Tag: Ian Blackford

The speech made by Ian Blackford, the Leader of the SNP at Westminster, in the House of Commons on 2 November 2022.

I beg to move,

That this House regrets the economic damage the Government has caused since the mini-budget on 23 September 2022, with the pound hitting a record low against the dollar, mortgage rates at their highest level since the financial crash and inflation at a forty-year high; calls on the Government immediately to reinstate the bankers’ bonus cap, increase benefits in line with inflation and protect the pensions triple lock; considers that Scotland cannot afford to be part of the failing state of the UK and must be independent for economic stability; and welcomes the publication of the Scottish Government’s independence papers series, Building a New Scotland and The Economic Opportunity for Scotland from Renewable and Green Technology by David Skilling.

Mr Speaker—

Ian Murray (Edinburgh South) (Lab)

Too long!

Ian Blackford

From a sedentary position, the hon. Gentleman says, “Too long,” and of course he is right—Scotland has been stuck in this Union for too long. I look forward to the opportunity for my colleagues to leave this House for the last time when Scotland becomes an independent country—it has indeed been too long.

It is fair to say that Westminster has been no stranger to chaos and crisis over the last number of years, but even with that in mind, it has still been hard to take in fully the mayhem and madness in this place in the last few weeks. Another Tory Prime Minister gone. Another Tory Prime Minister imposed in Scotland. The only thing that stays the same is the constant crisis in this place. Even the kangaroo genitalia-eating junket to Australia of the right hon. Member for West Suffolk (Matt Hancock) passes for a normal affair around here these days.

The core of today’s motion is designed to demonstrate that the permanent political pantomime that Westminster has become is not somehow victimless or benign; it comes with a massive, massive cost. Each and every one of these Westminster crises comes with a consequence, and it is always those who can least afford it who end up paying the price of the failure of Westminster control.

Let us take the example of the last few months. The UK Government have been so consumed by their own political crisis that they have ignored the economic crisis they caused with their mini-Budget on 23 September. Indeed, they are not just ignoring it; they are completely blind to the mess they have made. In the last 10 days, it has been hard not to notice that Tory Members are in a state of excited relief at the fact that they have got rid of a Prime Minister who managed to crash the UK economy in the space of 44 days. In their great relief, they seem to have magically forgotten that they were the ones who put her in place. They were the ones who were cheering on her libertarian joyride—until the very moment that she crashed the economy. They may have gotten rid of the Prime Minister they put in place, but for ordinary people the damage is already done.

Alex Cunningham (Stockton North) (Lab)

I get extremely anxious about my homeland splitting from my now home country, particularly as Scotland has no credible fiscal plan. As I see child poverty increase, the once leading education system trashed and the NHS left to deteriorate, I wonder who is at fault. Does the right hon. Member accept that while the Tory Government have let Scotland down—

Mr Speaker

Order. This is meant to be an intervention, not a speech about all your issues. I am more than happy to put you on the speaking list.

Ian Blackford

Mr Speaker, if anybody is letting themselves down, it is the hon. Gentleman, because the Scottish Parliament has done its best to mitigate the effects of Tory austerity, thank goodness. We can applaud what the Scottish Government have done with child payments—introduced at £10, increased to £20 and now up at £25—but we cannot stop the damaging effect of austerity on our country, because the bulk of economic power lies in Westminster. The hon. Gentleman and his Labour colleagues may indeed support the Scottish Parliament—our Parliament—which does its best to protect the people from what happens in this place in Westminster and, of course, from the damaging effects of Brexit that mean our businesses cannot fulfil their potential. The hon. Gentleman ought to look in the mirror.

Angus Brendan MacNeil (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)

The reality is that the split in terms of values is between the red Tories and the blue Tories here. The hon. Member for Stockton North (Alex Cunningham) should be aware that in Ireland, which became independent, the poorest 5% are 63% richer than the poorest 5% in the UK. If ever there was a lesson about being independent, that is it.

Ian Blackford

My hon. Friend is quite correct. When we look around the world, we see small countries thriving. Small countries tend to do better than larger ones. There are no economies of scale for large countries, and it is Westminster, the UK, that is holding Scotland back.

Let me return to the economic situation we face today: the pound is still down against the dollar and euro, mortgage rates are at their highest since the financial crash, and inflation is still at a 40-year high. History shows that those in the Tory party always act fast to rid themselves of their own political problems, but they always fail to take responsibility for the crises they create. They are failing to take responsibility for the cost of living crisis they created and the failing UK state they have presided over for the past 12 years.

It would be wrong to believe that the events causing deep damage over the last few weeks are somewhat isolated incidents. It does not take a genius to know that the timeline for every bit of turmoil in this place over the last few years stems from one place and one place only: the utter disaster of Brexit. Six years on, it has been a disaster by every significant measure. Brexit broke Britain.

Only yesterday, Scotland’s The Herald newspaper revealed that the value of Scottish exports has dropped by more than 13% in two years, costing £2.2 billion, with Brexit entirely to blame. That is what Brexit has done to the Scottish economy and Scottish trade. That has been the impact of what the Tories have brought to us. However, faced with these Brexit facts, it is a disgrace that Westminster’s only response is to say one of two things: “Suck it up,” or, “Shut up.” I assure the Brexit fanatics that we intend to do neither.

The reality of Brexit is biting everywhere. Last week I visited the Nevis Bakery in my constituency. The owner, Archie Paterson, explained to me that they currently employ 30 people, and that they could easily double that tomorrow, expanding their production line, expanding their premises and growing the local economy. But just one thing is stopping them, and it is Brexit. Brexit means they have no access to labour. The balance of workers used to be 80% EU skilled bakers, and that has declined to only 20%. They cannot get the staff, so they cannot expand. It is the same story for businesses across the highlands and right across Scotland: denied economic opportunity; denied the opportunity to grow our economy; denied the opportunity to prosper and deliver the taxation receipts. All that has been delivered by the Brexit Scotland never voted for.

Mr Toby Perkins (Chesterfield) (Lab)

I agree with much of what the right hon. Gentleman is saying about the incompetence of the Conservative Government. On Brexit, however, an important fact is being missed. During the referendum, when many of us fought very hard to make sure the UK stayed within the EU, the Scottish National party spent just £91,000 on its campaign—13% of what it could have spent. It spent less on that campaign than on a Shetland by-election. It spent less than 7% of what it spent on trying to take Scotland out of the UK. Will he take this opportunity to apologise to everyone who voted remain for the fact that the SNP went missing from the pitch during that campaign?

Ian Blackford

My goodness, Mr Speaker, I hate to point out to the hon. Gentleman that 62% of those who voted in Scotland voted to stay in the European Union. I am proud to say that my right hon. and hon. Friends and I were up and down Scotland during the Brexit campaign, leading the people of Scotland and making the case for Scotland to stay in Europe.

Christine Jardine (Edinburgh West) (LD)

On that point, will the leader of the SNP please explain to us why his party spent less on the EU referendum than on a Scottish parliamentary by-election on Shetland?

Ian Blackford

This would be funny if it was not so tragic. It used to be the case—[Interruption.] We have many hours of debate, and if Labour and Liberal Democrat Members calm down, I am sure that they will get the opportunity to speak. Maybe I should point out to the hon. Lady that the Liberal Democrats used to proclaim staying in Europe—

Christine Jardine

And still do.

Ian Blackford

No, you don’t. If the Liberal Democrats wanted to stay in Europe, as the hon. Lady suggests, they would have that in their manifesto. The Labour party and the Liberal Democrats have run away from Europe, just as they have run away from their responsibilities to the people of Scotland.

Drew Hendry (Inverness, Nairn, Badenoch and Strathspey) (SNP)

Is it not the case—just to educate the hon. Member for Chesterfield (Mr Perkins)—that not only did we carry the argument in Scotland, winning 62% of the vote for remain, but we carried that argument successfully in all 32 council areas in Scotland?

Ian Blackford

My hon. Friend is quite correct that every local authority area in Scotland voted to remain. Not only did people across Scotland vote to remain, but that demand to stay in Europe has increased over the past few years. In fact, recent polling shows as many as 72% of Scots wish to remain in Europe. I say to those watching in our own country that there is a clear way to achieve this. If Scotland has its right to determine its own future, and if our Parliament, which has an independence majority, can enact the referendum that our people voted for, then Scotland’s journey to independence and back into the European union will be complete.

Kirsten Oswald (East Renfrewshire) (SNP)

I am grateful to my right hon. Friend for giving way—[Interruption.]

Ian Blackford

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I have just been called a liar.

Mr Speaker

I did not hear what was said—

Steven Bonnar (Coatbridge, Chryston and Bellshill) (SNP)

Ask him!

Mr Speaker

Do you want to go out early for a cup of tea? Because you are on my speaking list. Let me deal with it. Mr Bonnar, I need no help, thank you. If somebody said that, I expect them to withdraw it, because we do not use that term in this Chamber.

Mr Perkins

Further to that point of order, Mr Speaker. I certainly withdraw any implication that the right hon. Gentleman is a liar. I did not say he was a liar, but I did say that what he said was untrue. I withdraw that out of respect to you, Mr Speaker.

Kirsten Oswald rose—

Mr Speaker

I call Ian Blackford. We are moving on. We have dealt with it.

Ian Blackford

I give way to my hon. Friend.

Kirsten Oswald

I am grateful to my right hon. Friend for giving way. Does he not think that people at home will be looking askance at Labour Members? First, they were apologists for the chaos that the Conservatives have inflicted on Scotland’s economy. Now, they are some kind of supporters of Brexit, which has caused so much harm to Scotland. It is inexplicable how any Opposition Member could take such a position, as we all heard them do.

Ian Blackford

My hon. Friend is correct. It is 1.10 pm; we have until 7 o’clock to debate the issue. To hon. Members in other parties on both sides of the House, I promise that we will respect the importance of the subject, because this is about Scotland’s future. To friends and colleagues—Conservative, Labour and Lib Dem Members—I say, let us have that debate about Scotland’s future and let us respectfully disagree on what we see the future as. We will put the case for Scotland to be an independent country; they should come and engage with us, and put the case for Scotland to stay in the Union. I have to say that when we have these debates, I do not hear that case for Scotland to stay in the Union.

The evidence of the damage done by Brexit is mounting by the day. From those who forced it on Scotland, however, not one word of contrition or apology has ever been offered for that massive act of economic self-harm. I am tempted to say that when it comes to Brexit and Westminster, there are really none so blind as those who will not see—my goodness, that has been shown today. In many respects, however, the truth is even worse.

Alun Cairns (Vale of Glamorgan) (Con)

I welcome the right hon. Gentleman saying that he wants a serious debate about the status of Scotland in the Union and the benefits of Scotland being in it. In his arguments so far, however, he has blamed everything from rising energy costs to global supply chain challenges on Brexit. Does he not recognise that we have been facing a tumultuous global situation? If he acknowledged that, we could at least start to have a sensible debate.

Ian Blackford

I thank the right hon. Gentleman. I think he is genuinely trying to be helpful, so I will respond in kind. We are suffering from an enormous increase in energy costs. I applaud the fact that we have the energy cap, but let us remember the harsh reality that for people up and down these islands, energy costs have doubled in the last year. People will face genuine hardship. [Interruption.] I can see him shaking his head, but the harsh reality is that our energy market is determined by the wholesale gas price. For those of us in Scotland, 14% of our electricity consumption comes from gas and we actually produce six times as much gas as we consume. We are being affected largely by the failures of UK energy policy and, yes, by global issues as well, but the fact that energy costs are so high in energy rich Scotland is an absolute disgrace.

Mhairi Black (Paisley and Renfrewshire South) (SNP)

On the intervention of the right hon. Member for Vale of Glamorgan (Alun Cairns), of course the last few years have shown how unpredictable the world can be and how many unexpected challenges we can face, but does that not just hammer home how important it is for Scotland in particular to get the Governments it votes for? Given that Scotland has not voted for a Conservative Government since 1955, does my right hon. Friend not agree that by far and away the best way to protect ourselves against the unpredictable is to be independent and in control of our resources?

Ian Blackford

My hon. Friend is correct. Not since 1955 has Scotland voted for a Conservative Government, yet we face Conservative Government after Conservative Government. The difference between me and the hon. Member for Edinburgh South (Ian Murray) on the Labour Front Bench is that I would rather have an independent Labour Government in Scotland than a Tory Government in London who demonstrate their contempt for the people of Scotland through their policies. That is the reality. Unfortunately, he would rather have a Tory Government in London than an independent Scottish Government over whom he may have influence.

Alan Brown (Kilmarnock and Loudoun) (SNP)

Again on the intervention of the right hon. Member for Vale of Glamorgan (Alun Cairns), is it not the case that, although there are high global oil and gas prices, Norway has a sovereign wealth fund of $1 trillion—the biggest in the world—that can be used to support its citizens, whereas Westminster has squandered our oil and gas revenues all these years? Even then, the McCrone report from the ’70s, which was buried for 30 years, showed the wealth that would have accumulated to Scotland had it been independent. Both Labour and the Conservatives held that information from the Scottish population.

Ian Blackford

My hon. Friend is correct. I think the taxation receipts for North sea oil over the period that he is talking about have been north of £350 billion. What a missed opportunity to ensure that we could invest for future generations, eradicate the poverty that has been talked about and deliver hope for future generations. I will come on to the opportunities from green energy. My message to him and other hon. Members on both sides of the House is that a green industrial revolution could come to Scotland, so we need to create the jobs that will drive up productivity and investment and give people hope—but we are not going to do that while we are part of Westminster.

There are plenty of intelligent people in this place—I am especially looking at Labour Members—and we can see the damage that Brexit has done. They see it, but they will not say it. The reason they will not say it is that they are frightened that they will lose votes in the north of England, and to hell with the consequences in Scotland and everywhere else. I am sorry to say that that is one of the most shameful examples of politics replacing principles that this place has ever witnessed—that is really saying something in Westminster.

Dr Luke Evans (Bosworth) (Con)

One of the reasons that the UK voted for Brexit was that the EU stands for ever-closer union, which means joining the euro. The right hon. Gentleman has talked about independence, so will he be joining the euro? Will he not then accede some of the control over the fiscal situation that he wants to deal with?

Ian Blackford

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman, but let me return to 2014. At the time of the Scottish referendum, we were told that, if we stayed in the United Kingdom, two things would happen: first, we would stay in Europe and secondly, we would lead the UK in a voluntary Union of equals. None of that has happened, however, because of his example of being taken out of the European Union against our will. The key difference is that Europe is a partnership of equals.

Since the hon. Gentleman asked about currency, I will answer head on. When Scotland becomes independent, as it will, we will retain the pound. [Laughter.] It is funny, is it? We are talking about people’s futures and we are trying to deal with a serious matter. We will keep the pound until such time that a number of economic tests are met that will allow us to have a Scottish pound. That is what will happen.

Dr Luke Evans

I am grateful that the right hon. Gentleman has been clear and direct in saying that Scotland will have the pound. If he joins the EU, however, is the plan not to join the euro? He will have to concede, therefore, that Scotland will have to do that. By what mechanism would he therefore keep the pound, or the Scottish pound, or refute having the euro?

Ian Blackford

I respectfully say to the hon. Gentleman that he should go away and read the treaties, because they are very clear; we are all aware of what is contained in them. Crucially, to join the euro, countries have to join the exchange rate mechanism for two years, which is voluntary. Countries cannot be forced into the euro. Our position is clear: we will deliver a fiscal programme that will deliver jobs for Scotland, create the circumstances for investment and drive up living standards—that is what we want with independence. We will make sure that we have the answer to the currency situation that delivers for our people.

Angus Brendan MacNeil

Perhaps the hon. Member for Bosworth (Dr Evans) is misled by headlines in The Times newspaper and should apprise himself better of what is actually happening in Europe. On 1 July 2013, Croatia joined the European Union and Croatia is not in the euro. There are about six or seven other countries in the European Union that are not in the euro. A country can join the euro if it wants over its own timescale—it can be hundreds of years if it wants—but it does what it wants and what it thinks is sensible for itself, and that is why it has independence.

Ian Blackford

I am very grateful to my hon. Friend for revealing—

Ian Murray

No, he’s wrong.

Ian Blackford

My hon. Friend is not wrong, if the hon. Member reads the treaties. I have pointed out that joining the ERM is a step that has to be taken before anyone is able to join.

Several hon. Members rose—

Ian Blackford

I am going to make some progress, and I will allow interventions later.

Ian Murray rose—

Ian Blackford

I give way.

Ian Murray

I am very grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for allowing me to intervene because this is a crucial point that people need to understand. The current position of the Scottish National party is to stick with the pound for an undefined period, then to set up her own currency. As Nicola Sturgeon said herself when she launched the economic paper, she will not commit to joining the euro. That does one of two things: it either denies EU membership, or it means an independent Scotland would have a separate currency from both the EU and its bigger trading partner, the rest of the UK. Is that not correct?

Ian Blackford

The hon. Gentleman is wrong. I have pointed out that in order to join the euro—[Interruption.] I have already laid out that we will retain the pound sterling immediately on attaining independence, and when the time is right and a number of economic tests are met, we will have the Scottish pound. There are six tests, and I will be—

Dr Luke Evans

Will the right hon. Gentleman give way?

Ian Blackford

I am now going to make some progress.

Dr Evans

Will the right hon. Gentleman give way?

Ian Blackford

I have already given way twice to the hon. Member, and I think I have been very gracious with my time.

As I said at the start, all the Westminster-imposed chaos comes with real consequences because the cost of the last six weeks, and the consequences of the last six years of constant crisis mean that the Tories are right back where they originally started—implementing austerity. This week, we have been deliberately bombarded by Treasury briefing about the “difficult decisions” that need to be made in order to fill the economic hole that the Tories dug themselves, but the return of austerity, if it ever truly went away, is not a so-called difficult decision. It is instead what it has always been—a Tory political choice to hit the poorest hardest.

No one should be fooled into thinking that there are not other choices. In the week that BP announced a quarterly profit of £7.1 billion, why not take the easy decision to bring in a proper windfall tax on excess profits? Why not take the easy decision to end non-dom tax avoidance? Why not take the easy decision to reinstate the cap on bankers’ bonuses? With all that new revenue, why not take the easiest decision of all, and protect those most at risk by uprating benefits and pensions in line with inflation? That, after all, was the promise the Prime Minister made when he was Chancellor back in May.

Until each and every one of those easy and essential decisions are taken, the Tories should not dare talk about the difficult decisions they are having to take. I fear, though, that the Tories and their new Prime Minister have already made their choice: they are gearing up to take a wrecking ball to public services and double down on austerity. That is exactly why we are now at such a critical juncture. It is clearer by the day that austerity 2.0 is the future awaiting the Scottish people unless we escape Westminster control for good. That is why independence is not just desirable; it is essential.

There is no better example of that necessity than the energy issue. The motion refers to the detailed and evidenced-based report by David Skilling, who has laid out the facts on the sheer scale of the energy opportunity awaiting an independent Scotland. I encourage hon. Members across the House to read that report. We have the potential to generate around 10% of Europe’s wave power and possess 25% of the potential European offshore wind and tidal resource. Let us not forget that it is Westminster that is holding back our tidal potential with its refusal to fund it to the rate that will be necessary to generate up to 11.5 GW of tidal energy by 2050.

David Duguid (Banff and Buchan) (Con)

I am not sure if I picked the right hon. Gentleman up right, but is he accusing the UK Government of not funding tidal energy, when in fact £20 million of contracts for difference were committed, as ringfenced, specifically for tidal stream energy?

Ian Blackford

I am delighted that the hon. Gentleman raises that because it takes us back to the discussions we had last year. The Royal Society report published just before COP26—a peer-reviewed report—indicated the potential to get to 11.5 GW of electricity from tidal. Incidentally, that would be 15% of the UK’s electricity production, which is the amount that nuclear contributes today, and by 2030 tidal would be cheaper than nuclear. We do not need nuclear to provide our baseload electricity because tidal does it. The fact remains that that £20 million, welcome as it is, does not go far enough for that industry to develop its potential. When we look at the programmes that are already live around these shores, about 70% of the value added from tidal comes from Scotland and about 80% comes from the UK. It is a domestically grown industry.

We heard earlier from my hon. Friend the Member for Kilmarnock and Loudoun (Alan Brown) about the contrast with the oil industry in Norway, but one of the key lessons from that is to make sure not just that we have the energy production, but that we control the supply chain. This is exactly an industry where we do control the supply chain. I say to the hon. Member for Banff and Buchan (David Duguid) that he should join me in pressing the Treasury to make sure we get the £50 million-a-year ringfenced pot—that is what would allow us to fulfil our potential—and at the same time to make sure that we get carbon capture and storage for Peterhead. Those two clear examples are direct demonstrations of how Scotland has been held back—held back on its ability to deliver green energy and on its desire to get to net zero in 2045. That is the cost of Westminster control for Scotland.

Jamie Stone (Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross) (LD)

I may be corrected, but I fancy I am the only person in this place who has worked in an oil fabrication yard; it was at Nigg. When I worked there, 5,000 people were employed—vital jobs in the highlands. We have the skills still, but they are ageing skills and the skills are going. If we miss the opportunity to build offshore floating wind structures in Scotland, we will be failing the Scottish people. What is the difference between us and Norway? Norway does build; we do not, and we should do something about it.

Ian Blackford

I thank the hon. Member for that remark. He is right to talk about what happened in Nigg back in the day. But it was not just in Nigg, as he will recall; it also happened in the west of the highlands—in Kishorn in my own constituency and Ardersier. If you would allow, Mr Deputy Speaker, we could sing the song of the Kishorn Commandos, but maybe we will save that for another day.

Jamie Stone

I was a Kishorn Commando.

Ian Blackford

And there is many a tale to be told about what happened in Kishorn back in the day, but this is a serious point about the opportunity to industrialise the highlands and the opportunity to create jobs for generations, create wealth and create prosperity. I congratulate the hon. Member because we have worked together on making sure that we are pushing for the opportunities in Cromarty, but these are decisions that we should be taking in Scotland to make sure that we deliver on that promise.

We cannot mention often enough the potential we have in green energy. Scotland is energy rich, and we simply should not be facing an energy emergency. We should not have cold homes and soaring bills. Even before this crisis—as the hon. Member would acknowledge, we already had the situation before this crisis—40% of pensioners in the highlands lived in fuel poverty. What a disgrace that we allow that happen.

Dave Doogan (Angus) (SNP)

My right hon. Friend is making a powerful speech. Does he agree with me, and do his constituents share my concerns, that people look out at these wind installations—such as Seagreen off the Angus coast, two revolutions of which can power a home for an entire year—yet at the same time they cannot pay their electricity bill, thanks to the UK’s energy market? Is that not in itself a reason to decouple ourselves from this broken Union?

Ian Blackford

Indeed, because I think it fair to say that we are being ripped off. We are being ripped off by transmission charges. I am grateful to my hon. Friend the Member for Aberdeen South (Stephen Flynn, because he took me to see an offshore wind farm in Kincardine a few weeks ago—what a demonstration of the opportunity we have from the North sea. The fundamental point is that we should not have cold homes and soaring bills. We produce six times more gas than we consume, and nearly 100% of the equivalent of our electricity consumption already comes from renewables—[Interruption.] I have said equivalent on many occasions.

Ian Murray

We’ll check Hansard.

Ian Blackford

I did ask for respect and honesty in this debate, and I think that if the hon. Gentleman checks Hansard, he will find that I have said that on a number of occasions.

This is Scotland’s energy and it should serve Scotland’s people. The Skilling report shows that Scotland has the potential to boost our output by more than five times, increasing from 12 GW of installed renewable capacity to over 80 GW by 2050. Just think about that—80 GW of electricity by 2050. That is as much as four times the energy Scotland needs. It will provide the cheap, green energy that will allow us to have a new industrial revolution, and to see jobs come to the eastern highlands, the western highlands, the lowlands and the south of Scotland as a consequence of the economic opportunity that will be created. By expanding Scotland’s renewable capacity and becoming a green hydrogen exporter, we have the chance to pump as much as £34 billion into Scotland’s economy every year—an investment that would sustain up to 385,000 jobs, dwarfing the jobs that we have in oil in gas today. That is a real energy transition.

This is a plan for growth—green, sustainable growth for the long term, not the fantasy growth that we had from the Truss Government and the absence of any plan from the existing Government. Driving better productivity, driving an industrial green society, and driving our economy into the future—that is the plan on which an independent Scotland can and will be built. Apparently, the only UK Government response to that energy plan is the bizarre argument that we should ignore the vast renewable energy potential and instead turn to nuclear. Well, let us be very clear: we do not need nuclear in Scotland, we do not want nuclear power, and we will not be having nuclear power. We want the powers of independence so that Scotland’s energy can finally serve the needs of the Scottish people.

In the latest Scottish Government paper on independence, our First Minister set out all the economic opportunities that independence will unleash. Instead of Westminster anti-trade union laws, we could ensure fairer work with European-style labour market policies. Instead of an economic race to the bottom, we could build an economy based on human wellbeing, lifting people up so that they can contribute fully, not waiting for wealth to trickle down while the inequality gap grows. Instead of Brexit, we would be an EU member state in our own right and we would, for the first time, be in a position not just to benefit from EU trade deals, but to help shape them. Instead of a hostile environment and the disgrace of a Home Secretary who talks about “invasions”, we would have a humane immigration policy tailored to our needs.

David Duguid rose—

Ian Blackford

I will happily give way to the hon. Gentleman if he will join me and ask the Home Secretary to apologise for the outrageous language that she used in this Chamber on Monday.

David Duguid

I genuinely thank the right hon. Gentleman for allowing me to intervene on the point he was making about an independent Scotland being in the EU—a point he made previously. Does he agree with his leader in Holyrood, First Minister Nicola Sturgeon, when she admitted that there could be hard borders and passport controls between Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom?

Ian Blackford

Here we go: “Project Fear” all over again. Let me give the hon. Gentleman and the House the example of Ireland. Way back in the 1940s, close to 90% of Ireland’s exports were to the rest of the United Kingdom. Today that figure is less than 10%, but the value of Irish exports to the UK actually increased every single year, irrespective of the economic cycle. An independent Ireland was able to pursue policies that delivered growth and resulted in investment and trade opportunities. That is the opportunity for an independent Scotland.

Robin Millar (Aberconwy) (Con)

I would not want us to move too far beyond the point about humane treatment. Is it the case that Ukrainian refugees in Scotland currently have to be housed in temporary accommodation on ships, in which the space they must occupy is less than is legally required for prisoners in Scottish prisons?

Ian Blackford

I should not be surprised by some of the things we get from the Tories in this House, but has the hon. Gentleman any sense of listening to what has been happening this week in Kent, when he comes and accuses the Scottish Government regarding those seeking refuge on our soil? We can be proud of what the Scottish Government have delivered, led by our former colleague Neil Gray. Around 20% of Ukrainian migrants who have come are in Scotland living in our country. We have opened our doors and welcomed them, and by goodness that is something we should be proud of.

Several hon. Members rose—

Ian Blackford

I will make some progress as I am conscious of the time.

Instead of Westminster control, we would always have the stability of knowing that the Governments who shape our economy have been elected by us—a simple democratic principle.

The great American writer Maya Angelou once said:

“When people show you who they are, believe them the first time.”

Well, people in Scotland have had more than enough of Westminster control. We know who the Tories are, we know what this place is, and we know the deep damage it has done. We believed them the first time. That is why Scotland has not voted for the Tories since 1955. Westminster has made its choice and chosen its future. It is a present and a future of constant crisis—a Brexit-backing, failing UK state. It is time that Scotland left those choices and that future behind us for good. We do not have to believe in Westminster control anymore; we have only to believe in ourselves. It is now time for Scotland to build its own future—an independent future in Europe.

The speech made by Ian Blackford, the SNP leader at Westminster, on 8 October 2022.

Before I start, I just want to pay tribute to the courage of Lesia Vasylenko who we all had the privilege of hearing from earlier.

A remarkable ambassador for her country and someone who gives us all a real sense of the unshakeable spirit of the Ukrainian people.

Today we renew our support for her, for her country and we also renew our opposition to the Russian aggression, occupation, and Illegal annexation of their country.

Today, tomorrow and every day in the future – Scotland stands with the people of Ukraine. And let’s make another thing clear. The international community must not rest until the war criminal Putin is put in front of the Hague where he belongs.

Friends,

I have to say – it really is a joy to be back again at conference.

It feels all the better because this is the first time we have been able to gather together in person since the pandemic changed all of our lives.

And without giving away my age – for old veterans like me, who first joined this party decades ago when we needed far smaller venues to meet – it always remains a sight to behold when we gather in such numbers.

And with that in mind, it is maybe worth taking a moment to remember that since we last met at conference, that strength and support for our party has grown even further.

Let’s remember that in the 2019 Westminster election we secured over 80% of the seats here in Scotland.

In May of this year at the council elections we increased our share of the vote, increased our number of councillors, and became the largest party in even more councils. And friends – most important of all – we won a landslide at last year’s Holyrood election.

Together we secured an independence majority – and with it – the democratic right for the Scottish people to choose our own future.

That record, those results and that success is only possible because of each and every one of you – our activists who bring our vision and our values to every corner of this country.

And we know too, that story of success wouldn’t be possible without the character, the competence and the calm of our party leader, Scotland’s First Minister.

I’m very tempted to call it ‘strong and stable’ leadership.

At a time of such challenge and crisis – let me tell you friends – we are very lucky to have that leadership. We are all lucky to have her.

Because conference, trust me on this – you don’t have to spend too long in Westminster these days to realise what happens when that kind of solid leadership that we have in Scotland in government is literally nowhere to be found in government in Westminster.

My job as your Westminster leader is to stand up here and give you all an update on events in London.

Now in fairness, that’s a hard enough job at the best of times. But honestly this year – especially with the chaos of the last few weeks – I barely know where to start. They say that first impressions are important in any new job.

Well – only a matter of weeks into their new roles, the disastrous duet of Liz Truss and Kwasi Kwarteng have crashed the economy, sent the pound plummeting, put pension funds at risk and caused mayhem for mortgage holders.

The Bank of England are having to spend up to £65 billion to prop up the gilt market, to stop pension funds from folding and all because of the chaos caused by Truss and Kwarteng

The truth is – the new Prime Minister and her new Chancellor have made worst first impression in the history of British politics.

Because the inequality and incompetence of that budget will go down as one of the worst financial interventions in modern history.

By the way – don’t simply take my word for it – just ask the mini-budget’s very newest critic – Douglas Ross.

Ask him quick though – because no doubt he’ll change his mind again before very long. There was at least one Tory who had the inside track on the disarray what would unfold in the last few weeks.

Now this is the first and definitely the last time I will ever quote Rishi Sunak at an SNP conference – but credit where credit is due.

He was right when he warned that the Liz Truss plans were ‘fairytale economics’. But what was once ‘fairytale economics’ to bribe votes from Tory members in the summer has become everyone else’s nightmare this autumn and winter.

Because these aren’t distant decisions on financial markets – the chaos of their choices will impact directly and painfully on ordinary households.

Higher interest rates mean higher mortgage costs, a weaker pound means food and fuel prices will go up even further, and the blinding incompetence of it all will mean a longer and deeper recession.

This Tory incompetence comes with a massive price. And it will be paid for the only way the Tories know how – by cutting public services and pushing more people into poverty.

Already they are gearing up to make real terms cuts to benefits in the middle of this cost-of-living emergency.

And on the very same morning that they finally u-turned on their tax cut for the super-rich, the Tories slipped out the real announcement that they would be slashing public services by £18 billion every year.

The last decade of Tory austerity was only the start.

The Resolution Foundation have predicted that the Chancellor’s choices could mean cuts of £47 billion by the middle of the decade – cuts at least as big as those by the original austerity Chancellor, George Osborne.

It turns out the new Tory plan is the same as the old Tory plan – Austerity 2.0.

So conference, here’s a test for the new Conservative rebels who are magically multiplying by the day.

If they have any sense of morality – if they have any backbone – they will join with us in stopping any real terms cuts to benefits and any return to austerity.

Because their Chancellor – clearly in the depths of denial – even had the cheek to say that the immorality at the heart of his budget was only a ‘distraction’.

But the Scottish people aren’t distracted one little bit – we’ve got the message loud and clear during the shambles of the last few weeks.

As our own Alison Thewliss described it – the Tories are the sole architects of this broke, broken Britain.

Your homes, your pensions, your incomes are not safe under Westminster control.

It is a cost, a risk, a price that Scotland can’t afford to pay any longer.

Because Conference, the reality is that the chaos of the last number of weeks is no exception, it has become the new normal of British politics.

A pattern of constant crisis now defines Westminster. It all started when they boarded that big red Brexit bus in 2016 – and they have been driving towards disaster ever since.

We all thought it would be Boris Johnson who would eventually drive it over the cliff – and in fairness to him, he came pretty close.

But it turns out he has left it to Liz Truss and Kwasi Kwarteng to drive the UK economy over the edge. And the sheer stupidity of their grand plan is becoming clearer – exit the EU only to fall into the arms of the IMF.

Who can forget that these are the same people. who once promised to ‘take back control’.

Well – the last few weeks are the clearest evidence as to just how dangerously they have lost control.

We are now left with the remaining rump of a desperate Tory party – reckless, right-wing, wreckers who should never be allowed anywhere near the privilege of power ever, ever again.

So, let’s make a promise of our own.

Let’s never allow them control over our lives and our future ever again. Not for one term, not even for a decade.

Let’s make sure we win our independence and finally, finally get rid of Tory governments for good.

And conference, when we do finally get rid of them, we know the scale of opportunities that independence will offer. We only have to look at the current context.

Scotland is energy rich – we simply shouldn’t be facing an energy emergency, we shouldn’t have cold homes and soaring bills.

We produce 6 times more gas than we consume and almost 100% of our entire electricity consumption comes from renewables.

This is Scotland’s energy, and it that should serve Scotland’s people. Instead, we are locked into a UK energy market that means the wholesale price of our energy is linked to gas. That needs to change but it will only change with independence.

We need to take the Westminster handbrake off Scotland’s green energy potential.

Yesterday, the Westminster group launched a new report worked on by myself, Stephen Flynn and Alan Brown – mapping out the road ahead and the opportunity before us.

From offshore and onshore wind, hydrogen, solar, tidal and carbon capture, we have a golden opportunity to lead an energy transition that secures net zero, enhances energy security and lowers energy costs for consumers.

By 2050 – through expanding Scotland’s renewable capacity as well as becoming a green hydrogen exporter – we have the chance to pump £34 billion into Scotland’s economy every single year – an investment that will sustain 385 thousand jobs.

This is the new, green revolution that independence offers – it is what Scotland’s future will be built on.

And not just a green energy revolution but the power to build a new green industrial strategy, driving investment and creating jobs.

Delivering that greener, prosperous, fairer Scotland that we all strive for.

But conference, that future is only possible if we choose a different path from Westminster. Because if we don’t – we will be dragged even further in the wrong direction.

There is no better example of that than the B word that barely gets a mention anymore –

And I don’t mean Boris – I mean Brexit.

The vow of silence – the omerta of daring to speak Brexit’s name – needs to finally end.

We need to name it and shame it for the disaster it has been. A disaster for our farmer’s, for our fishing communities, for our young people.

The damage of Brexit will keep on biting unless our country finds its way back into our rightful home in the European Union

And Conference, when it comes to Brexit, I’m afraid I can only think of one sentence more ridiculous than the Tory’s ‘Get Brexit Done’. And that’s Labour’s new slogan – Make Brexit Work.

Never before have so few words made so little sense. The complete conversion of the Labour Party to the Tory hard Brexit party is a betrayal of working people in Scotland and across the UK.

And of course, that’s not all.

As well as pledging their support Brexit, Labour’s other big pledge is never to work with us in the SNP.

The very same Labour party who only a few months ago made a string of backroom deals with the Tories.

But just think about that for a second.

A Labour party happy and hungry to do backroom deals with the Tories but who say they could never work with us.
And why?

Because we happen to believe in our nation’s independence, we happen to believe that our people have the right to choose our own future.

Labour’s position is not just an insult to all of us, it is as much an insult to the many Scottish Labour voters who also believe in independence.

Labour are now a Brexit backing, democracy denying, Tory enabling party. As Keir Starmer himself said at his conference – ‘Don’t forget, don’t forgive.’

Well Keir, I’m very confident the Scottish people never will.

Conference, that newly formed Brexit Together coalition of Labour and Tories carries another major risk.

Just like Internal Market Bill before it, the newly published and so-called ‘Brexit Freedoms’ Bill is another blatant attempt at a power-grab on Scotland’s Parliament.

Time and time again, Brexit is being used as a blunt Westminster tool to systematically pick apart our Parliament’s powers.

Because all of these trojan horse Brexit bills ride roughshod over the devolution settlement. They give UK ministers the power to act within devolved areas without consent from the Scottish Government.

This new power grab also carries the real risk that laws protecting rights and standards – such as holiday pay, parental leave, and the 48-hour work week, as well as good air and water quality – will fall away and disappear.

And all because the Tories are hell bent on getting rid of any law, any right, any protection that have the words European Union in it.

Well in Scotland, we value those laws, those rights and those protections.

We value the European Union. And we will find our path back to where we belong – in Europe – when we achieve our independence.

Friends, getting back to where we belong feels like an appropriate theme this weekend. Because as we gather here, we remember and celebrate the remarkable life of Ian Hamilton – the man who liberated the Scotland’s stone of destiny and brought it home to where it rightfully belongs.

Ian’s life is a rich reminder of those who came before us, those who first blazed the trail for our country’s independence.

His was a life of commitment and full of political purpose.

A life and a vision that stands in such stark contrast to what passes for politics in Whitehall these days.

Because in many ways the constant crisis at Westminster in the last few weeks and over the last number of years stems from the truth that it has no clear path and no clear purpose.

They are leaderless and they are lost. But thankfully for Scotland we no longer have to be bound by their choices and their control.

We now have the chance of a different choice, the choice of a different future. Because we can’t and won’t be shackled to the shambles that Westminster has become.

With independence- we have that clear purpose and a clear path.

The independence papers show the way, they show the opportunity and the future we can build together.

So friends – for Ian Hamilton and for all those who have gone before us, for those of us in Scotland today – and most of all – for future generations.

Let’s finish the job, finish the journey and finally put a finish to Westminster control for good.

Let’s build that greener, wealthier, fairer future.

Let’s build a new Scotland – an independent Scotland.