of months.

    The sort of change represented by an election like we went through … was always going to be a difficult transition.

    But amid all the sound and fury – and some stuff that has been truly off-the-wall – that change is already making itself felt.

    Since we formed our new leadership team and shadow cabinet, Labour is now an unequivocally anti-austerity party.

    We have already defeated George Osborne in parliament over the Tories’ swingeing attacks on working families’ tax credits.

    Labour is now at last committed to bringing the railways back into public ownership… supported by the large majority of British people.

    We’ve dragged the government behind us on the threat to our steel industry.

    And we have shamed David Cameron into pulling the plug on his tawdry prison deal with Saudi Arabia.

    That’s our first two months.

    The campaign we launched across the country this summer will continue. Every week, I’m campaigning, speaking and meeting people throughout Britain.

    But now the dust is settling, I think it’s time to set out, not just where my leadership has come from, but where I want this movement to go.. what we want to achieve.. and what our our vision for Britain is all about.

    First and foremost, this Labour leadership is about a genuinely new political direction for the country.

    The platform I was elected on is based on three pillars.. and everything we want to do will be based on those foundations.

    The first pillar is the new politics: the democratisation of public life from the ground up.. giving people a real say in their communities and workplaces.. breaking open the closed circle of Westminster and Whitehall – and yes, of boardrooms too.

    That’s why we want to see a mushrooming of online democracy and citizen’s assemblies.. and why we’re backing a constitutional convention to bring power closer to people, in every nation and region of our country, in every community, town and city.

    That’s why we want communities to have more direct control of their own services.

    As part of our constitutional convention, Jon Trickett will be asking citizens’ assemblies to discuss where powers should be held, who should hold them, and how they should be accountable … of the voting system, House of Lords reform and the voting age.

    Some local councils have already led the way – through participatory budgeting or setting up Fairness Commissions.. to work out how council resources can be harnessed to increase equality.

    People need more power in the workplace too.

    The Conservatives are stripping away the most basic of workers’ rights through the Trade Union Bill.

    Not only will we reverse the Bill when we get back in 2020.. we will extend people’s rights in the workplace – and give employees a real voice in the organisations they work for.

    And Ian Lavery is leading a working group to drive forward this agenda.

    Our party needs to be at the heart of this democratization drive as well.

    Too often in the past, the democratic decisions of our conference have been ignored by the party leadership,

    To many, it’s felt like a small cabal in Westminster decides, while you’re expected to be loyal foot soldiers pounding the streets for Labour.

    But we want people to be able to participate in politics.. to have a direct voice in every part of their lives.

    Our leadership election gave an insight into what can be achieved – 400,000 people were mobilised to vote, and more than half voted online.

    Every week I’ve been asking people for their suggestions of what I could raise with David Cameron at Prime Minister’s Questions – and thousands of people send in their own questions.

    Over the summer, the parliamentary party got a decision badly wrong. We abstained on the welfare bill.

    Would we have made that mistake if we had asked you, our members, what we should have done?

    Why not give members the chance to take part in indicative online ballots on policy in between annual conferences – and give our grassroots members and supporters a real say?

    We want to see this democratic revolution extend into our party.. opening up decision-making.. to the hundreds of thousands of new members and supporters that have joined us since May.

    It’s a huge opportunity for Labour: to remake our party as a real social movement.. organising and rooted in our communities.

    That’s not about fighting sectarian battles or settling political scores.

    It’s about being open to the people we seek to represent … giving them a voice through our organisation and policy-making.. and drawing members into political action.

    Of course the new politics is also about open and respectful debate.
    All my political life I have stood for tolerance, debate and the democratic determination of policy.

    But I have also been elected to lead, to express the aspirations and concerns of millions of people – hundreds of thousands of whom gave me my mandate.

    We owe it to them to unite and conduct our debates in a comradely and constructive way… and all of us to live with the outcomes. It’s about respecting democracy – and also those who depend on us.

    The second pillar of our project for Britain is a new economy.
    It’s anti-austerity economics.. that goes without saying.
    And like so many other of the policies we’re developing.. that’s something that unites our shadow cabinet and MPs..  with members across the party.

    Austerity is a political choice, not an economic necessity.. as our new shadow chancellor John McDonnell told the party conference.

    Five years ago, the Conservatives said they were going to wipe out the deficit and cut the debt.

    Instead, slashing services and benefits – while cutting taxes for the wealthy – only slowed our recovery… and loaded the burden of the banks’ crisis onto the backs of people… who had nothing whatever to do with it.

    Recovery only got going once Osborne panicked.. took the brakes off … and pumped up housing credit to get through the general election.

    Now the Tories are about to impose a new wave of even more devastating cuts.. and effective tax rises for millions of working families.

    That’s happening just as the risks from a weakening global economy are growing.

    Osborne’s economy is a house built on sand.

    But what Labour now stands for is far more than stopping the damage being done by the Tories.. and their threat to our economic future.

    We want to see a break with the failed economic orthodoxy that has gripped the establishment in this country for decades.

    The City elite that was supposed to know best brought our economy to its knees.

    The 1980s orthodoxy of privatisation, deregulation and low taxes on the rich hasn’t delivered sustainable growth.

    And it hasn’t delivered decent living standards for most of us .. let alone economic security.

    That model of how to run an economy is broken.

    The results in Britain have been a lop-sided and unstable economy.. an explosion of insecure low-paid jobs.. declining productivity.. and stagnating or falling incomes for the majority.

    Our alternative will put public investment first.
    It will put science, technology and the green industries of the future front and centre stage.

    We want to see the reindustrialisation of Britain for the digital age.. driven by a national investment bank.. as a motor of economic modernisation for the 21st century.

    Not the phoney Northern powerhouse of George Osborne’s soundbites – but a real economic renaissance of the north: a renaissance based on investment in infrastructure, transport, housing and technology.. that provides a solid return.

    We need the same for the South West too… investing in a new Okehampton bypass and rail electrification on the Great Western line.

    A genuinely mixed economy.. of public enterprise and long-term business commitment.. that will provide the decent pay, jobs, housing, schools, health and social care of the future.

    An economy based on a new settlement with the corporate sector.. that, yes, involves both rights and responsibilities.

    Labour will always distribute the rewards of growth more fairly. That’s for sure.

    But to deliver that growth.. and create that wealth in the first place.. demands profound change in the way the economy is run.

    Change that puts the interests of the public and the workforce.. ahead of short-term shareholder interest.

    Only an economy that is run for the real wealth creators – the technicians, designers, cleaners, supermarket and health workers..  as well as the entrepreneurs and self-employed – and puts them in the driving seat .. is going to deliver prosperity for all in the future.

    The third pillar of our vision for Britain is a different kind of foreign policy – based on a new and more independent relationship with the rest of the world.

    A relationship where war is a last resort.

    For the past 14 years, Britain has been at the centre of a succession of disastrous wars..  that have brought devastation to large parts of the wider Middle East.

    They have increased, not diminished, the threats to our own national security.

    That in no way excuses or mitigates the responsibility of those who carry out these indefensible outrages, whether in Paris a week ago or in the last 24 hours in Bamako, Mali.. or Beirut or Ankara.

    Absolutely nothing can justify the targeting of civilians, by anyone, anywhere.

    But the experience of Afghanistan.. Iraq… and Libya has convinced many of our own people .. that the elite’s enthusiasm for endless military interventions .. has only multiplied the threats to us – while leaving death and destabilisation in their wake.

    David Cameron told parliament this week that last Friday’s atrocities in Paris, claimed by Isis, made the case for British military action in Syria stronger.

    Everyone, including British Muslims, wants to see the defeat of this murderous and reactionary cult.

    Yesterday I was in Finsbury Park mosque to support the Muslim community.. and as I said in parliament on Wednesday, at times like these.. we must stand more strongly than ever.. against anti-semitism, Islamophobia or racism in any form.

    And Labour will consider the proposals the government brings forward – including its responses to the Foreign Affairs select committee report opposing British air strikes in Syria.

    But in our view, the dreadful Paris attacks make the case for a far more urgent international effort… to reach a negotiated settlement of the Syrian civil war – and end the threat from Isis.

    It is the conflict in Syria…and the consequences of the Iraq war …which have created the conditions for Isis to thrive and spread its murderous rule.

    And it is through political agreement to end the civil war – negotiated with all the external powers.. backed by the United Nations.. and with Syrians in control of their own country – that Isis will be isolated and defeated.

    Action against ISIS that sticks… on the ground.. that destroys the virus .. and reclaims hearts and minds, as well as territory.. will have to come from within the Arab and Muslim world itself.

    It can’t be seen as an external intervention.. although the international community has a part to play.

    That’s why we have called on the government to work through the UN. And why we should use the UN security council resolution passed last night.. to accelerate moves towards a comprehensive settlement of the conflict.

    Of course, Labour will support every necessary measure to protect people on the streets of our towns and cities.

    But it is vital at a time of tragedy and outrage not to be drawn into responses which feed a cycle of violence and hatred.

    As the US president Barack Obama said recently, Isis “grew out of our invasion of Iraq” and is one of its “unintended consequences”.

    We must not keep making the same mistake – again and again.

    Let me make it clear. Labour will always stand up to any threat to this country and our people.

    We will never leave Britain unprotected.

    But we need a different approach to foreign policy that puts peace.. justice.. and real security first.

    Our experience of 14 years of failed foreign wars has driven home.. that human rights are better protected through solidarity and universally accepted bodies such as the UN.. rather than arming dictatorships and unilateral military force.

    Engagement, dialogue and negotiation through the UN isn’t a cop-out.

    We’re seeing the start of a process in Vienna that could pave the way for a settlement of the Syrian conflict.. and end the refugee crisis.

    That’s clearly a better and safer way.. to relate to the Arab and Muslim world.

    It’s one that also better reflects Labour’s values.

    Fair trade.. respect for human rights.. aid, internationalism and conflict resolution – instead of perpetual war.. and support for dictatorial regimes that threaten.. not protect.. our security.

    That’s also part of the reason so many…. including at the heart of our military establishment…. question the sense of renewing the Trident weapons system at huge cost, when the threats to our security demand a different defence strategy in the 21st century…. even as we do everything necessary to protect jobs and hi-tech industry.

    We all know there are different views on nuclear weapons in our party, passionately held on both sides.

    But having that debate in a serious and respectful way isn’t a sign of weakness.

    It’s a recognition that some of the most important issues facing our country.. have been excluded from mainstream politics for too long.
    And we are determined to end that.

    Just as we are determined to put the need for a progressive reform agenda in the European Union back on the table – everything from workers’ rights…. to ending corporate privilege.. and enforced privatisation ….  instead of David Cameron’s timid and skewed renegotiation.. choreographed for the cameras.

    But this is the prime minister who tries to wrap himself in the Union Jack.. and claim his opponents hate Britain.

    The gall of the fake Tory patriots is really something to behold.
    Who is it who’s really anti-British?

    Is it the Tory ministers and their non-dom City hedge-fund backers.. who sell off our national assets to overseas governments and corporations?

    Who take instructions from Gulf tyrannies on British domestic policy..  in exchange for arms and oil deals.. or who outsource decisions on our own national security to the US government?

    What kind of patriotism is it.. to sell your country to the highest bidder?

    To flog off the publicly owned NHS to privateers?

    How is it patriotic to take money from working families.. and hand control of the country to a super-rich elite?

    What’s pro-British about a government that slashes support for serving soldiers and military veterans?

    Or ministers whose police cuts are so severe that, as senior officers have warned, they are expected to “reduce very significantly” the ability to respond to a Paris-style attack?

    The letter from senior police chiefs to Theresa May after the Paris tragedy makes clear that planned cuts would have a severe impact on the capacity of the police to respond to attacks on this scale.

    This is an alarming situation. By pressing ahead with these cuts, the government is failing in its most basic duty.. to protect our citizens.

    The planned cuts to police numbers and capability pose a direct threat to the security of our own people.

    They must be halted.

    Following discussions with Andy Burnham, we want to make this very clear.

    After Paris, there must be no cuts in the police front line.

    That means no reduction in numbers, essential equipment or helicopter support.

    To press ahead with these cuts would be gambling with the safety of the British people.

    Labour will take no lectures in patriotism from the Conservatives, the political wing of the hedge-funds and the bankers.

    How dare Cameron’s Conservatives pretend that they speak for Britain.

    We stand for this country’s greatest traditions: the suffragettes and the trade unions..  the Britain of Mary Wollstonecraft, Shelley, Alan Turing and the Beatles… and perhaps our finest Olympian – and a Somalian refugee – Mo Farah.. an Arsenal fan of course.

    And for the working people of this country who fought fascism.. built the welfare state.. and turned this land into an industrial powerhouse.

    The real patriots.

    For all their talk of defending the country, Cameron’s Conservatives won’t even take action to save our steel industry.. when the means are at hand.

    A job in Scunthorpe is as good as a job in the City of London.

    But Cameron’s government is sitting on its hands.. while what’s left of our manufacturing based is bled white by import dumping and its own inaction.

    We need Cameron and Osborne to act as decisively in 2015 .. as Gordon Brown did in 2008.. when the Labour government took over RBS and Lloyds.. to prevent economic collapse.

    Why didn’t Cameron’s government help with high energy costs, without waiting for approval from Brussels?

    Or cut the business rates the industry pays… which are much higher than elsewhere in Europe?

    And what about an industrial strategy to build a modern manufacturing base?

    If the Italian government can take a public stake to maintain their steel industry, so can we.

    That’s why Labour will be pressing Cameron to use the powers we have.. to intervene and, if necessary, take a strategic stake in steel..  to save jobs and restructure the industry.

    Cameron has the power.

    He must act now to save steel.

    The Tories won in May on their lowest ever share of the vote for a parliamentary majority – just 37% of those who voted.. and less than a quarter of those eligible.

    That’s no landslide in anyone’s book.

    But Labour failed to win back the economic credibility lost in the financial crash of 2008.. or convince potential supporters we offered a genuine alternative.

    The result is that millions of families now face deep cuts to their incomes and a savage squeeze on public services.. while the richest enjoy tax cuts and household-name corporations pay almost no tax whatsoever.

    Privatisation and job insecurity are being let rip.. while the government unleashes a legal onslaught on the very trade unions that could defend them.

    Meanwhile middle income voters faces growing insecurity.. and relentlessly rising costs.. from housing to higher education.

    We will oppose and resist this government’s brutal and incompetent policies at every turn.. inside and outside parliament.

    And we will base our campaigns on the commitment and enthusiasm of the hundreds of thousands who have been drawn into Labour politics by my election.

    But at every stage.. starting with next month’s by-election in Oldham.. we will be focused on how to build the support to win elections..  in every community and every part of the country..  laying the ground to win back power for Labour in 2020.

    In May, the votes we needed to win fragmented in all parts of the country..  while millions of our potential voters stayed at home.

    Many didn’t believe we offered the alternative they wanted. Some of our supporters were drawn to Ukip.

    But even if Ukip won’t build you a home, find a school for your kids, or protect the NHS.. it will always find someone to blame.

    It’s true there’s an electoral mountain to climb.

    But if we focus everything on the needs and aspirations of middle and lower income voters….  if we demonstrate we’ve got a viable alternative to the government’s credit-fuelled, insecure economy..
    I’m convinced we can build a coalition of electoral support…. that can beat the Tories in four and a half years’ time.

    That means being the voice of women, of young people and pensioners…. middle and lower income workers….
    the unemployed and the self-employed….
    minority communities – and those struggling with the impact of migration at work.. and in our towns and cities.

    It means putting climate change and green jobs..
    housing..
    the NHS..
    education..
    social care..
    workplace rights..
    mental health..
    and arts for all.. at the centre of everything we do and say.

    Running like a golden thread through Labour’s history is the struggle for equality.

    And rampant inequality has become the great scandal of our time, sapping the potential of our society.. and tearing at its fabric.

    Labour’s goal isn’t just greater equality of wealth and income.. but also of power.

    Our aim could not be more ambitious.

    We want a new settlement for the 21st century: in politics.. business.. our communities.. with the environment, and in our relations with the rest of the world.

    Every one of us in the Labour party.. is motivated by the gap between what our country is .. and what it could be.

    We know that in the fifth largest economy in the world.. the foodbanks.. stunted life chances.. and growing poverty alongside wealth on an undreamt of scale.. are a mark of shameful and unnecessary failure.

    We know that privatisation, outsourcing and unscrupulous employers are driving down pay and conditions.. as the Tories kick away the limited protection people still have.

    We know how great this country could be.. for all its people.. with a new political and economic settlement..

    With new forms of democratic public ownership,.. driven by investment in the technology and industries of the future.. with decent jobs, education and housing for all.. with local services run by and for people.. not outsourced to faceless corporations.

    That’s not backward-looking, it’s the very opposite.

    It’s the socialism of the 21st century.

    But it’s not simply a Labour offer to the British people.. cooked up like some political marketing wheeze.

    What we’re starting this autumn is a democratic transformation..  inside and outside our party.. to build a future that can belong to the British people.

    Based on the three pillars of my leadership mandate, that’s our goal.. to to take back power from the 1% and put it in the hands of our communities..

    Those communities are being damaged by this Tory government.
    Our people are hurting.

    That’s why we need a Labour mayor in Bristol next year… and a Labour government in 2020.

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 1983 Maiden Speech in the House of Commons

    jc-small

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Jeremy Corbyn in the House of Commons on 1 July 1983.

    I should have thought that in four years’ time the hon. Member for Hayes and Harlington (Mr. Dicks) will be an unpaid, unemployed employee of a non-existent local authority, if he follows the logic of his own arguments.

    This is the first time that I have spoken to the House. It seems a million miles away from the constituency that I represent and the problems that the people there face. Islington, North is only a few miles from the House by tube or bus. We are suffering massive unemployment and massive cuts imposed by the Government on the local authorites. There are cuts in the Health Service. In common with the rest of inner London, we have lost all grant funding for education. That is a measure of the contempt with which the Government have treated Islington, North — indeed, the whole borough of Islington.

    The borough has suffered an unprecedented media attack in exactly the same way as the GLC suffered because it was singled out as fair game for editorials in the Daily Mail, The Sun and other newspapers. The previous Member for Islington, South and Finsbury used an Adjournment debate in the House to raise complaints about the borough council on a number of matters.

    It is significant that just this week the Minister received a letter from Islington borough council about objections made to the district auditor about the Association of Metropolitan Authorities, the Islington News Co-operative and the council’s newspaper, Focus. The district auditor replied on detailed terms. He said that he felt that there was no case for the borough council to answer in the light of the allegations made by the previous Member. It is unfortunate that little publicity is likely to be given to the district auditor’s reply compared to the publicity that was given to the allegations made against the borough council in the run-up to, and during, the election campaign by Conservative and Social Democratic party members.

    The borough which I have the honour to represent has suffered a stupendous loss in rate support grant since 1979. In 1979 £55 million a year was paid to Islington borough council. That was the Government contribution to the needs of that rundown inner city area. It is indicative of the Government’s determination to create massive unemployment in inner city areas and demonstrates their ignorance of the problems that people face in such boroughs that the Government grant is now down to £32 million and is destined to go down further. That is a massive indictment of the Government. The hon. Members who now represent Islington will speak up continuously on that problem and will speak up for a borough that has been maligned by the Government and the press mercilessly over the past two years.

    Unemployment in Islington is as bad as anywhere else in London. If one takes the rate together with those of the neighbouring boroughs of Hackney, parts of Waltham Forest and Enfield, there is a horrific picture. There is 20 per cent. registered unemployment. Far more people are unemployed than that. About one third of those who are out of work at the moment in Islington have been out of work for more than a year. Within a few minutes of the House are areas in Finsbury Park where there are black people of 20 and older, both women and men, who have never worked since leaving school at the age of 16. They have little but a great deal of contempt for the Government and for proceedings that are adopted by the Government in attacking such boroughs. They have little regard for a system that seems destined to force them to stay permanently on the dole. I shall convey that spirit to the House as often as I can. The people in my constituency are bitter and angry.

    The number of jobs that we have lost in the past few years give the lie to the argument that, if workers demand high wages, somehow or other they are pricing themselves out of a job. Conservative Members have often lectured us about that. In fact, the average wages in the borough of Islington are well below the national average. At the same time, thousands of jobs have been lost in the past two years. Very few vacancies are notified to the Holloway employment office and there is a feeling of hopelessness that is perhaps paralleled in other parts of the country. That is serious.

    Another factor makes people suffer. Islington is an inner city borough where less than 40 per cent. of the population can purchase a car. Presumably many hon. Members drive through it on the way to their constituencies. Day in, day out a vast amount of commuter traffic also thunders through, as well as heavy goods vehicles and dangerous overweight juggernauts. Hon. Members may have seen reports last week of a serious road accident that occurred in St. Paul’s road which is a route for heavy lorries trundling through my constituency, bringing death and danger in their wake.

    I hope that the call for a London-wide lorry ban is taken in a debate on London as such a danger cannot be allowed to continue on our roads. There never was a justification for allowing the size and weight of lorries that exist on our roads, and there is even less justification with the completion of the M25 for any opposition to a heavy goods vehicle ban throughout London. The argument that such vehicles serve London’s industry and businesses is fallacious and wrong. At least two thirds of the vehicles that thunder down the Archway road, along the Holloway road, St. Paul’s road and into Graham road in Hackney are travelling straight through London and using the city as a short cut to the Channel ports.

    As the Government have taken so much money from Islington borough council and the neighbouring borough councils of Haringey, Hackney, and to a lesser extent Enfield because the Government have friends there, it is incredible that they should countenance spending more than £30 million on the building of a new stretch of motorway — the Archway motorway project — leading more traffic into inner London. That is another matter that I hope to bring often before the House.

    The plight of the Health Service in my borough is serious. I am sponsored by the National Union of Public Employees and until yesterday I was employed as an organiser for that union. I am well aware of the cant and hypocrisy that is spoken about the Health Service. The Health Service in London has suffered more than almost any other service in the past few years. Cuts are made day in and day out. At this moment, 53 London hospitals are under threat of partial closure, ward closure or complete closure. Further, the jobs of about 4,000 health workers are at risk under the lunatic policy of continuing to cut health spending in every sense in inner London.

    The effects of health cuts are very significant. If a hospital is closed, it might suit Health Service planners and the DHSS, as they might consider it to be an efficiency factor. What happens in reality is that people who were used to going to a convenient local hospital cannot do so, the waiting list for major operations gets longer and longer and the care of the sick is forced more and more into the home and on to women.

    Yet the Government had the temerity to issue a press statement before the election about the value to society of private medicine, the development of private hospitals and encouraging people to spend their money on private health care. That freedom of choice does not exist for the constituents of Islington, North. They cannot afford private medicine. They do not wish to see private medicine develop or the obscenity of a private health service and pay beds continuing to exist in National Health Service hospitals. My colleagues and I at the National Union of Public Employees wish that topic, which is a crying scandal, to be brought before the House.

    Greater scandals are also taking place in the Health Service. I could list, time permitting, all 53 hospitals in London which are under some form of immediate risk. I will not go through them all but I will draw some to the attention of the House. The south London hospital for women, which is most in the news, is due to be closed. Apparently, as a result of a decision made last night, the ball is now in the Government’s court. If the Government do not provide the money for the running of that hospital, it will close. That hospital was founded because women wished to have a health service in which they felt confidence and trust. It was founded for women, run by women and continues to provide a valuable service for women in south London. It will be a scandal if that hospital is allowed to close.

    I hope that the Minister will give an assurance that the closure will not go ahead and that Government money will be provided to keep that vital facility open. Women suffer more than anyone else from Health Service cuts. They suffer through having to wait for operations and it is usually they who end up caring for the sick who cannot be cared for by the Health Service.

    On the arguments about spending in the Health Service and the setting of cash limits, I have some useful information—all gleaned from DHSS sources and put together by the London Health Service campaign. The cash limit revenue allocations are compared with the surplus or shortfall, allowing for 5.6 per cent. inflation. There is some argument about the applicability of that figure to the Health Service, but that is the figure used. Only two health authorities in London—Croydon and Hounslow and Spelthorne—had a surplus of cash limit allocation compared with their expenditure. Every other authority was seriously overspending. As anyone who has served on a health authority will know, overspending means cuts, longer queues for major operations and beds deliberately left vacant not because they are not needed by the sick but because the Government are not prepared to provide the money to care for the sick. That is the reality of the situation.

    As I have said, north Islington has suffered Health Service cuts perhaps as bad as those in any other area. The borough as a whole has recently lost Liverpool road hospital, the City of London maternity home and the casualty facility at the Royal Northern hospital, placing frightening and devastating pressure on the remaining facilities at the Whittington hospital which itself is now threatened with the closure of one wing. Disasters of that kind occur daily in the inner city areas. That is why people are so angry and it is incredible that only 13 Conservative Members can be bothered to attend today’s debate on these matters.

    The DHSS has mounted a privatisation campaign in which it has consistently tried to lecture local health authorities about how efficient it would be if private enterprise played a part in running the Health Service, stressing the efficiency of laundry, catering, portering and gardening services. The private sector is already making a fortune out of drug sales to the health authorities. When Conservative Members lecture health workers who demand decent wages, they never criticise the massive profits made out of the Health Service by the drug companies.

    Moreover, the lectures about the need for privatisation in the Health Service are not matched by the experience of health authorities which have brought in private enterprise laundry, portering, catering and cleaning services. In all cases they have said that the services are not only inefficient but difficult to control because one is constantly dealing with third parties whose interest is not the care of patients and the efficient running of a National Health Service that is free at the point of use but only the profit that they can make out of it.

    With all the problems that London now faces —massive unemployment, problems of public transport and traffic management, and the rest—it is extraordinary that the Government should choose this moment to mount a fantastic media campaign against the GLC and, in a couple of lines in a badly written and ill-thought-out manifesto, to say that they intend to abolish the GLC. The real reason why they wish to abolish it is because they could not gain control of it at the last election. If the GLC were abolished, London would be the only capital in the world, so far as I can discover, without some central democratic and unitary local authority to administer its business.

    It is amazing that the House should spend time debating the abolition of the GLC when it should be debating the lack of democracy in so many other areas of London life. I have dealt at some length with the problems of the Health Service. Greater democracy is needed in the Health Service. It would be advantageous to have a London health authority to discuss the problems of the Health Service in London rather than continuing the balancing act between expenditure in inner London and the needs of counties such as Essex, Hertfordshire, Oxfordshire and so on, as the regional health authorities consistently do, with the result that London suffers from an even worse Health Service.

    We hear a great deal about democracy and freedom of choice. I find it incredible that at the same time as the Government propose to abolish the Greater London council and to take away the democratic powers of the Inner London Education Authority they allow London’s undemocratic police force to continue its operations and they allow Sir Kenneth Newman to make monstrous attacks on people who merely demand some form of democratic representation in the expenditure of hundreds of millions of pounds on London’s police force.

    I hope that the House will return again and again to the debate on the democratic running of London. It is clear that the Government are determined to take away all democratic rights of local government in London. They tried to destroy our borough councils. Now they seek to destroy the GLC and the ILEA.

    I represent an area of London that has suffered as much as any other from the policies of this Government, and I shall be telling the House repeatedly that we do not intend to take these issues lying down. We shall not allow unemployment to go through the roof. We shall not allow our youth to have no chance and no hope for the future. We shall not allow our borough councils to be attacked mercilessly in the way that they have been by the Government and by the press in the past year. We shall return to these issues because justice has to be done for those who are worst off and unemployed in areas such as the constituency that I represent.