Tag: Jeffrey Donaldson

  • Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Comments on the Irish Common Travel Area

    Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Comments on the Irish Common Travel Area

    The comments made by Sir Jeffrey Donaldson, the Leader of the DUP, on 6 December 2022.

    On 6th December 1922 the Common Travel Area came into being. It is so ingrained as part of life across these islands that we can sometimes overlook its significance. The House of Commons library estimated that the number of people living in the UK who were born in the Republic of Ireland is equivalent to around 1% of the Republic’s population. There are just over a quarter of a million people born in the UK and resident in the Republic.

    The Common Travel Area was a sensible and practical arrangement established between the United Kingdom and the then newly formed Irish Free State. It has worked to the benefit of both countries over the past 100 years and enjoys the support of people in both jurisdictions. This stands in stark contrast to the Northern Ireland Protocol which has not only failed in its objectives but also does not enjoy support across the community in Northern Ireland.

    The Common Travel Area long pre-dated the entry of either the UK or Ireland to the European Union. Whilst the Common Travel Area has been based on a concept designed to facilitate everyone, the Protocol has been based on punitive measures imposed against the UK under the cover of rhetoric about the Belfast Agreement. On this centenary we should return to the positive and practical principles demonstrated by the Common Travel Area and seek to emulate them in finding a solution to the Protocol.

  • Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Comments on Anglo-Irish Talks

    Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Comments on Anglo-Irish Talks

    The comments made by Sir Jeffrey Donaldson, the Leader of the DUP, in Coleraine on 11 November 2022.

    This problem is not new. We have been patient. We warned that the Protocol was undermining devolution more than two years ago. Yet no action was taken. Indeed, we were told there could be ‘no renegotiation’.

    Whilst the negotiations will be between London and Brussels, the talks between the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom show that there is now a focus on the problem but we long for the decisive action which delivers an acceptable solution.

    Northern Ireland must have its place within the United Kingdom’s internal market restored and our constitutional position respected.

    Last year, I published the DUP’s seven tests for any renegotiation. Those tests are based on the Government’s own words. That is how we will measure any product from the talks.

    I hope we can reach a negotiated outcome which will be acceptable to unionists because that will be the only basis for Stormont’s powersharing arrangements to prosper.

  • Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Speech on Elections in Northern Ireland

    Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Speech on Elections in Northern Ireland

    The speech made by Jeffrey Donaldson, the DUP MP for Lagan Valley, in the House of Commons on 9 November 2022.

    The Secretary of State is making a statement under provisions laid out in the New Decade, New Approach agreement, yet the only remaining part of that agreement that has not been implemented and honoured by this Government is the most important one of all: restoring Northern Ireland’s place in the UK internal market.

    We have had legislation passed on language and identity, and other pieces of legislation, including the provisions that the Secretary of State draws upon today. We recognise that the Government have brought forward legislation on the protocol, which is welcome, and that negotiations are ongoing. The Belfast/Good Friday agreement is based on the principle of consensus and cross-community support. When I hear some Members in this House saying that no one party should have a veto and praising the Good Friday agreement, maybe they need to read the agreement again and recognise that it is cross-community. There was silence from some when Sinn Féin kept Northern Ireland without a Government for three years; nothing was said about removing the Sinn Féin veto, so let us be even-handed.

    To conclude, I say to the Secretary of State that words such as “courage”, “understanding” and “compromise” are fine and good words, but what the people of Northern Ireland need now, the sooner the better, is a solution that sees the institutions restored on the basis that Northern Ireland is an integral part of the United Kingdom, in line with article 1 of the Belfast agreement and with the Act of Union itself.

    Chris Heaton-Harris

    I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his words and his questions. I hear exactly what he says. He details where legislation is in this place. The Northern Ireland Protocol Bill is, I believe, now in Committee in the House of Lords, unamended at this point. It is moving at good pace. This Government’s preferred view is to have a negotiated solution with our European partners, but he can see what we are aiming for in the content of that Bill.

    I also hear what the right hon. Gentleman says about the history—I have made that point myself to all those who have raised similar points with me because I am aware of it and of the responsibility that sits on my shoulders. I am also aware that the 25th anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday agreement on 10 April could and should be a great day for Northern Ireland, its politics and its past, present and future. I look forward to working with the right hon. Gentleman on all those matters.

  • Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Comments on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Comments on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    The comments made by Sir Jeffrey Donaldson, the Leader of the DUP, on 1 November 2022.

    Political progress in Northern Ireland was hard won and is built on the support of unionists and nationalists. One section of our people dominating another will never produce durable or balanced outcomes. We warned of this in the House of Commons immediately after the Protocol was put in place.

    Not one single unionist MLA or MP supports the Protocol. We need a solid foundation for devolved government to flourish. One which can command the support of unionists as well as nationalists. There will be no basis for an Executive and Assembly until the Protocol is replaced with arrangements that restore Northern Ireland’s place in the U.K. internal market and our constitutional arrangements are respected.

  • Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Speech on the Northern Ireland Protocol and Devolution

    Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Speech on the Northern Ireland Protocol and Devolution

    The speech made by Sir Jeffrey Donaldson, the Leader of the DUP, on 21 October 2022.

    Devolution can only flourish when there is a solid foundation with cross-community support. I want to see fully functioning devolved government restored in Stormont but that can only happen when the Protocol is replaced by arrangements that unionists can support. No unionist MLAs or MPs support the Protocol. That, as I warned 18 months ago, is not compatible with a functioning Executive.

    The Protocol rubble needs removed if the devolved government foundations are to be stabilised. You can’t proceed with powersharing, if one community is not on board. It doesn’t work.

    The Protocol has polluted every area of government. As we try to fix our NHS, the Protocol is jeopardising the supply of medicines to Northern Ireland. As we try to improve our infrastructure, the Protocol has triggered a costly 25% tariff on the steel used to build our schools, roads, hospitals, and houses. As we try to help people with the cost of living, the Protocol is driving up transport costs and the prices on our shelves. As we encourage people to install green energy, Treasury tax breaks are not available in Northern Ireland because of the Protocol.

    When a new Prime Minister is in place, if they want to see a fully functioning Stormont, they will have to deal with the Protocol once and for all. Short term fixes will be a disservice to Northern Ireland. That has been tried in the past. Everyone in Northern Ireland disserves a solution which can allow Stormont Ministers to get on with their job and make Northern Ireland a better place.

  • Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Speech to DUP Conference

    Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Speech to DUP Conference

    The speech made by Jeffrey Donaldson, the leader of the DUP, on 8 October 2022.

    Mr. Chairman, Party Colleagues, Distinguished Guests, Friends…

    I am delighted that after a three-year absence we have been able to come together for our Autumn Conference and to meet again following the devastating impact of the Covid-19 pandemic.

    Our thoughts and prayers continue to be with all those who lost loved ones during this tumultuous period.

    I also want to express our sympathies to those families who have been bereaved in the tragic events in Donegal yesterday afternoon and those injured as a result of this explosion are foremost in our thoughts.

    We assure the people of Cresslough of our collective prayers and want them to know that they will continue to be in our thoughts in the days ahead.

    Much has happened since we last met together – we fought a General Election, we witnessed the re-establishment of the local Executive and Assembly after a three-year absence, we have lived through and emerged from the pandemic,

    we have celebrated the centenary of Northern Ireland and taken tough decisions in our opposition to the Protocol, fought an Assembly election and yes, at times, focused more on what divided us rather than what unites us.

    No-one ever said politics was predictable!

    In recent weeks we have been deeply saddened and powerfully moved by the loss of Her Late Majesty Queen Elizabeth II.

    Her passing has been felt intensely across Northern Ireland and our nation as a whole. We have all been truly blessed to live through her reign and we give thanks to God for her unwavering service to our United Kingdom and the Commonwealth.

    As we look forward, we do so confidently, recognising that our new King, Charles III will reign mindful of the example set by Her late Majesty.

    Today as I stand before you, making my first conference speech as leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, I do so humbled and thankful for the support you have given me since taking up this burden of responsibility.

    I am honoured to be your leader and your servant, and as we look to the future

    I again pledge that I will never take your trust or your labours for granted.

    As we have proved over many years, we work best when we work as a team.

    This party is at its best when we say what we mean and mean what we say. Currently and in this chapter of our history we are in such a time.

    I believe in public service and making a difference and in the time ahead my guiding principle will continue to be channeling all of my efforts and endeavours to work for the betterment of all the people – as we work to make Northern Ireland a better place.

    But most of all I – we – believe in the Union and we will never apologise for working to promote the benefits of the Union and to secure our position within the United Kingdom.

    I have said it before and it is worth repeating – my vision for unionism is a simple, positive and modern one.

    I believe in Northern Ireland and its people.

    I believe that Northern Ireland is best served by being part of the United Kingdom and that our four nations of the UK are together stronger than their constituent parts.

    In support of that Union, I want us to build a better Northern Ireland, not just for those who share our unionism, but for all our people.

    I want to build the broadest coalition of support for that vision from right across the community.

    A coalition which includes those of us whose support for the Union is based on a cultural, social and historic affinity with Great Britain and those whose support is grounded more in reason and realism of what is in the best interests for them and their families.

    For me unionism should have no barriers to entry beyond a belief that Northern Ireland is best served as a part of the UK.

    We want to make Northern Ireland a place of peace, stability and prosperity for all.

    We want to see Northern Ireland and its people making a full contribution to our national life – whether that be in public service, military service, the arts, sport,

    or the economic and business life of our nation.

    We look back with pride at the contribution and sacrifice made by Northern Ireland’s men and women over the last one hundred years.

    Equally, we look forward with confidence when we see that outside London,

    Northern Ireland is the top location in the United Kingdom for foreign direct investment… and we know that our strongest asset is the ingenuity of our people.

    While I celebrate the past and our many achievements, my unionism does not hanker on returning back to a bygone age but looks forward to a new era.

    However Conference, some of our friends, family and colleagues sacrificed their all to protect Northern Ireland and to give us our future.

    We will not allow their memories to be sullied by the re-writing of history and the attempted justification for violence.

    Let us as a conference send a clear message that murder and mayhem is never justified.

    There WAS ALWAYS AN ALTERNATIVE TO VIOLENCE.

    We meet at an opportune time in the political calendar.

    Before we look forward and set out how we will face the challenges ahead I want to thank each and every one of you who contributed to our election campaign

    in May.

    Once again we established ourselves as the undisputed voice of unionism in

    Northern Ireland.

    This is not a position we take for granted and we will work to further strengthen and build upon our position.

    To our talented DUP team of candidates who day after day knocked the doors on the campaign trail and fought for every vote, I salute you and thank you for all that was accomplished.

    Sadly not every candidate was elected and already we are focused on winning back seats lost to our opponents.

    It may be the candidates who take the plaudits but we all know that it is only made possible because of the hard work of the teams around them.

    The election marked a transition for our Party. Inevitably in politics, as in life,

    the baton of leadership and public service passes from one generation to the next.

    I want to put on record our sincere appreciation to Robin Newton, William Humphrey, Paula Bradley, George Robinson and Jim Wells for whom the 5th May marked the end of their service in the Assembly.

    I know that we were all saddened by the loss of Mervyn Storey in North Antrim and Peter Weir in Strangford but I want to thank them for their service and dedication to their constituents and our party.

    I am absolutely certain we have not seen the last of either Mervyn or Peter and I know that they have further significant contributions to make to public service and to our party.

    The election also opened a new chapter of public service for David Brooks, Phillip Brett, Brian Kingston, Alan Robinson and Diane Forsythe.

    They are welcome additions to our Assembly team as they join with colleagues who continue their service and who are seasoned in the public arena.

    Since our last conference in 2019 we have sadly felt the pain of loss within our Assembly group and our Party with the passing of Gordon Dunne and Christopher Stalford.

    We have also lost a number of faithful party members at all levels of our organisation including Alderman Junior McCrum, Councillor Paul Hamill and most recently Alderman John Finlay.

    These representatives all served their constituents with distinction for many years. We treasure our memories of them all and hope that even today their families will take comfort from the legacy of duty and service they have left us.

    We were delighted beyond measure to see Gordon’s son Stephen elected to represent North Down last May and to hear from him this morning.

    Whilst some so-called commentators would love to see this party obliterated, when you look at the young faces elected last May I’ve got bad news for those commentators – this Party has a strong future and unionism will be here when they are long gone.

    At Westminster your Parliamentary team, both in the Commons and the Lords, continues to actively speak up for the interests of Northern Ireland.

    Our ability to influence outcomes has been felt across a range of issues and most particularly, working with our DUP Ministers, we have been able to successfully press the Government on a range of cost-of-living measures to ensure the people of Northern Ireland receive the same level of support as those in the rest of the United Kingdom.

    Working for Northern Ireland at Westminster and making a real difference to the lives of people is perhaps best highlighted through the delivery of broadband.

    In 2017 we secured through the Confidence and Supply Agreement £150

    million of public investment that delivered fibre broadband to almost ninety thousand rural premises across Northern Ireland.

    Whilst Sinn Fein questioned the need for public money to be spent on high-speed broadband for rural dwellers this intervention has been the most transformative investment for our rural economy since the electricity network was extended.

    Northern Ireland at 82% full fibre broadband is already massively ahead of England on 67%, Scotland on 60%, Wales on 49% and the Republic of Ireland on 41%.

    At current build rates, by 2025, Northern Ireland will be the first country in these islands where fibre is available to 99% of our premises.

    Earlier this year the Financial Times ranked OECD countries by full-fibre rollout.

    Northern Ireland was beaten only by South Korea and Japan.

    This has not only provided essential connectivity to rural dwellers but makes Northern Ireland the best-connected place in these islands, and one of the best connected anywhere in the world – a key selling point to potential investors considering Northern Ireland as a place to establish a new or expanded business operation.

    Mr. Chairman, that was a project developed by the DUP in 2016. We secured the money from London in 2017 and our DUP Economy Ministers awarded the contract in 2020.

    While Sinn Fein continues to moan and criticise from the outer precincts of Westminster we are there seeking to make a real difference on the ground.

    Indeed, you would sometimes be forgiven for thinking that Sinn Fein hope the UK Government will not assist people here so that they can advance their own narrow political agenda.

    Just as during the hugely challenging days of the pandemic, the uncomfortable truth for some remains that it is the UK Government at Westminster that has the financial firepower and resources to adequately deal with the current cost of living squeeze.

    This is a key benefit of the Union and tackling the difficulties created by the cost of living will continue to be an absolute priority for the DUP.

    We understand the challenges that homes and businesses are facing and we will fight day and night to ensure they receive the support that they need.

    Over the last term of the Assembly our DUP Ministers and MLAs have been working to deliver on the policies and priorities that matter to the people of Northern Ireland.

    Our Ministers have made a significant contribution in shaping the work of the wider Executive as well as leading their respective departments.

    In the Economy Department our DUP Ministers secured £286.8 million for the roll out of the Economic Recovery Action Plan including delivering the £140 million

    High Street Voucher Scheme.

    This provided over 1.4m people with a pre-paid £100 card to help inject an economic stimulus to our High Streets and re-orientate people back to the

    High Street and away from online shopping trends.

    In Education our DUP Ministers have increased funding for some of our most vulnerable members of society with spend on children with Special Educational Needs rising by 77% during the last mandate.

    In the last Assembly term, we also introduced the most progressive School Starting Age legislation within the UK.

    In Agriculture and Environment our Minister distributed over £28m in Covid-19 business support to farm businesses – the most comprehensive package of support anywhere in the British Isles or Europe and delivered a £4m Rural Halls Refurbishment Scheme.

    Our team worked to introduce ground-breaking Climate Change legislation with balanced protections for agriculture and published a Green Growth Strategy.

    I thank Gordon, Michelle and Edwin for all of their hard work on delivering flagship programmes and initiatives for the betterment of everyone in

    Northern Ireland and indeed also to Paul, Diane, Peter, Paul and Gary for their significant contributions in Ministerial office.

    Conference, the outcome of May’s election must act as a wake-up call to unionists across Northern Ireland.

    It is vital that lessons are learned in its aftermath and before we return to the polls. Unionism won 44% of the seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly.

    As unionists, we must be honest with one another; it wasn’t nationalists or others who caused the loss of several pro-Union seats at the election.

    That was the direct result of a splintered unionism where seats were lost in Strangford, North Antrim and East Antrim.

    Each of those constituencies had four unionist quotas yet in each constituency only three unionists were elected. This is not sustainable if we want to win.

    It is no good talking about the theory that you cannot split the vote in a PR election when the real-world evidence shows pro-Union representation weakened because of those splinters and divisions within the Pro-Union family.

    Those of us in this room are mature enough to know that delivering a more cohesive unionism cannot be achieved by attacking fellow unionists. It requires co-operation and effort from all who want to strengthen our place within the Union.

    Everywhere I go, I get one consistent message from unionists, they want us to work together. They see that fractured unionism cost seats, and just five months ago gifted victories to our opponents.

    Whilst some are content to manufacture arguments with fellow unionists, I am not.

    I have more in common with my unionist brothers and sisters than that which divides us.

    This Party believes in unionists working together and we stand ready to work

    in common purpose with fellow unionists from other parties, and none,

    as together we promote the benefits of the Union.

    As your leader I will leave no stone unturned in my quest to build the unity of unionists that our people are crying out for.

    We have a shared belief in being part of this great United Kingdom.

    We all cheer the British Team in the Olympics; we are immensely proud of our Armed Forces, and we all get the tingle in our spine as the National Anthem is played and the Union Flag is raised.

    We are not just unionists because we were born here.

    We are not just unionists because we support our constitutional monarchy.

    We are not just unionists because the United Kingdom has an international standing in the G7, the UN Security Council and NATO.

    We are unionists because it makes economic sense to be part of one of the biggest economies in the world.

    We are unionists because we cherish the National Health Service.

    And we are unionists because we love the United Kingdom and its diversity.

    We can be Northern Irish and British.

    We can be Scottish or Welsh and British.

    And yes, we can be Irish and British.

    Membership of the United Kingdom gives Northern Ireland, with a population of

    less than two million people, a place on the world stage.

    Let’s remember the benefits of the United Kingdom.

    Let’s remember those who came before us, who fought hard and sacrificed all in the cause of freedom and liberty in our nation’s darkest hour.

    Being part of the Union is good for everyone in Northern Ireland and Northern Ireland is good for the United Kingdom.

    We shouldn’t be afraid to make the case for the Union at every opportunity

    and as we move forward, we will work collectively to do so using every opportunity available both at home as well as beyond our shores.

    The case for leaving the UK is based on economic myths and fantasy politics;

    but the political facts of life are unionist.

    Conference, it is in our unity that we can find our strength.

    ———————

    In less than seven months we will be fighting the local council elections across the

    eleven councils in Northern Ireland.

    DUP Councillors in each area are the grass roots of the Party, the unsung heroes who are on the front-line when it comes to serving the needs of people in every rural district, hamlet, village, town and city across Northern Ireland.

    As this council term draws to a close we thank all our councillors for their efforts and their sacrifices.

    For those who have already indicated their wish to retire we are forever indebted to you for your years of service, often standing in the gap at a time when few others would do so and when times were tough.

    We will field a strong team of candidates, representing experience as well as fresh faces, who will go forward committed to delivering on our manifesto commitments and ensuring the most efficient use of rate-payers money whilst delivering every-day front line services in their council area.

    Sadly in some of our council areas the voices and views of unionists have been marginalised in the cause of Republican triumphalism.

    We are determined to continue putting a spotlight on such shameful behaviour and to speak up for unionists in those areas.

    As you heard from our council representatives on the panel this morning we will be able to present a strong DUP record of achievement as we campaign for a

    fresh mandate in the run up to the May 2023

    council poll.

    Mr. Chairman, this party worked hard to re-negotiate and restore devolution in 2006 and 2007 because we believed it was better to bring decision-making closer to the people.

    In those days devolution laid the foundations for peace and prosperity. It allowed us to change the image of Northern Ireland from a place known for conflict to one that has so much to offer. We can look back with pride at much of what was accomplished.

    Today when you look around you will see that Northern Ireland is a place transformed.

    No matter how difficult politics has been, devolved government has allowed Northern Ireland to prosper.

    I still believe in devolved government but I’m realistic enough to recognise that it has suffered serious reputational damage in recent years.

    Our system of government is far from perfect, and needs further measured reform, but we believe in the principle of devolution.

    I don’t need to tell you that many of the decisions that we have objected to most over the last ten years have not been taken at Stormont but at Westminster.

    I think particularly of abortion. In just a matter of hours, MPs in Westminster changed Northern Ireland from being one of the safest places for the unborn to being one of the most dangerous places in Europe.

    Anyone who believes that having no say in our future is a recipe for success simply hasn’t learnt the lessons of history.

    A fully functioning devolved government, built on solid foundations and working with London can make Northern Ireland a better place by fixing our health service, by building more schools, by training more GPs and by helping working families through the provision of better childcare support.

    However, the structures of Government at Stormont can only work with the support and buy in of unionists and nationalists.

    The imposition of the Protocol upon Northern Ireland has damaged and undermined the workings of our institutions.

    They cannot work without the restoration of the delicate political balance negotiated over many years and which has been disrupted by the Protocol.

    In February of this year, after repeated warnings and the exhausting of patience we withdrew our First Minster.

    For over two years we urged the Government to get a better deal, only to be repeatedly rebuffed by the EU and told the Protocol was the only show in town and was not open for renegotiation.

    On 1 July last year I warned that devolution and the Protocol were not compatible.

    Again, on 9 September last year I repeated my warning. I do so again today.

    When a trade border, a steel border, a pet border, a guide-dog border,

    a frozen food border, a plant border, a VAT border, a medicine border,

    a passenger border, a grocery border and a soil border were erected between

    Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom, then of course it was going to devastate political relationships and the delicate political balance in Northern Ireland.

    Every day Northern Ireland is subjected to some new Protocol problem that bedevils a business or a consumer.

    This is not a unionist question or a nationalist question. Equally it is not a question of either addressing the Protocol or addressing the cost-of-living crisis.

    The Protocol is making a massive contribution to that cost-of-living crisis.

    At a time when households and businesses can least afford it, haulage costs between GB and Northern Ireland have risen by nearly 30% as a direct result of the Protocol.

    Under the Protocol, there is a 25% tariff on the steel used to build our schools, roads, hospitals, and houses if the steel comes from Great Britain.

    The trade friction between Northern Ireland and Great Britain is fuelling the

    cost-of-living crisis locally as well as restricting consumer choice.

    The reality is that the Protocol is driving up the cost of living for every single household in Northern Ireland.

    That is why this party will work relentlessly to have this burden removed.

    During the election campaign we were honest with the electorate that the Protocol represented an existential threat to the future of Northern Ireland’s place within the Union and that it must be replaced by arrangements that fully restored Northern Ireland’s place within the UK Internal Market.

    The strong mandate that we received in the election has caused others to recognise the validity of our position and to act.

    As such, we welcomed and supported the introduction of the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill at Westminster.

    If fully enacted, this legislation has the potential to provide the solution that will free Northern Ireland from the grip of the Protocol and restore our rights as British citizens to trade freely with the rest of our own nation under Article 6 of the Acts of Union.

    We also meet at a time when the UK Government has recommenced talks with the EU on the Protocol. As a party we welcome those talks and wish those involved well.

    The issue of which route is travelled – whether the talks with the EU are successful or whether the Protocol Bill at Westminster becomes law is not the dominant question.

    For us what is important is the destination reached.

    Let me be clear – either the Prime Minister delivers the provisions of the Protocol Bill by legislation or by negotiation and ensures that our place in the United Kingdom is restored… or there will be no basis to re-enter Stormont.

    On this issue it is not words but actions we need to see and we will judge any outcome on the basis of actions not words.

    Some lay great emphasis on cutting the number of checks on goods entering

    Northern Ireland from Great Britain.

    If that were to happen they say all our problems would be sorted notwithstanding that the Protocol has not yet been fully implemented.

    The truth of course is that the checks on the Irish Sea border are the symptom of the underlying problem namely that Northern Ireland is subject to a different set of laws imposed upon us by a foreign entity without any say or vote by any elected representative of the people of Northern Ireland.

    As Great Britain has secured its freedom to de-regulate or move in a different direction of travel on aid or taxation Northern Ireland is going to constantly face new barriers because we are tied to a different set of laws.

    That is simply not sustainable and is incompatible with devolution, which requires the support of unionists as well as nationalists if it is to function.

    For the benefit of those watching in London and Brussels, let me restate our clear commitment.

    If decisive action is taken on the Protocol that restores our place fully within the United Kingdom, this Party will take its place once again in a fully functioning Executive.

    Conference, I know, and you know, we have the support of many thousands across Northern Ireland who want us to prevail on this most fundamental issue.

    We do not fear the prospect of a fresh election, far from it. If in the absence of his government righting the wrongs visited upon Northern Ireland the Secretary of State calls an Assembly election… we are ready and we will take our case to the people as the lead party of unionism.

    We will campaign as never before to secure a further fresh mandate from the people.

    The Government needs to tread sensitively and act wisely if they wish to see unionist confidence rebuilt and the conditions created for durable power sharing.

    The prize of moving on from the long shadow of the Northern Ireland Protocol is great.

    The prize is not just for unionism but for all of Northern Ireland and it is not just for the UK but for the EU as well.

    Just imagine how future arrangements could transform relationships within Northern Ireland, throughout the United Kingdom and with our nearest neighbours in the Republic of Ireland.

    With the 25th Anniversary of the Belfast Agreement fast approaching, surely this is the position all governments and parties will want to be in?

    When we come through these current challenges, I want to see a period of renewed focus on the everyday issues that matter.

    We want to work with others collectively so we can implement our plan for the

    health service and get on with delivering help for working families and creating more and better jobs.

    But first we must secure the solid foundations for moving forward and clear away the debris of the Protocol years. We need to restore the cross-community consensus that is essential for the political institutions to function and to succeed.

    Colleagues, in the coming weeks we may be tested as never before.

    Let us not be found wanting but rather rise to the challenges ahead so that when future generations look back on this period, they will be able to say of us that our legacy was not based on short-term fixes but on the long-term solutions we secured for all the people in Northern Ireland.

    For when we do that, this party will succeed, but more importantly Northern Ireland will succeed and the Union will endure.

  • Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The speech made by Jeffrey Donaldson, the DUP MP for Lagan Valley, in the House of Commons on 9 September 2022.

    On behalf of my colleagues in the Democratic Unionist party and on behalf of many across Northern Ireland, I wish to offer our sincere sympathy to His Majesty the King and to other members of the royal family on the passing of our dear sovereign, Queen Elizabeth II. In Counties Antrim and Armagh, Down and Fermanagh, Londonderry and Tyrone, individuals and families will gather in their communities to remember a great monarch, who stood with us in our time of trouble.

    Her Majesty the Queen has been a steadfast and unshakeable Head of State for the United Kingdom and for the Commonwealth, and her gracious approach, as others have said, has been a constant throughout our lives. In 1952, during her first Christmas broadcast, Queen Elizabeth asked the nation to pray

    “that God may give me wisdom and strength to carry out the solemn promises I shall be making, and that I may faithfully serve Him and you, all the days of my life.”

    She certainly fulfilled her promises, and today we mourn her passing. We do so with tremendous honour for one who served God and her people faithfully.

    Her Majesty led by example in Northern Ireland, and reached out the hand of friendship to help with the reconciliation process. We are duty bound to build on that foundation. The royal visit to the Republic of Ireland in 2011 was groundbreaking, and the warmth with which Her Majesty was received demonstrated that she was revered and respected far beyond the United Kingdom. I remember with fondness her speech during that visit, in which she again referred to her Christian convictions and reminded us that forgiveness lay at the heart of her faith, and that

    “it can reconcile divided communities.”

    Her visits to my constituency in Lagan Valley, to the city of Lisburn, to Dromore and, of course, to Royal Hillsborough invoke precious memories for the residents and for all of us, and I know her death will be felt acutely in Hillsborough and in the surrounding communities.

    During the most traumatic days of our troubled past in Northern Ireland, Her Majesty visited us many times to show solidarity with her people in their darkest of hours. Her presence conveyed a deep sense of stability and offered hope to so many.

    One such visit was in 1976, in one of the most violent years of the troubles. In her Christmas address later that year, Her Majesty spoke of the need for an end to the conflict, and pointed the way to peace and reconciliation. She reminded us that the following year was her silver jubilee, and expressed in hope that,

    “The gift I would most value next year is that reconciliation should be found wherever it is needed. A reconciliation which would bring peace and security to families and neighbours at present suffering and torn apart.”

    Yet just a few short years later, Her Majesty, too, was touched by the violence of the troubles, and her family endured the hurt and deep pain of losing a loved one, following the assassination by the IRA of the Earl Mountbatten at Mullaghmore in County Sligo in August 1979. She shared the sense of loss felt by countless victims, and her empathy and understanding offered comfort to so many from all backgrounds. She rose above that sense of loss to reach out across divided communities in Northern Ireland and to offer hope. This is real leadership.

    Yet it took us almost 20 long years to complete our journey to a peace agreement, an agreement that offered the prospect of bringing about that reconciliation that Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth yearned to see. Some 25 years on from that agreement, in truth we still struggle to deal with the legacy of our troubled past.

    Your Majesty, on an island riven by conflict and division, you were a bridge builder, reaching out to those from opposite sides of the divide, and your work of reconciliation helped to heal wounds and to encourage change. Your historic visit to the Republic of Ireland was a cathartic moment in British-Irish relations. The way you conducted yourself, the language you used and the message that you brought helped to lay to rest many of the ghosts of our shared history that have cast their shadows over relationships on these islands for centuries. It is my hope that your passing and the example you set will inspire us to even greater heights and to complete the journey that will bring true healing and reconciliation to our troubled land.

    Your Majesty, this United Kingdom has been truly blessed to have you as our Head of State, a sovereign whose dignified and faithful service has inspired a nation. I can do no better than to quote the words of a book that contains the values you sought to uphold throughout your reign:

    “Well done, good and faithful servant”.

    Our United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is stronger for your reign.

    To His Majesty King Charles III, I say this. We must all work to build this kingdom so that it is even stronger and more united, and we on this side will use all our endeavours to achieve these objectives. God save the King.

  • Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Speech on the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill

    Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Speech on the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill

    The speech made by Jeffrey Donaldson, the DUP MP for Lagan Valley, in the House of Commons on 27 June 2022.

    I welcome the opportunity to speak on Second Reading of this very important Bill. At the outset, it is important to make the point to all right hon. and hon. Members that this is not simply another Brexit-related Bill. Nor is it a technical Bill to remedy problems that have arisen since January 2021, albeit that it will have that effect.

    Fundamentally, the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill seeks to finally and fundamentally reset and restore Northern Ireland’s relationship with the rest of the United Kingdom, given the devastating impact of the protocol on the economic, constitutional, social and political life of Northern Ireland over the past 18 months. Many in this House will remember our opposition to the protocol, and it is an honour to follow the former Prime Minister, the right hon. Member for Maidenhead (Mrs May). She rightly flagged up our opposition from the outset to the protocol. It gives me no pleasure to say that we warned that it would be bad for Northern Ireland and that it would not work. That assessment has been more than borne out in reality.

    The Northern Ireland institutions were restored in January 2020. The former Secretary of State, the right hon. Member for Skipton and Ripon (Julian Smith), is in his place and he was very much involved in bringing about the New Decade, New Approach agreement. At the heart of that agreement was a clear commitment by the UK Government to protect Northern Ireland’s place within the UK internal market, and that it would be respected. On that basis, my party re-entered power sharing.

    We kept our side of the bargain and we were patient. We waited and waited for the Government to take action to protect our place in the internal market. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland did refer to measures to be introduced to the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 that would have at least partly dealt with the problem, alongside other measures to be proposed to a Finance Bill, but those measures were not brought forward, so still we waited.

    Last July, when I became leader of the party, I warned that if the Government failed to honour their commitment in New Decade, New Approach, we would have a real difficulty, because the consensus that is essential to ensure that power sharing is maintained in Northern Ireland is being undermined.

    Simon Hoare

    The right hon. Gentleman has not said anything up to now that is any way factually challengeable. On the presumption that the Bill secures its Second Reading this evening and begins its parliamentary progress, in the interest of serving those people in Northern Ireland who look to the Executive and Stormont to meet their daily needs, will he instruct his party colleagues who are MLAs to return to the Executive, get it back up and running, discharge their democratic duty, and serve all the communities in Northern Ireland?

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    I will come to that point, but I simply ask the hon. Gentleman: if I were to do that, would he then support the Bill? I heard nothing in his contribution to suggest that he would.

    Last July, I made it clear that:

    “The Irish Sea Border is not just a threat to the economic integrity of the United Kingdom, it is a threat to the living standards of the people of Northern Ireland”,

    and so it has proven. The impact of the additional cost of bringing goods from Great Britain to Northern Ireland is contributing to the cost of living situation in Northern Ireland. It is driving up the cost of food in our supermarkets, it is driving up the cost of manufacturing, and it is making it difficult for businesses to operate effectively.

    Bob Stewart

    Further to that point, it seems that the people of Northern Ireland sometimes cannot get goods from Great Britain. Manufacturers here are not sending them to Northern Ireland, because of the additional burden of trying to get them there.

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    The right hon. Gentleman is absolutely correct. Many of my constituents, and those of my right hon. and hon. Friends, have experienced that as consumers and businesses. This is about not just businesses, but every citizen of Northern Ireland.

    It is also about the democratic deficit. My Members, who were elected to the Northern Ireland Assembly and are Ministers in the Executive, are expected to preside over the imposition of regulations over which they have no say. They have no democratic input into how those regulations—the ones that regulate how we trade with the rest of our own country—are put in place. How can any hon. Member defend a situation where part of this United Kingdom is treated in such a way that its elected representatives have no say in many of the laws that regulate our trade with the rest of the United Kingdom? That is simply unacceptable and it is part of the problem.

    Karin Smyth

    I agree with the right hon. Gentleman, as I have said in this place many times, about aspects of the Joint Committee. This Bill that he is agreeing with, however, similarly gives absolutely no power to anybody in Northern Ireland—him, his party or anybody else— but gives it all to the Secretary of State. On that basis, how can he support it?

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    If enacted, the Bill will restore confidence in Northern Ireland, will restore the consensus essential to operate power sharing, and will therefore give back to the elected representatives in Northern Ireland the power to take the decisions that they have not been able to take.

    I also say to the House that it is a bit rich to hear hon. Members arguing for devolution and the restoration of power when this House, on a number of recent occasions, has overridden devolution and the Northern Ireland Assembly and has enacted powers contrary to the desires of the elected representatives in Northern Ireland.

    I believe that this Bill is essential to the restoration of political stability in Northern Ireland. It will provide a framework for the free movement of goods within the UK internal market in line with the Government’s commitment in New Decade, New Approach. It gives reasonable protection to the EU single market; it does not have an impact on the EU and the integrity of that market. In fact, it protects the integrity of that market as well as the integrity of the United Kingdom’s internal market. I see no reason why this House should not bring forward measures to do that, when it is clear and evident that the protocol has disrupted the integrity of the UK internal market.

    Sir George Howarth (Knowsley) (Lab)

    I know that the right hon. Gentleman gives a lot of thought to these issues and does not arrive at opinions lightly. He is arguing that the Bill as it stands will give Northern Ireland the things it wants—I think that is his main point—but what will happen if he is wrong?

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    I am not suggesting that the Bill is perfect. It is rare for legislation that passes this House to be perfect in every sense and not to require subsequent amendment. The benefit of the Bill is that it empowers Ministers to make change where change is necessary to ensure the proper functioning of the UK internal market, which is an entirely valid thing for this Parliament and Government to do.

    Furthermore, as a Unionist, I make no apology for saying that it is important to me that the Bill will restore Northern Ireland’s place within the Union. Some right hon. and hon. Members have referred to the rule of law, yet the High Court and the Court of Appeal in Belfast have stated clearly that the protocol subjugates article 6 of the Act of Union, which is an international agreement —it is the fundamental building block of the Union.

    Article 6 states clearly that I, as a Northern Ireland citizen and a member of this United Kingdom, have the right to trade freely within my own country and that there should be no barriers to trade between the constituent parts of the United Kingdom. In putting in place the Irish sea border, the protocol has broken article 6 and made me a second-class citizen in my own country, because I do not have the right to trade freely with the rest of the United Kingdom. I am simply asking for my rights as a British citizen.

    Simon Hoare indicated dissent.

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    The Chair of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee shakes his head, but if he found his constituents in a position where they were unable to trade freely with the rest of their own country, he might be as annoyed as I am and he might actually have something to say about it.

    Jim Shannon

    My right hon. Friend is putting forward an excellent case for how to do away with the Northern Ireland protocol through this legislation. Does he agree that it removes the direct jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice and brings it back here, and that it should be the people of this House, and of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, who make those decisions, not Europe?

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    I believe in fairness and that when there is a dispute at an international level, the court of one side should not be left to be the arbiter of that situation. That needs to be rectified.

    On the implications of the Bill, I make it clear that in our view, it will provide for the restoration of the equilibrium that is essential in Northern Ireland—the cross-community consensus that is at the heart of the Belfast agreement and that is absolutely necessary to ensure the proper functioning of the political institutions. As was evident in the May elections, not a single Unionist Member elected to the Assembly supports the Northern Ireland protocol, so there is no cross-community consensus in favour of it.

    This House can bury its head in the sand and pretend that there is no instant solution to the problem. It can say, “Let us just wait for the EU to finally agree to change its negotiating mandate,” but what about Northern Ireland in the meantime? I want to see the political institutions restored, but I am not able to do it if my Ministers are required to impose a protocol that harms Northern Ireland. I am not prepared—my party is not prepared—to engage in an act of self-harm to Northern Ireland’s part of the United Kingdom. We are simply not prepared to do that.

    Therefore, is it the will of this House that it wishes to see Northern Ireland languishing without political institutions able to operate because there is no cross-community consensus while we argue the rights and wrongs and the legalities of this situation? Unfortunately, I do not have a situation for my people whereby we can talk all night and debate this Bill and its legality in international law. I happen to believe there is a necessity, and the necessity is peace and stability in Northern Ireland.

    This House and this Government are charged with the responsibility of ensuring peace and stability in Northern Ireland. That is the necessity, and I do not see and have not heard in this House from anyone opposing the Bill what their solution is beyond saying, “Let’s have more negotiations”—negotiations with an EU that refuses to change its negotiating mandate and will not change the text of the protocol. I have to say to right hon. and hon. Members that refusal to change the text of the protocol simply means that we will not get a solution that will achieve the cross-community consensus required in Northern Ireland, and I believe the Bill offers a solution.

    Sir William Cash

    Does the right hon. Gentleman accept, as he said earlier, that a serious democratic deficit exists at the moment in the making of laws by European institutions—in the Council of Ministers, by a majority vote, behind closed doors? None of his voters has any opportunity to intervene whatsoever, and it is done in a manner completely inconsistent with proper democratic procedures. Is that not the absolutely right reply to my hon. Friend the Member for North Dorset (Simon Hoare)?

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    I thank the hon. Member for that intervention and for the excellent work he has been doing in helping to bring about the progress we are making towards the restoration of the political institutions in Northern Ireland.

    As I come to a conclusion, let me say that much of what will happen in the coming period in Northern Ireland will be shaped by attitudes and decisions in this House. If this Bill convincingly passes all its Commons stages in its current form and the Government continue to develop the regulations required to bring to an end the harmful implementation of the protocol, that will of course give substantially greater confidence that new arrangements are on the way, which in turn would provide a basis to take further steps to see the return of our local institutions.

    Therefore, I appeal to Members of this House who genuinely want to see the institutions restored and up and running in Northern Ireland again to prioritise the interests of Northern Ireland over any narrower ideological reservations they may have about this Bill. I urge them to recognise the vital nature of this Bill now progressing rapidly through its legislative stages in the Commons before the summer recess, and of ensuring not only that it receives substantial support in this House, but that it is not subject to either wrecking amendments or other amendments that would dilute the framework and impact of the Bill.

    In conclusion, much harm has been inflicted on the Belfast agreement and its successor agreements. Time is now short to ensure that we arrest this situation, and the only way to do that, finally and fully, is to deal with the protocol and to see Northern Ireland once again focus on moving forward together. We want to see the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive restored, and that can be achieved when there is a sustainable basis for doing so. We will continue to be condition and not calendar-led as we look forward to this Bill now making rapid progress. I commend the Bill, and we will be supporting it in the interests of Northern Ireland and the integrity of the entire United Kingdom.

  • Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Speech on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Speech on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    The speech made by Jeffrey Donaldson, the DUP MP for Lagan Valley, in the House of Commons on 17 May 2022.

    From the outset, the Democratic Unionist party warned this House of the consequences of the protocol, and that is why we opposed it from the beginning; we recognised the political and economic instability it would cause, and the harm that it would create for the Union.

    Today’s statement is a welcome, if overdue, step. It is a significant move towards addressing the problems created by the protocol, and towards getting power-sharing based on cross-community consensus up and running again. We hope to see progress on a Bill to deal with these matters in days or weeks, not months. As the legislation progresses, we will take a graduated and cautious approach.

    We want the Irish sea border removed, and we want the Government to honour their commitment in the New Decade, New Approach agreement to protect Northern Ireland’s place in the UK internal market. The statement today indicates that that will be covered in legislation that brings about revised arrangements. Under the Belfast/Good Friday agreement, power sharing can be stable only if there is cross-community consensus, but there is not consensus on this at the moment on the part of the Unionist community. We want the political institutions functioning properly as soon as possible, but to restore Unionist confidence, decisive action is now needed in the form of legislation, in order to repair the harm that the protocol has done to the Acts of Union, and in order to put in place sensible arrangements that, in the words of the Queen’s Speech, ensure the

    “continued success and integrity of the whole of the United Kingdom…including the internal economic bonds between all of its parts.”—[Official Report, House of Lords, 10 May 2022; Vol. 822, c. 3.]

    The words today are a good start, but the Foreign Secretary will know that actions speak louder than words. I welcome her commitment to decisive action in her statement to the House.

  • Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Loyal Address Speech

    Jeffrey Donaldson – 2022 Loyal Address Speech

    The speech made by Jeffrey Donaldson, the DUP MP for Lagan Valley, in the House of Commons on 10 May 2022.

    It is a pleasure to follow the right hon. Member for Haltemprice and Howden (Mr Davis), and I thank him for the support he has given us over the years in the Northern Ireland in particular.

    Can I add my voice in paying tribute to Her Majesty the Queen in this her platinum jubilee year, on behalf of my right hon. and hon. Friends and the people of Northern Ireland and in particular on behalf of the residents of Royal Hillsborough in my constituency? We look forward to Her Majesty being able to travel to Northern Ireland again in the near future to stay with us in Hillsborough and meet again the very proud citizens of that village, who have recently been accorded royal status.

    Much has been said already, about the focus on the health of our citizens and on the cost of living crisis in particular, which is important for the Government going forward. Recently, in the Assembly elections, the local political parties in Northern Ireland were very much focused on these issues. As I campaigned across Northern Ireland, I met many people who are concerned about their ability to pay their bills or about how long they are going to be waiting on our health waiting lists. Sadly, we have the longest waiting lists in the United Kingdom, even though we pay more per capita into the health service than any other part of the United Kingdom. I think that flags up the need for reform of our healthcare system in Northern Ireland, alongside much-needed investment in that system.

    We as a party are committed to that, and we are also committed to ensuring that measures the Government bring forward here at Westminster are applied to all parts of the United Kingdom in supporting hard-pressed families and working families during this cost of living crisis. I hope any measures introduced by the Government, and any spending commitments that apply to them, are applied across the United Kingdom, and of course that the Barnett consequentials are made available to the Northern Ireland Executive.

    It is a matter of regret that, at this moment in time, we have a political crisis in Northern Ireland. That political crisis is born out of the reality that while the Government talk about taking back control of our borders, our money and our laws through Brexit, in Northern Ireland—our part of the United Kingdom—we have not yet completed that journey. As my right hon. Friend the Member for East Antrim (Sammy Wilson) reminded us, I have now been elected to a Northern Ireland Assembly that is the legislature for Northern Ireland dealing with those devolved matters that are not principally a matter for this House. Yet many of the regulations that apply to trade in Northern Ireland and to business in Northern Ireland are enacted by the European Parliament and the European Commission, and not a single citizen of Northern Ireland and not a single elected representative in Northern Ireland has any say in how those regulations are drawn up, so we have not entirely taken back control of our laws.

    John Redwood

    Is it not a disgrace that we can want to cut VAT in the United Kingdom, but we are not allowed to cut it in Northern Ireland? In what sense is the EU honouring our internal market and our constitutional arrangements?

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    Of course, the right hon. Member is correct: the EU is not doing so. I have listened to some Members of Congress, for example, lecture us on the need to abide by the protocol and to implement the protocol, yet this is a nation founded on a campaign of “No taxation without representation”. What do we have in Northern Ireland? We have tax laws—on VAT, for example—that apply to Northern Ireland, but we have no representation in how those laws are enacted. That is not the essence of democracy.

    That is important because, in this Queen’s Speech, the Government state the measures they intend to take—for example, to help small businesses, to reduce regulations and to alter the way business is regulated—and one of the benefits of leaving the European Union is that we have more control over how we regulate our businesses. That will not apply to Northern Ireland, however, because we are regulated by the European Union for the manufacture of goods, for example, and we have to comply with EU standards, which means divergence from our main market—Great Britain.

    We purchase four times more goods from Great Britain than we do from the European Union in its entirety, and we sell far more goods to Great Britain than we do to the whole of the European Union as well. Yet we find that the Irish sea border, this trade border within our own country, is harming our economy, damaging the ability of our businesses to expand and invest, and costing them more. I recently heard from one company, a small manufacturing business in Newtownabbey in the constituency of my hon. Friend the Member for South Antrim (Paul Girvan). It told me that in the first year of the operation of the Northern Ireland protocol, the additional costs of bringing component parts from Great Britain, transportation costs, delays in getting the goods in, additional paperwork and customs fees amounted to more than £100,000 for that small business alone. That is costing it jobs and means it cannot invest in the expansion of its business. This is harming business in Northern Ireland, and peace and prosperity go hand in hand.

    A stable Northern Ireland does not just depend on the absence of violence; it depends on the growth of our economy, on creating jobs for our young people, and on giving them hope for the future. The protocol is harming our ability to do that because it is harming our access to our biggest market, in Great Britain.

    Matt Western (Warwick and Leamington) (Lab)

    I absolutely hear the passion and anger in the right hon. Gentleman’s voice, and it must be so frustrating for the community in Northern Ireland. I was interested to hear Marks and Spencer being quoted about the additional on-costs that it faces when selling its products in Northern Ireland, relative to the mainland. This is not supposed to be a difficult question, but what was it that the Prime Minister promised when he addressed the right hon. Gentleman’s party back in autumn 2019? Did he make clear the reality behind what he would do when negotiating with the EU?

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    I can answer the hon. Gentleman clearly: the Prime Minister came to our party conference and told us that there would be an Irish sea border “over his dead body”. That is what he told us, and unfortunately the protocol created an Irish sea border and it is harming our economy. I am only asking the Prime Minister to honour the commitments that he made to us. I am not asking him to do anything more than that.

    The hon. Gentleman referred to supermarkets. Let me point out the absurdity of what the protocol means. Sainsbury’s is one of the biggest supermarket chains in Northern Ireland. It has no supermarkets in the Republic of Ireland. Yet when Sainsbury’s moves goods—even its own-brand products—from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, for sale in Sainsbury’s supermarkets in my part of the United Kingdom, it has to complete customs declarations and pay fees. There is a delay in moving those goods which, as Members will know, can be vital for food products, and it costs the supermarket more. That is driving up the cost of food in Northern Ireland. For example, it is estimated that the additional cost of chilled food products is 18% as a result of the protocol, compared with the same products in Great Britain.

    As we heard earlier, the Road Haulage Association has said that the cost of bringing goods from Great Britain to Northern Ireland went up by 27% as a direct result of the protocol in the first year of its operation. There can be no other impact of that additional cost than driving up the cost for the consumer when purchasing products in our supermarkets and shops. That is the reality, and when people say it is nonsense to link the cost of living to the protocol, the evidence is stark and clear. Yes, there is a cost of living crisis in Great Britain, but it is exacerbated in Northern Ireland and enhanced by the presence of the protocol and the Irish sea border.

    That is why I have had to take the reluctant decision, as leader of the Democratic Unionist party, not to nominate Ministers to the Executive until this issue has been addressed. We are being asked to implement a protocol. Do not forget that Ministers in Northern Ireland oversee the ports. We are the people who are required to implement and oversee that, and it is simply not fair that as Unionists we are asked to engage in an act of self-harm against our own people in Northern Ireland, with the implementation—the imposition—of a protocol that we do not accept, do not support, and do not believe is necessary to protect the integrity of the UK internal market, or that of the EU single market.

    Mr David Davis

    The right hon. Gentleman may remember that the reason why I resigned as Brexit Secretary goes back to a previous Prime Minister promising “full alignment”—that was the phrase—between the north and the south. It seemed to me that, as an outcome, Northern Ireland would have no more legislative power than a colony, because it would have no ability to correct the sorts of problems that he is now talking about. Is his argument that, for as long as that stands, that will make Northern Ireland not more but less stable?

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    That is absolutely the case. We were told by the European Union, including the Irish Government—a co-guarantor of the Belfast agreement—that the protocol was necessary to protect the Good Friday agreement and the political institutions created under it. It has had the opposite effect. There is no North South Ministerial Council operating at this time; the Executive are not fully functioning; the Assembly is unable to carry out its full functions; and east-west relations between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland are at an all-time low since as far back as I can remember. Can we not see the harm that the protocol is doing to the relationships at the heart of the agreement?

    It goes further. The Court of Appeal in Belfast has ruled that the protocol changes Northern Ireland’s constitutional status and overrides article 6 of the Acts of Union, which is a fundamental building block of our relationship with the rest of the United Kingdom. The Union is not just a political union but an economic union, and article 6 confers on the people of Northern Ireland—as it previously did on the people of the whole of the island when it was all part of the United Kingdom—the right to trade freely with the rest of our own nation. It says that there shall be no barriers to trade within the United Kingdom, and yet we now have an Irish sea border and barriers to trade. Article 6 has been breached and overridden by the protocol without the consent of the people of Northern Ireland to such constitutional change. That is contrary to the commitment in article 1 of the Belfast agreement, which says that there shall be no change to the constitutional status of Northern Ireland without the consent of the people of Northern Ireland.

    The Prime Minister is therefore right to have highlighted in the Queen’s Speech the need to prioritise support for the agreement and its institutions, including support through legislation, but the legislation referred to is only to do with the legacy of the past. As the House will be aware, the Democratic Unionist party has grave concerns about the Government’s initial proposals, because they deny innocent victims the right to justice, and we think that is wrong. I do not believe that peace is built on the basis of injustice. We await with interest the Government’s revised proposals.

    Sadly, there is no reference in the Queen’s Speech to legislation on the need to address the very real difficulties created by the protocol. We are looking for that commitment from the Government. The Prime Minister’s first duty as Minister for the Union is to protect the integrity of the United Kingdom. Indeed, the Queen’s Speech states:

    “The continued success and integrity of the whole of the United Kingdom is of paramount importance to Her Majesty’s Government, including the internal economic bonds between all of its parts.”

    The Prime Minister is the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and those last three words—“and Northern Ireland”—are the most important for me in my constitutional status. We are an integral part of the United Kingdom, and when the Government say that it is of paramount importance to protect the internal economic bonds between all of its parts, that must include Northern Ireland. That means addressing the protocol, because it is incompatible with the two commitments of upholding and protecting the internal economic bonds between all parts of the United Kingdom and prioritising support for the Belfast/Good Friday agreement and the political institutions being undermined by it.

    Not a single Unionist elected to the Assembly supports the protocol, and yet the Good Friday agreement is premised on the basis that the institutions will operate through consensus. There is no consensus for the protocol. The Unionist community does not consent to the protocol. I will not allow my Ministers to be put in a position where they have to impose on their own people checks and regulations over which they have no control and no say, and which have been created by a foreign entity, the European Union.

    In conclusion—and in response to the hon. Member for Rochdale (Tony Lloyd)—I want to be clear that my party is absolutely committed to the future of the political institutions. We want them to work and to deliver for everyone in Northern Ireland. My party is committed to the operation of those institutions. We are committed to our participation in those institutions, but it has to be on the basis of fairness, it has to be on the basis of a consensus, and it has to be on the basis that we address the problems in front of us that have flowed from the imposition of the Northern Ireland protocol.

    Last Thursday, I stood for election in my constituency of Lagan Valley. I have had the honour of representing this beautiful constituency in the House for the past 25 years. I believe in Northern Ireland, I believe in the future and I believe I can play a role in strengthening the political institutions. That is why, in response to the points that have been made, I am prepared to commit the remainder of my political career to going back to those institutions and working with my colleagues to make them work. I am prepared to leave this House, which I have been a Member of for 25 years and I would dearly love to continue being a part of, because I want to invest in the future of our people. I want to work for our people. I want to deliver good government. But I have to say to you, Madam Deputy Speaker, that I will not leave this House until the protocol issue is resolved. I will not leave this House until I can be sure that our political institutions in Northern Ireland have a stable foundation. In conclusion, I say to the Government that the words in the Queen’s Speech are there, but they have to be matched by actions.

    The Democratic Unionist party re-entered the Executive at the beginning of 2020 on the basis of an agreement called New Decade, New Approach. At the heart of that agreement for us is the commitment by the UK Government, given by the then Secretary of State, to protect Northern Ireland’s place within the UK internal market. Some two and a half years later, that commitment has not been honoured. Yet in the Queen’s Speech today, two other elements of the New Decade, New Approach agreement have been referred to by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland: the legacy of our past and legislation linked thereto; and we are told by the Secretary of State that he will introduce a Bill on language and culture. Well, I have to say to the Secretary of State that if he proceeds to introduce that legislation without the Government moving to deal with the protocol, they will be in serious breach of their obligations under New Decade, New Approach. They will be moving in a one-sided fashion, in an unbalanced way. That is not the way to build consensus. It is not the way, in the words of the Queen’s Speech, to “prioritise support for the Belfast…Agreement and its institutions”.

    What the Government do must be balanced. It must take account of the concerns of the Unionist community as well as the concerns of others. Currently, the legislation coming forward reflects the concerns of others, but it does not reflect the concerns of the Members in this House who represent the Unionist community or the wider community. I reiterate my commitment to lead my party into the political institutions. I will do so as soon as the Government take decisive action to deal with the protocol and remove the Irish sea border.