Tag: Danny Alexander

  • Danny Alexander – 2011 Speech to the House of Commons on Public Service Pensions

    Danny Alexander – 2011 Speech to the House of Commons on Public Service Pensions

    The speech made by Danny Alexander, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, in the House of Commons on 2 November 2011.

    I wish to update the House on progress in reform of public service pensions to set out the new offer we have made as we seek to bring this issue to a conclusion by the end of this year.

    Our objective is to put in place new schemes that are affordable, sustainable and fair – to both taxpayers and public service workers. And to put in place schemes that can be sustained for decades to come.

    It’s not easy, but it’s the right thing to. I recognise that this is a contentious area. Public service workers deserve a good pension in retirement, as a fair reward for a lifetime spent serving the public.

    That is why in June last year the Chancellor commissioned Lord Hutton, the Work and Pensions Secretary in the previous Government, to take an impartial, dispassionate look at this to bring forward proposals for reform.

    His landmark report has set the terms of the debate, and I am sure the whole house will share my gratitude for his work.

    In his interim report, he found that there was a clear justification – based on the past cost increase borne by the taxpayer for an increase in member contributions.

    We accepted that recommendation, and increases in member contributions will take place starting next year – although next year’s increase merely reflects the increase already planned by the previous Government.

    In his final report, he set out a blueprint for a new landscape of public service pensions based on retaining defined benefit schemes, but moving to a fairer career average basis, and increasing the retirement age in line with the State Pension Age to protect the taxpayer against future increases in life expectancy.

    We accepted his recommendations in full as a basis for consultation, and we have been discussing the recommendations with the trade unions.

    Those discussions started in February, and are still going on. Despite some of the public comment, significant progress has been made. And I want to pay tribute to the Minister for the Cabinet Office and the General Secretary of the TUC for their tireless work to reach common ground on reform.

    The trade unions have welcomed many of the commitments that we made at the start of this process:

    • That public sector schemes will remain defined benefit, with a guaranteed amount provided in retirement
    • That all accrued rights will be protected. Everything public servants have earned until the point of change, they will keep and will be paid out in the terms expected, at the retirement age expected. Final salary means just that – your accrued rights will be based on the final salary not at the point of change, but your final salary whenever your career ends or you choose to leave the scheme.

    No public sector worker needs to have anything to fear at all for any of the entitlements they have already built up.

    We have reached agreement the importance of transparency, equality impacts, participation rates and opt-outs, scheme governance, and high level principles to inform consultations on scheme level pensions.

    However, the central issue of the value of new schemes remains to be agreed.

    Two aims need to bet:

    First, that for most low and middle income workers, the new schemes would generate an income at retirement at least as good as the amount they receive now.

    Second, that the taxpayer needs to be properly protected from the future risks associated with further increases in life expectancy, by linking the scheme normal pension age to State Pension Age.

    In early October, we set cost ceilings to meet these tests.

    Cost ceilings based on Lord Hutton’s recommendations that generate an accruals rate of 1/65th for the new schemes.

    Scheme by scheme discussions have been taking place on this basis, since the beginning of October.

    And while the talks have been productive,  trade unions and departmental ministers have given consistent feedback about what they think needs to change.

    Last week, the Minister for the Cabinet Office and I met the TUC negotiating team who pressed for a more generous cost ceiling was needed, and explicit protections for those workers nearest to retirement.

    I have received similar feedback from the Secretaries of State for Education and Health.

    Having listened to their views, I have decided to revise the government’s offer.

    Cabinet discussed these matters yesterday, and I met the TUC this morning to set out the terms of our new offer.

    It is an offer that increases the cost ceiling and provides for generous transitional arrangements for those closest to retirement, and I have made available to Members today a document that sets out the detail.

    This generous offer should be more than sufficient to allow agreement to be reached with the unions.

    But it is an offer that is conditional upon reaching agreement.

    I hope that on the basis of this offer, the Trade Unions will devote their energy to reaching agreement not on unnecessary and damaging strike action.

    That way this offer can inform the scheme by scheme talks that will continue until the end of the year. Of course, if agreement cannot be reached we may need to re-visit our proposals, and consider whether those enhancements remain appropriate.

    I can announce today that I have decided to offer an increase to the cost ceiling. So future schemes will now be based on a pension to the value of 1/60th of average salary, accruing for each year worked. That is an 8% increase on the previous offer.

    Let me give some examples of what that means.

    A teacher with a lifetime in public service with a salary at retirement of £37,800 would receive £25,200 each year under these proposals, rather than the £19,100 they would currently earn in the final salary Teachers’ Pension Scheme.

    A nurse with a lifetime in public service and a salary at retirement of £34,200 would receive £22,800 of pension each year if these reforms were introduced, whereas under the current 1995 NHS Pension Scheme arrangements they would only get £17,300.

    Pensions that remain considerably better than available in the private sector.

    To earn the equivalent pension in the private sector, the teacher retiring on £37,800 would need a pension pot of around £675,000, the nurse retiring on £34,200, a pot of £600,000. Both would require an annual contribution of around a third of their salary.

    In addition, I have listened to the argument that those closest to retirement should not have to face any change at all.

    That is the approach that we have taken in relation to increases to the State Pension Age over the years, and I think it is fair to apply that here too.

    I can also announce that scheme negotiations will be given the flexibility, outside the cost ceiling, to deliver protection so that no-one within 10 years of retirement will see any change in when they can retire nor any decrease in the amount of pension they receive.  .

    Anyone ten years or less from retirement age on 1 April 2012 are assured that there will be no detriment to their retirement income.

    We need to be clear about the backdrop against which this offer is made.

    I fully understand that families across the country are feeling financial pressure right now. These are unprecedented and tough economic times.

    But reform is essential because the costs of public service pensions have risen dramatically over the last few decades.

    The bottom line is that we are all living longer.

    The average 60 year old today is living ten years longer now, than they did in the 1970s. That is a remarkable and welcome feat of science and healthcare. But it also means that people are living in retirement longer and claiming their pension for longer.

    As a result the costs of public service pensions have risen to £32bn a year. An increase of a third over the last 10 years. And whilst they accounted for just under 1 % of GDP in 1970, they account for around 2% of GDP today.

    More than we spend in total on police, on prisons, and the courts.

    And for the most part, it hasn’t been the public service workers footing the bill. It’s been the general taxpayer.

    We have to reform to ensure the costs of pensions are sustainable in the long term and to ensure costs and risks are fairly shared between employees and taxpayers.

    I believe this package is affordable. I believe it is also fair, not just to public sector workers, but delivers significant long term savings to taxpayers who will continue to make a significant contribution to their pensions.

    If reform along these lines is agreed, I believe that we will have a deal that can endure for at least 25 years and hopefully longer.

    People are living longer, so public sector pension reform is inevitable. But we’ve listened to the concerns of public sector workers, and come up with a deal that’s fair and affordable. The lowest paid and people ten years off retirement will be protected – and public sector pensions will still be among the very best available.

    If reform of this sort is agreed, then no party in this house will need to seek further reform of the overall package. This sustainability is an important prize.

    So I hope that the trade unions will now grasp the opportunity that this new offer represents.

    And I hope party opposite will do the right thing, put party politics aside, and support the proposals, which came from John Hutton, in the interests of securing a long term consensus on the future of public service pensions.

    It is the chance of a lifetime to secure good, high quality, and fair public service pensions.

    Yes we are asking public service workers to contribute more.

    Yes, we are asking them to work longer, along with the rest of society

    But we are offering the chance of a significantly better pension at the end of it for many low and middle income earners.

    A fairer pension, so that low income workers stop subsidising pensions of the highest earners.

    A sustainable deal, that will endure for at least 25 years.

    An affordable deal, that ensures that taxpayers are being asked to make a sensible contribution, but keeps costs sustainable and under proper control.

    That is the new offer I am putting on the table today, it is an offer that the opposition should support and the unions should agree to and I commend this statement to the House.

  • Danny Alexander – 2011 Speech to the Hi-Scot Credit Union

    Danny Alexander – 2011 Speech to the Hi-Scot Credit Union

    The comments made by Danny Alexander, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, on 22 July 2011.

    Introduction

    I am delighted to launch the Hi-Scot Credit Union in Stornoway today. The success of the predecessor, the Western Isles Credit Union, in just five years shows just how invaluable your services are to the local community

    This performance is especially impressive given the financial and economic environment that we have all been operating under in the last few years, and demonstrates how successful you have been in providing finance and support to local people when they need it the most. Indeed, across Britain credit union membership is increasing, with almost 1 million members in the UK, and 240,000 members in Scotland alone. Credit unions offer a vital financial source to communities, and I for one want to see that growth continue.

    Credit Unions and rebalancing the economy

    Credit unions such as yours have an important role to play in rebalancing our economy in two key ways.

    Firstly by promoting higher rates of saving. Across the UK we are suffering from historically low household saving rates.

    As an institution embedded in the community, the links that you have forged provide the perfect channel to help develop a culture of financial responsibility, where people understand the value of saving and the importance of financial prudence.

    Indeed I congratulate you on how active you have already been with the schools in the local area to promote financial awareness amongst parents and pupils. I have started a savings account with you myself, and I am in the process of opening child saver accounts for my two daughters. And as a mainland MP, I will be doing my bit to boost your profile in your new area.

    And secondly, the Credit Unions plays a crucial role in rebalancing our economy by providing access to affordable credit at a local level for individuals by helping empower communities across the UK.

    Coastal communities fund

    Empowering communities is a corner stone of the Coalition’s ambition to decentralise and disperse power from the centre. We are committed to helping people and communities help themselves. The services offered through the Hi-Scot Credit Union are a vital to helping communities seeking to realise that goal and we as a Government have to support these endeavours.

    And we can also do this by ensuring that communities share in the benefit of development and growth in their area that they help spur.

    It is only right that coastal communities are given the opportunity to get something back for what they put in. And in particular, reap the broader benefits from the investment that they have made to develop business and enterprise from our marine resources.

    Indeed, it was over a year ago, following the formation of the Coalition and my subsequent move to the Treasury that I was contacted by Jim Hunter, the former Chairman of the Highlands and Islands Enterprise who suggested that I could realise a longstanding ambition of the Highlands and Islands…to capture for the residents a worthwhile share of the Crown Estate Commission’s revenues in the area.

    And of course this was a pressing issue because of the boost to the Crown Estate’s income that will come from the expansion of offshore renewable technology off the Highlands and Islands waters…offshore wind farms to start with, but wave and tidal power down the line…

    As an MP in the region, I had for some time been pressing for measures to ensure that a bigger proportion of Crown Estate revenues from the Highlands and Islands remain in our area…so I needed no great persuasion to take this on.

    It’s with great delight that I can announce today that the Government will establish a UK wide Coastal Communities Fund to support economic development in coastal communities. The Fund, which will be open for business from April 2012, will be worth 50% of the gross revenues from the Crown Estate’s marine activities, which in 2010-11 amounted to around £23m.

    The amount available within each country, or part of a country, will be linked to the revenues that are raised in that area. On the basis of 2010-11 revenues that would entail almost £2m for the Highland and Islands, and £1.5m for the rest of Scotland.

    But of course we expect that that amount will increase in-line with the increase in revenues from the continued development of the Crown Estate’s marine activities, and the expansion of offshore renewable activities.

    It would also be possible for offshore wind farm developers themselves to make a contribution to these funds. It is already common practice for onshore wind farm developers to make a substantial ‘community benefit’ to those in the vicinity, and I hope very much that offshore developers follow their lead.

    The Fund itself will be managed in partnership with the Big Fund, part of the Big Lottery Fund, and will support projects related to community development, charitable, benevolent or philanthropic activities, the environment, education and health.

    And the Fund will be open to a wide range of organisations…private sector companies, charities, social enterprises, local authorities, local enterprise partnerships in England, and development agencies here in Scotland.

    I am particularly keen to encourage wide participation to bring forward innovative projects that will tackle the some of the more difficult economic problems in our coastal communities. In the Highlands and Islands I particularly encourage bids that seek to boost community land ownership across the area given the track record of economic development that this brings.

    Conclusion

    We are committed to promoting and supporting growth across all regions and sectors of the UK.

    We have to ensure in particular that coastal communities benefit from what we hope will be substantial economic development from offshore renewable technologies in the years to come. As a Highlander, having grown up on these Islands and on the mainland, securing greater economic benefits for the people of this area is what motivated me to enter politics in the first place.

    I strongly believe that the Coastal Communities Fund supports this ambition, as of course do your own endeavours as you expand your Credit Union services.

    I wish you the best of luck as you extend your services throughout the Highlands & Islands, and I’m sure that you will bring a huge array of benefits to households across the wider region.

  • Danny Alexander – 2011 Speech to the IPPR

    Danny Alexander – 2011 Speech to the IPPR

    The speech made by Danny Alexander, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, on 17 June 2011.

    Few subjects are as open to misunderstanding and misrepresentation as public service pensions.

    Pensions are vitally important to all of us, but they are also both complex and long-term.

    Pensions for public service workers even more so, not least because it’s a benefit for one part of the population, that’s paid for by all of us.

    And this debate takes place at a particularly sensitive time, because everyone is under financial pressure right now. People in the public service are facing the second year of a pay freeze…and job insecurity is a feature for some, as the Government gets to grips with the enormous budget deficit.

    Everyone in Britain is facing a rapidly rising cost of living. And millions of private sector workers have taken pay freezes or worse in the last 3 years.

    So just as public service workers want to protect their pensions, millions of other taxpayers are asking why is it fair that they should be asked to pay more tax to fund public service pensions, especially as the value of their own pensions is falling. In fact, in the private sector, very few know what they will receive in retirement at all, and they receive considerably less or nothing at all by way of employer contributions. Of course, over 12 million are making no provision at all.

    And on top of that, the State Pension Age is already rising to 66 with further rises thereafter, and taxpayers across the country are adjusting to this reality. To a longer working life… to pay for a longer retirement.

    It is absolutely wrong to pretend that public servants can be insulated from the pressures that everyone else are facing. It is unjustifiable that other taxpayers should work longer and pay more tax so public service workers can retire earlier and get more than them.

    It is the employees who are benefiting from longer life and generous pensions, but it is the taxpayer who is picking up the tab.

    In this context, it should not be a surprise that the debate on the future of public service pensions is often polarised between two extremes, neither of which is based on fact.

    On the one hand, there are those trades Unions who seem to believe that pensions for public service workers should not change, irrespective of the huge economic, demographic and social changes going on around them.

    On the other hand, there are those equally misguided voices who seem to think that the public service should be the front runner in a race to the bottom.

    Between these two, the Chancellor and I believe there is an indisputable case for reforming public service pensions to ensure that they are affordable, sustainable, high quality and fair in the face of huge demographic changes.

    Reform that ensures that the costs of providing pensions to our workforce are affordable, not just now…but in the decades to come.

    Reform that is sustainable by ensuring that the financial implications of longer lives are fairly shared between employees and other taxpayers.

    Reform that also corrects the huge unfairness in the current arrangements, where low paid workers subsidise the rewards of the highest paid.

    And reform that ensures that public service workers continue to receive among the best, if not the best, pensions available.

    We have been engaged over the last few months in discussions with the TUC about these issues. These discussions have been constructive, positive, and frank. There is a commitment on behalf of both the Government and the Unions to seeing these talks through. And these talks will continue this month and later in July.

    So it is all the more disappointing that there are a minority of Unions who seem hell bent on premature strike action before these discussions are even complete. To justify strike action, they are misrepresenting the Government’s position and feeding their members scare stories.

    I say to members of those Unions, a strike now might be in the union boss’s interests, it is not in yours. Don’t let them sacrifice your pension for their political platform.

    Only 1 in 5 PCS members voted for strike action on Wednesday. That in itself demonstrates how the vast majority of PCS members realise strike action is unjustifiable.

    Of course, it may be that those who oppose change think that they can force the Government to change its mind. This head in the sand approach is a colossal mistake. This Government will reform public service pensions. This is the time to shape that change not to try and block it.

    The history of reform is littered with examples where people simply deny the facts, deploy their myths and dig their trenches. They may hold out for a little while, but eventually reality bites. And when it does, change is urgent and uncompromising.

    Instead, where people seize the opportunity for change and seize the chance to shape their future, a much better change can happen. Lord Hutton, the former Work and Pensions Secretary, has created the chance of a better change. And our offer is by far the best that is likely to be on the table for years to come.

    Today, I want to set out the case for reform and spell out how our proposals would affect public service workers, as well as taxpayers.

    The details are very important here, and I will set them out shortly. But let me sum up our position to the vast majority of public service workers:

    We are all living longer. That means more years spent in work, as well as in retirement. To keep the best pensions in the country, you will have to contribute more. Those contributions will support your pension, not subsidise the pensions of top earners. So when you do reach retirement age, the pension you receive will be broadly as generous for low and middle income earners, as it is now. At the same time we are protecting the pension that you have earned to date. We are reforming for the future, but we will not touch the pension that you have already earned.

    Working longer and paying in more may not be what public service workers want to hear, but it is simply a fact of life for every single person in this country, whether you work in the public or private sector.

    On the other hand, pensions broadly as generous for low and middle income earners as they are now, will not be welcome to those who want to decimate public service pensions. But I believe it is absolutely right to offer the best pensions in the market to people who spend their lives serving the public.

    That is not the wanton destruction that has been either predicted by some, or demanded by others. Instead, it is a fair and affordable proposition that can be sustained for decades. Thanks to Lord Hutton, it is a proposition around which cross-party consensus can be built.

    Case for reform – Living Longer and linking the NPA to the SPA

    Let me explain the argument for reform in more detail.

    Lord Hutton, led the Independent Commission on Public Service Pensions which produced its final report in March this year. The Commission provided a fundamental structural review of public service pension provision.

    I want to pay tribute to Lord Hutton for his clarity of analysis and his far reaching proposals which the Government has accepted as the basis for consultation.

    It is that review that has provided the clear and compelling facts on pension reform.

    And the facts are these:

    Firstly, we are living longer. As Hutton has said himself, ‘longevity [is] the main risk to the sustainability of public service pensions’.

    The average 60 year old today is living ten years longer now, than they did in the 1970s.

    But that also means we are spending longer in retirement. As the Hutton report says, with a retirement age of 60, approximately 40 to 45% of our adult lives are now spent in retirement, compared with around 30% for pensioners in the 1950s. Hand in hand with that, we are drawing a pension for much longer than used to be the case. Instead of taking up a pension for 20 years as it was in the 1950s, public service employees are taking up a pension for about 30 years, a 50% increase… each and every one of us will be retired for longer and picking up our pension for longer.

    And the number of pensioners will continue to increase dramatically. The Hutton report expects that over the next 30 years, the number of UK citizens aged over 70 will nearly double… rising from 7.3m, to almost 14m people.

    This is a fantastic development for society, but it also presents a financial challenge.

    And the costs have already risen dramatically…total payments to public service pensioners and their dependents were almost £32bn in 2008-9, an increase of a third in real terms over the last decade.

    But whilst it is the individual public service employee that reaps the benefits of receiving a pension for longer… as things stand, it is not the employee that’s paying extra for it.

    In fact, personal contributions compared to taxpayer contributions have gone down. For instance, when the Teacher’s Pension Scheme began, employee and taxpayer contributions were equal at 5%. Today however, current members pay around 6% with taxpayers contributing more than double that at 14%.

    This huge disparity is replicated across public service schemes where the taxpayer consistently pays more. NHS employee contributions vary from 5.5 to 8.5%, whereas the taxpayer again contributes 14%. Civil service employees contribute between 1.5 and 3.5%, whereas the taxpayer contributes 19%.

    As Hutton said, “improvements in longevity have…increased the cost of paying public service pensions”, but given the lack of reform, he also cautioned that “these costs have generally fallen to the taxpayer, either through increased employer contributions to schemes, or as a direct subsidy from the Exchequer when benefit payments are made”

    The private sector woke up to this shift over the last two decades, started to change, and in many cases abandoned their defined benefit schemes altogether. Some suggested, wrongly, that the State had no choice but to follow suit.

    Whereas once public service pensions were the benchmark that the private sector measured itself against, they have become so out of touch with increasing longevity, that no-one looks to emulate them anymore.

    Take as an example a highly paid London Head Teacher retiring with an annual pension of £42,000 a year and a lump sum of £126,000. To get that in the private sector you’d need a pension pot of around £1.6m. Even more staggering…take a top civil servant earning around £200,000 at retirement, receiving £100,000 a year in pension and a lump sum of £300,000. To get that in the private sector you’d need a pension pot of £4m.

    But too often private sector reform was a race to the bottom.

    We have already said that we will not join that race.

    We have chosen defined benefits because we know that public service workers place huge stock in having the certainty of a guaranteed and defined pension in retirement.

    But we will only continue our defined benefit schemes as part of wider reform.

    We must address the imbalance between employee and taxpayer contribution.

    Why should the general taxpayer have to work longer before drawing their pensions, when public service workers don’t? Why should the general taxpayer have to pay taxes supporting public service pensions for workers retiring earlier than them?

    Most people, most public service workers included, know that’s unfair.

    It’s only right that public service workers , like everyone else, work that bit longer and contribute that bit longer to their pension.

    For that reason, we are proposing to link the Normal Pension Age to the State Pension Age. That is, we propose linking the age you can draw your occupational pension, to the age that you can draw your State pension. And the two would continue to track each other in the future as we as a society benefit from greater longevity.

    Through this change we would move the proportion of adult life spent in retirement for public service workers back to about a third – that’s roughly where it was in the 1980s.

    The exception is the uniformed services – the armed forces, police and firefighters – where the pension age has historically been lower to reflect the unique nature of their work. We accept Lord Hutton’s recommendations in this case that 60 should be the benchmark Normal Pension Age for the uniformed services.

    For those that would change, as I said, we are still protecting those benefits that you have accrued to date under the old scheme. But not only would we protect those amounts, we would protect when you can draw them.

    As such, you would still have and you could still draw that first part of your pension at the retirement age you were originally expecting.

    Case for reform – final salary scheme and move to career average scheme

    The second argument for reform is that a scheme based on the ‘final salary’ is inherently biased against low earners.

    The current scheme works against those employees who stay on a low salary over their career, compared to those who receive a high salary, for the few years towards the end of their career.

    For top 20% of earners, the median annual pension payout is £42 for each £100 paid in. In contrast, the bottom 20% of earners can generally expect just £30, for every £100 they pay in.

    In some instances, the higher earners can receive up to twice as much in benefits per pound they put in compared to the lower earners.

    Of course, a more successful career will lead to a more generous pension. But in some cases, the high earner ends up with a pension that amounts to 90% of their average salary, whereas the low earner receives just half of their average salary.

    It’s unfair on the lower earners who lose out because they didn’t make the salary leap in the final years of their career. And more often than not it’s women rather than men… typically and unfairly the low earners in their career, who are discriminated against the most by this bias.

    For that reason we are proposing therefore that for future pension accruals, the defined benefit will be linked to the average salary over your career and not your final salary.

    A career average scheme would guard against the risks and costs that come from individuals jumping to higher salaries in the last few years of their career. It would mean that everyone will get broadly the same amount for every pound they put in. This would be an inherently fairer system for the future.

    Case for reform – conclusion

    Those are the facts.

    Under the current system, as we live longer, current levels of contributions are unfairly balanced between the employee and taxpayer.

    Under the current system, the final salary scheme is unfairly biased towards the higher earners.

    The case for reform is clear and compelling.

    As Lord Hutton says himself, and let me quote …“there will need to be comprehensive reform.” Change is needed to “make public service pension schemes simpler and more transparent, fairer to those on low and moderate earnings, better able to deal with the changes that we know are coming to our economy and our society, and will therefore help ensure greater prospects for sustainability over the longer term.”

    Our promise

    But at the same time, we need to ensure that public service pensions remain among the very best available. We want them to be the benchmark against which all other pension provision is compared.

    Public service pensions are an important and valued part of the remuneration offered to public servants and they ensure dignity in retirement.

    In Hutton’s words, reforms must “balance the legitimate concerns of taxpayers about the present and future costs of pensions commitments in the public service, as well as the wider need to ensure decent levels of retirement income for millions of people who have devoted their working lives in the service of the public.”

    In that spirit, first and foremost, we remain committed to defined benefit pensions. That means that every public service worker will receive a guaranteed amount in retirement – not an uncertain amount based on the value of an investment fund or cash pot like most people in the private sector.

    This is a substantial benefit.

    I also want to make it absolutely clear that we are fully committed to protecting the pension that has been earned to date.

    It has been suggested that through our proposed changes, we would be stripping workers of the benefits that they have already accumulated.

    Let me say categorically, this is not true.

    The benefits that you have already secured under the current final salary scheme would be protected.

    Let me be clear what this means: for what you have accrued, the ‘final salary’ which is used to calculate that pension would be the one you have when you eventually decide to retire or leave the scheme altogether.

    And again, for what you have accrued, we would not be changing the age at which you can claim those benefits. You could still draw that part at the retirement age that you were originally expecting to claim it.

    We will honour, in full, the benefits earned through years of service. No ifs, no buts.

    So to those who are surreptitiously advising scheme members to pull out of their pension now – and, yes, this is happening – I say stop. You should be ashamed at advising people to act against their own best interests.

    Reforms already announced

    As well as the longer term proposals that we are currently consulting on, as part of last June’s Budget and Spending Review, we have already taken immediate action that affect public service pensions.

    Firstly, we have already changed the way the value of the pension tracks inflation. We have switched to the Consumer Prices Index instead of using the Retail Prices Index for benefits, including public service pensions. The CPI is already used to set the inflation target by the Bank of England. It is the appropriate index to use in future. The CPI better reflects everyday prices and provides a better reflection of the inflation that people actually experience.

    Secondly, from April 2012, we will be phasing in an increase in pension contributions. This is vital to redress the imbalance between taxpayer and employee contributions to pensions discussed earlier.

    Indeed, Hutton’s Interim Report concludes that “there is a rationale for increasing member contributions to ensure a fairer distribution of costs between taxpayers and employees.”

    And in fact the last Government had already agreed with the Unions that there needed to be an increase in employee contributions. That agreement would have resulted in around £1bn extra of employee contributions to take place next year.

    The Government said in the Spending Review thatit will implement progressive changes to employee contributions, equivalent to three percentage points on average, which will lead to an additional saving of £1.8 billion a year by 2014-15, to be phased in from April 2012. We are in discussions with the Unions about implementation of our proposal, but this would mean a total of £2.8bn in extra employee contributions by 2014-15.

    But 3.2pp is the average increase. The increase will not be the same for all levels of income.

    We are proposing in particular that the lowest earners will face the least, or even zero increase in their contributions. Our proposal would not increase contributions at all for those earning less than £15,000 a year, and we propose a limit of 1.5 percentage points increase for those earning up to £18,000. This would be progressive and fair. It would help to ensure that the increase in contributions will not cause people to opt out.

    It would be in keeping with the Government’s strategy to protect the lowest earners… as we have done by raising the income tax threshold… and as we have done by taking tough decisions on a pay freeze, whilst accepting recommendations from the Pay Review Bodies to provide a £250 pay rise for public service workers earning less than £21,000 pounds.

    Furthermore, we have been clear that for all income brackets where there is an increase in contributions, this increase would be phased in over 3 years. Our proposals would mean that in 2012, 40% of the increase will apply… approximately the same amount that had already been agreed between the Unions and the previous Government through the ‘cap and share’ arrangement. In 2013, 80% of the increase will apply, and 100% in 2014.

    Both the changes to CPI and the changes to contributions are vital to putting pensions on a fair and affordable footing in the short and long term.

    No further changes

    We have already instituted the change to the CPI and we are consulting with the Unions on the increase in contributions. We are determined to see both these changes through as a first step to reform.

    We are also consulting with the Unions on reform for the longer term. Our proposals to link the Normal Pension Age to the State Pension Age, and shift to a Career Average Salary Scheme would see pensions through not just the next five years, but the next generation and beyond.

    We are not looking to make any other changes to how you contribute to your pension.

    I am also aware that our consultation on the Fair Deal policy is a major concern for Trades Unions. The consultation closed on Wednesday and we will carefully consider all the responses we have received.

    Conclusion

    We are undertaking wide and open consultations to ensure that we can reach agreement on a fair level of the pension benefit, fair to public service workers, and fair to the general taxpayer.

    Most public service workers will understand that something’s got to change.

    But they also want to be reassured that they will still get a good pension in retirement.

    These proposals strike that balance. And here is our promise to you:

    We will honour your accrued pensions in full.

    We will continue to provide a defined benefit pension; and

    We will ensure that public service pensions remain amongst the very best available, and will provide low and middle income workers withs a pension broadly as good as what you have now

    At the same time, public service workers must understand, that the current system has to be fundamentally reformed. For that reason our proposals would mean that public service workers would:

    Contribute more to their pensions

    Work to a later age before drawing their occupational pension

    Move to a career average salary as the fairest basis to calculate the pension benefit.

    I fully appreciate that reform of public service pensions is a sensitive issue, but we must realise that it is an unavoidable one.

    Lord Hutton said himself that “how people are treated in this process will be as important as the changes to pension schemes themselves”. I wholeheartedly agree with him that establishing a relationship of trust and confidence between the Government and public service workers is critical to the success of these reforms.

    I hope I have offered clarity and reassurance as to the Government’s proposals. In reforming public service pensions, this Coalition Government is attempting to strike a fair and affordable balance between the legitimate interests of public service workers and the costs faced by other taxpayers. This is not an attack on public sector pensions, it is an attempt to protect them for the long term. I hope you will agree that we have that balance right.

    Thank you.

  • Danny Alexander – 2010 Speech to the Inverness Chamber of Commerce

    Danny Alexander – 2010 Speech to the Inverness Chamber of Commerce

    The speech made by Danny Alexander, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, on 27 August 2010.

    Introduction

    Thank you.

    It was pointed out to me that I am the first Cabinet Minister from the Highlands since Baron Irvine was Lord Chancellor back in 2003.

    Yet this is where I felt the similarities between us end.

    As he is probably best remembered for spending nearly £60,000 of public funds on hand-printed wallpaper. While the only person likely to decorate my walls is my daughter – Isabel – and her rates tend to be far more reasonable.

    And this is an excellent place to start, for much of what I will be looking to achieve in the run up to November will focus on the elimination of unnecessary expenditure, while prioritising funds on the areas that matter most to the UK.

    So it’s a great pleasure to be in Inverness today, for my first major speech as Chief Secretary. And to be able to set out the steps we, as a Government, are taking to control public spending and restore confidence in our economy.

    For the decisions we have made since the election – and the actions we will take over the ensuing months – are essential to returning our economy to a sustainable path.

    We have steadied the ship, but if we wish to remain on course we must deliver on the plans we have set out.

    Defence of the Government’s position

    It is impossible to exaggerate the seriousness of the situation we inherited, or the risks to Britain – and to the Highlands – if we had continued on the same course.

    With an economy that was limping out of the longest recession since official records began.

    With almost 2.5 million people unemployed.

    Historically low levels of private investment.

    And a Budget deficit that was due to peak at £166.5bn – the largest in the G20.

    With no clear plan for getting it under control.

    A legacy that had the UK spending four pounds for every three it raises in taxation.

    Yet there are those in Opposition who deny the need to take action and clean up the mess they left behind.

    Who pretend that we could wait years before dealing with the deficit.

    This could not be further from the truth.

    There is nothing credible about denying that the deficit is a problem. There is nothing responsible about pretending it can be solved without making difficult, and sometimes painful, choices.

    For those who deny the need to reduce borrowing – unable to kick the destructive habit – would put our economy at far greater risk of recession.

    Yes it was right to take action to stop the banks collapsing. The stability of our economy depended on it.

    But economic stability now depends on having a credible plan to restore the public finances to a sustainable footing.

    We only need to look at the Euro area – and the recent turbulence in sovereign debt markets – to understand the cost of delaying difficult decisions – endangering jobs, growth, investment and control of your economy.

    This is why we now have a credible plan to deal with the record deficit. And why we will stick to it.

    To tighten the public finances by a total of £113bn by 2014-15.

    With around £30bn coming from tax measures.

    £11bn from the welfare reforms announced at the Budget.

    £61bn from departmental expenditure.

    And another £10bn from lower debt-interest.

    The necessary steps to ensure that we live within our means in the future.

    Mervyn King agrees that “it is essential to take measures this fiscal year to demonstrate the genuine commitment and determination of the new Government.”

    The OECD have praised our Budget, saying it provided “the necessary degree of fiscal consolidation over the coming years to restore public finances to a sustainable path, while still supporting the recovery.”

    And the head of the CBI has said “The Chancellor has achieved his twin objectives of setting out a credible plan for the public finances and producing a convincing growth strategy for the longer-term.”

    So I am determined to see this through, to deliver on our commitments.

    Fixing the nation’s finances is not just the right course of action, it is the only course.

    It is unavoidable, it is necessary, and it is fair. And we will stick to that principle of fairness in our spending decisions.

    But always remember that there is nothing fair about having an ever growing burden of debt for our children to inherit. That is the least fair, the least progressive option of all.

    And the Spending Review is the next crucial step in this process.

    We need to cut public spending, but that is not an end in itself. It is an essential step on the path towards long-term, sustainable, and more balanced growth.

    Growth and Fairness

    We are seeing some very early signs that the economy appears to be heading in the right direction.

    The private sector is growing.

    Employment is on the rise.

    And exports are recovering in response to improving global demand.

    But we must remain cautious.

    I agree with Mervyn King when he says that we are likely to face a choppy recovery.

    To expect an easy ride after the biggest economic crisis of our lifetimes – and with the debt problems this Government has inherited – would be asking too much.

    And I know well how difficult things are for many local businesses here in the Highlands. I have held 28 surgeries in the last 2 weeks in communities right across this area, and at almost every one a local business came to discuss issues they were facing. Most often – but not always – access to finance from the bank.

    There are also some fantastic examples of innovation here in the local economy. Only today, I opened Fujitsu’s new office in Inverness, part of a substantial investment to deliver services and cut costs for the Highland Council. And I looked round the world class exhibition of housing innovation at the Expo.

    So it is crucial that our choices are driven by clear principles and objectives, led by the need to promote a more sustainable model for economic growth and prosperity.

    At the Budget, we took some significant steps to support the private sector, to lead the economic recovery.

    Setting out our ambition to create the most competitive corporation tax regime in the G20.

    Minimising burdens on businesses through a ‘one-in, one-out’ system of regulation.

    And starting the process of banking reform, with improving access to finance. We know more is needed on that issue, which is why we’re making it a priority.

    The Spending Review will have a strong focus on lasting economic growth.

    So as we scrutinise every pound of Government spending, we will identify those areas that do the most to promote sustainable growth and prosperity.

    We will also work with the private sector – with businesses and entrepreneurs ,such as yourselves – to identify the drivers of growth. Broadband access, transport infrastructure, the green economy being three that I know matter a great deal here.

    And we shall address the social barriers that inhibit individual progress, as this is the surest way to maximise national success.

    For as the Deputy Prime Minister set out last week, our determination to tackle the deficit and support economic recovery is matched by our determination to create a more socially mobile society.

    Getting people back to work, promoting fairness of opportunity, and ensuring that all parts of the UK are able to prosper.

    With this approach, the Spending Review will promote a fairer and more sustainable model for growth. By working in partnership with the devolved administrations to create an economy that is better balanced – where the benefits are more evenly spread across all people and regions of the UK.

    But while one key driver behind spending decisions will be investing in the recovery, another will be public sector reform.

    Empowering People

    As part of the Spending Review, I am overseeing a complete re-evaluation of the Government’s role in providing public services.

    We are doing this because the Spending Review is not just about reducing spending, it must also be about fundamental reform.

    Reform driven by very simple ideals – to give more power to people, to communities, and to those working on the front-line.

    Reform to get ‘more for less’, by harnessing the skills capacity and abilities of our public servants.

    Reform to ensure that budget reductions don’t just result in a salami slicing of public services.

    There is no hiding from the fact that there are difficult choices ahead. Public sector workers are understandably worried about their jobs, their future pay and their pensions.

    We have already announced a 2-year pay freeze – with modest rises for those earning under 21k.

    This cost reduction will help to protect jobs.

    And is exactly the sort of thing that has been happening in the private sector over the last 2 years.

    But I also believe that our reforms – where individuals will have more freedom and greater responsibility – will make the public sector a more attractive, as well as a more efficient place to work.

    This is crucial – because the experience, the dedication and the commitment of people working in the public sector is critical to delivering the improvements we need.

    The previous Government took a top-down approach – they believed that Whitehall (or Holyrood) should micromanage every action from Ipswich to Inverness – this has stifled innovation and created excessive bureaucracy.

    We have already started to sweep away this centralised approach, ending the complex system of Public Service Agreements.

    Freeing professionals from top-down targets and unnecessary interference.

    And we will continue to devolve power away from Whitehall and put it into the hands of local people and communities.

    Enabling public sector professionals to deliver a service that is tailored to the specific needs of their area, and where the users – the public – have the ability to shape the services they receive.

    So in October, I will set out a completely new approach to public sector performance and accountability – a new Public Services Transparency Framework.

    Where the guiding principle is not accountability through a centrally designed system of targets and processes. But accountability to people.

    A system that gives professionals more freedom to decide how best to run their own services, in partnership with their local communities and other sectors.

    One where Departments will be responsible for publishing information to allow taxpayers to judge for themselves if we’re delivering on our commitments. And enable the public to hold Departments and Local Authorities to account.

    Providing democratic, rather than bureaucratic, accountability.

    It may seem obvious, but this is a radical shift from the failed, restrictive and centralised system of the last decade. Cutting public spending must not be an excuse for greater centralisation, but a spur to decentralise, to empower, to engage.

    It will empower local communities and those working on the frontline. As I have no doubt that people in the Highlands or elsewhere are far better placed to say what is needed in their local area than the faceless man from Whitehall.

    That is why the public consultation we have been running on the Spending Review has been one of widest ever undertaken by government and has already generated over 100,000 contributions.

    From frontline workers in Stornoway to policy experts in London, we have been seeking suggestions about where savings can be made.

    It is great to see the excellent Highland Council working hard to listen to people as it makes tough spending decisions too.

    Conclusion

    There is little doubt that, in the months ahead, we will all face some tough choices.

    I didn’t come into politics to cut public spending. But, like most people in the Highlands, I know it has to be done.

    As a politician, you don’t choose the time when you have the opportunity to govern. But you do decide how you respond to the challenges of your times.

    The question is not what we have to do – we have made our judgement as a Coalition as to the scale of change that is needed – but how we do it.

    So the spending decisions for which I am responsible will be guided by clear principles:

    To support private sector growth that lasts, that is more balanced across the people and places of the UK.

    To promote fairness and opportunity.

    And to devolve power away from Whitehall – empowering communities and front-line workers, giving them more responsibility and control for delivering their public services.

    The Spending Review is not just about next year, or the year after that. It will pave the way for the long-term success of the UK, our economy, and our people.

    There is no hiding from the fact that we’ll have to make some difficult choices.

    But the action we will take in October will put us back on a secure footing and allow us to plan for a better future.

    We are all in this together.

    And the Spending Review we will produce in two months time will show that this is the case.

    Not only during the testing times, that we have all been through.

    But for good times as well, once the recovery is secured.

  • Danny Alexander – 2013 Speech to Lloyds Business Summit

    dalexander

    Below is the text of the speech made by Danny Alexander, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, to the Lloyds Business Summit on 11 November 2013.

    Recovery

    Good morning.

    I’m very glad to be with you today…

    At a time when our economy does appear to be on the mend.

    Not fully recovered…

    But showing encouraging signs.

    Last month, the IMF revised UK growth up by more than any other G7 economy.

    Two weeks ago the latest GDP figures bought further welcome news…

    But no one should think that because we’re starting to see the signs of recovery…

    That we’ll forget the difficulties we’ve left behind, or abandon the path that has brought us to this point. There is a long way to go to get back to the sort of growth we need.

    Over the last three and half years…

    The government has worked hard …

    Not just to take tough decisions…

    But to take the right decisions.

    And one of our main priorities, has had to be to create the right conditions for more sustainable and balanced growth.

    The 2008 catastrophe and its fall out have been so profound, we know that we have to protect against another catastrophe on this scale.

    There’s a realisation that we have to re-embed two ancient disciplines back into our our public life.

    First, we have to live within our means.

    Second, that further prosperity depends on our ability to build more sustainable, balanced economic growth.

    Of course, while we can create those conditions…

    It’s the private sector that makes growth happen…

    And the recovery we’re starting to see is a result of the determination…

    And the innovation…

    And the sheer hard work of UK based businesses.

    Thank you.

    Right kind of recovery

    For me, the most encouraging feature of the recovery we’re witnessing…

    Is that it has the hallmarks of being a balanced recovery.

    For too long we seemed to only look towards one city – and one industry – for economic growth.

    But growth is happening now across sectors.

    For the first time in 15 years, all four output sectors…

    Industrial production, services, construction and agriculture…

    Have grown in successive quarters.

    And growth is happening across the country.

    We need to work hard to continue this trend.

    So, that should one sector – or one region – experience a sudden decline or shock…

    As happened in the financial crisis…

    Our economy will be in a much stronger position to absorb it.

    Pace of recovery

    Inevitably though, some commentators have criticised the pace of the recovery.

    But they miss the point – previous recessions have simply not been as deep as the one from which we are recovering.

    The severity of the recession also explains why we haven’t seen earnings growth pick up as quickly.

    But let’s look at job creation.

    Our critics said that we would never compensate for the shedding of jobs in the public sector.

    They were wrong.

    You, in the private sector, have created jobs on a significant scale – a remarkable 1.4 million since the election.

    Not only have you compensated for the loss of public sector jobs – you’ve achieved a spectacular job creation ratio of 3:1.

    There is another reality to face – a recovery without fairness would be hardly a recovery at all.

    Not having a job in these times would be the harshest unfairness of all.

    Unemployment is still too high, and there’s clearly a lot more to do to continue the downward trend in unemployment, particularly for youth unemployment.

    Our work on creating over a million modern apprentices is key.

    But I am proud that we are navigating our way back to economic normality without soaring unemployment levels and the social damage that such a situation would wreak.

    Of course, by keeping unemployment much lower than in previous recessions

    We have seen the UK’s output per worker – which is a key measure of our country’s productivity – fall to a fairly low level too.

    I’m of the belief that low productivity is an acceptable outcome – for a temporary period – if it is in part, the result of high employment.

    But in the long run, an increase in our productivity has to drive growth.

    Strong economic growth with rising productivity is the only sustainable way to permanently increase the living standards of our population.

    Short-term populist ideas that damage long-term investment make it harder to increase living standards.

    Instead, we have been building a more stable, competitive environment in which businesses can invest, grow, and create jobs, and share the fruits of that growth fairly.

    And so for our economy to become more productive, we need your help.

    We need you to invest.

    Business investment

    To get the recovery fully entrenched,

    To get it into top gear,

    There’s one thing needed now above all else.

    Investment.

    As a government, we’re playing our part.

    As Chief Secretary to the Treasury, investment is my brief.

    We’re building roads, power stations, flood defences, data networks.

    Only a few months ago, I announced the largest and most comprehensive plan of infrastructure investment for decades – a £100 billion plan to upgrade our roads, railways, broadband by the end of the decade.

    Your country needs you to invest too.

    I know that the deep uncertainty of the last few years has held back business investment.

    In fact, we know that companies are continuing to strengthen their balance sheets out of the credit crisis…

    Total cash deposits held by non-financial private companies has risen by £104 billion since pre crisis levels…

    And now sit at over £500 billion.

    But if businesses start to invest that money, it would make a huge difference to our economy.

    Just to illustrate that, had business investment risen by an additional 10% last year…

    Then the level of GDP would be £12bn higher.

    That’s almost a whole percentage point on GDP growth.

    I know that uncertainty is the enemy of investment.

    I know that companies have felt the need to consolidate balance sheets.

    The fog of uncertainty is clearing.

    The economic outlook and forecasts are improving.

    In government, we doing all we can to increase certainty.

    We have a strong clear fiscal strategy.

    We have a Bank of England with a clear policy expressed through ‘forward guidance’ and we have introduced a set of measures to make that investment easier.

    We are:

    – providing generous NIC allowances

    – reducing corporation tax

    – reforming rules on Controlled Foreign Companies

    To rebuild Britain, we need you to join this recovery by investing now.

    There has never been a better time to invest in Britain.

    With your help, we can entrench a sustainable recovery and increase the living standards of our people.

    Conclusions

    What we won’t do is put short term political gain…

    Ahead of the long term future of this country.

    And we know that – if we want to continue to move our economy from rescue into recovery…

    Then increasing productivity is absolutely essential.

    To raise living standards…

    To raise long term growth potential…

    And the people in this room today have the power to help this country to move into the next phase of our economic recovery.

    We will stick to our plan.

    Making Britain a country that pays it way again.

    Making Britain a great place to do business again.

    Investing in our nation’s infrastructure and the skills of our young people.

    Working together, that is the only way we will build a stronger economy in a fairer society in which everyone can get on in life.

  • Danny Alexander – 2012 Speech to the Global Business Summit

    dannyalexander

    Below is the text of the speech made by Danny Alexander, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, to the Global Business Summit held on 8 August 2012.

    Good morning, it gives me great pleasure to open this breakfast meeting on UK infrastructure.

    To kick off this meeting, I want to say a few general words on how government policy supports investment in infrastructure, and how that investment supports a strong and balanced economic recovery.

    I don’t need to remind you of the difficult economic times we face and I know that times are particularly tough for some of the businesses represented here.

    The UK is still recovering from the biggest debt and financial crisis of our lifetimes – a recovery that is made no easier by the ongoing challenges in the Euro area and in our banking system.

    But in the midst of some sobering facts, we should not lose sight of the positives for the UK – employment up by 181,000 last quarter; 840,000 private sector jobs created since this government came to power; and inflation down to 2.4 per cent in June.

    These successes come in a very challenging climate, and though we still have much to do, they support the view that the Government is following the right economic strategy.

    Our objective is to return this country to sustainable prosperity and to rebalance our economy.

    That means fiscal consolidation, to sort out the public finances and ensure the UK commands the confidence of international markets.

    If means supply side reform, ensuring Britain is an excellent place to do Business, and raising our growth potential.

    And it means dealing with our long standing weaknesses – for example delivering a more mobile workforce, with the right skills in the right places.

    Infrastructure enables us to deliver on the latter two. And through taking tough choices on government spending, we are in fact investing more in transport infrastructure and in broadband access and quality than at the height of the spending boom.

    At the same time, the credibility that we have established has given the Bank of England space to keep the base rate low, and provide further monetary support for infrastructure investment, such as quantitative easing and the new Funding for Lending scheme, which came into operation last week.

    And it has allowed us to support further investment directly, for example through the ‘UK Guarantees’ scheme that we announced a fortnight ago.

    This will help to accelerate major infrastructure investment by offering guarantees of up to £40 billion of major projects, and a temporary lending programme that will allow around £6 billion pounds of public-private partnership projects to proceed without delay.

    Already we have had over 30 expressions of interest since the announcement, and we continue to receive more on a daily basis.

    The Treasury’s door is open to discussions with any project that meets our criteria – nationally significant, financially credible, good value for the tax-payer, dependent on a guarantee, and ready to start in a year – and we will deal with applications as quickly as possible.

    I can tell you this morning that the Green Deal will be an early candidate for the use of these guarantees. The Green deal is the largest ever programme for investing in the energy efficiency of our Housing stock and we are looking at whether and how a guarantee could ensure that the finances are in place to get the programme of to a very strong start.

    The deals my colleagues will be announcing later today show the UK is already in a strong position. And the work we are doing is building on that to strengthen it further still.

    Alongside these measures to support investment finance, we are also taking major steps to remove non-financial barriers to investment – reforming our planning regulations, and identifying skills gaps or capability issues.

    And to ensure that Britain’s infrastructure is delivering on Britain’s priorities, our National Infrastructure Plan sets out a clear vision for the £250 billion of investment that we expect to 2015 and beyond. Our updated plan brings together a comprehensive cross-sectoral analysis of the UK’s infrastructure networks, and sets out clear, long-term ambitions for improving performance in each sector.

    Our newly established Cabinet Committee, which I chair, will ensure that this plan is delivered, focussing on the top 40 growth projects identified in the National Infrastructure Plan.

    We have made great progress in removing barriers to investment – working with industry to resolve radar interference issues affecting four gigawatts of wind energy developments, and supporting the establishment of a new Pension Infrastructure Platform, which will make the first wave of its initial £2 billion investment in UK infrastructure by early 2013.

    The scale of the challenges we face as a country makes delivering on our hugely ambitious infrastructure agenda all the more essential. We want to work together with you to make that happen by removing barriers to project delivery and creating a supportive environment for long term investment in infrastructure. Today’s conversation is an important staging post in realising those ambitions.

    Thank you.

  • Danny Alexander – 2014 Speech to UK Oil and Gas Industry

    dalexander

    Below is the text of the speech made by Danny Alexander, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, to the Oil and Gas UK’s annual conference in Aberdeen on 12th June 2014.

     

    Good morning.

    Thank you Malcolm for that very kind introduction.

    You and your colleagues at Oil & Gas UK are doing a first rate job.

    And I want to commend you – for the hard work that you do – representing the oil and gas industry.

    Whilst we might not always agree on everything…

    … you are an influential voice speaking for the interests of the sector.

    So for me it is a great honour to address your first annual conference.

    And it’s a great pleasure to be invited to do so in Aberdeen.

    This is one of the UK’s greatest cities.

    As well as being a beautiful and welcoming city with a long history…

    … Aberdeen also feels exciting.

    It’s the excitement of being somewhere that is a real global hub of expertise.

    It’s a bit like being in Silicon Valley in California or at the Science Park in Cambridge…

    … a feeling that you are somewhere where the combination of ingenuity, endeavour, expertise, and entrepreneurship can achieve things previously thought impossible.

    Because that is what you do – day in and day out.

    Whether you are geologists, chemists or civil engineers.

    Working on transportation, retail or professional services.

    Upstream, midstream or downstream.

    You are all doing something extraordinary.

    Working against the elements – in one of the most adverse natural environments in the world.

    To extract and deliver energy to millions of people across this planet.

    To me that is a victory of human enterprise over natural adversity.

    As a schoolboy in Lochaber in the 1980s – I know it is what attracted so many of my classmates to work in your sector.

    And it’s why today, I know I speak on behalf of the whole UK government when I say…

    … that I have – and we have – deep admiration for what your industry does.

    You provide almost half a million jobs.

    You supply enough energy to meet almost 40% of our country’s primary needs.

    You have a world-class supply chain – renown internationally for its expertise and technical capability – particularly in key sectors like subsea, for example.

    Your success is a critical part of the long-term economic plan that is bringing growth and jobs to every part of the UK.

    This is precisely why the oil and gas industry is one of the UK’s global success stories…

    … and why the coalition government has pulled out all the stops…

    … and done everything we can…

    … to support you.

    The North Sea is a hugely important asset to our country.

    Our goal is simple to articulate – but hard to achieve – to maximise the benefits that the North Sea can bring to our economy.

    That means getting out every last drop of oil and gas that we can.

    And in doing that, two key principles have underpinned our approach towards your industry.

    The first has been to help you cope with the rising costs of extraction.

    Because we know that in smaller, more remote fields it will cost more.

    We have done that by introducing and extending field allowances.

    That has included a whole range of initiatives:

    – doubling the value of the small field allowance

    – introducing a £500 million allowance for large shallow-water gas fields

    – £3 billion allowance to support investment in large and deep fields, in particular at West of Shetland

    – introducing an allowance for incremental investment in older fields

    – a new allowance for onshore oil and gas projects

    – creating a new cluster allowance for ultra high-pressure, high-temperature projects – something Oil & Gas UK themselves described as a “game changer” for the North Sea

    And the impact of all of that has been significant.

    Oil & Gas UK calculate that – last year alone – our field allowances directly supported around £7 billion worth of investment in the North Sea.

    They have also supported over 100,000 jobs across the industry…

    …. around half of them in Scotland.

    And our allowances continue to have a positive impact.

    Only today, a substantial new project by Premier Oil has received final approval.

    The Catcher Project will see £1.5 billion of new investment and over 1,000 new jobs.

    The CEO of Premier, Simon Lockett, is clear that the project “has been facilitated by the government’s small field allowances”.

    I am very proud – that it is the policies of the UK government that are allowing and enabling this to happen.

    The second principle underpinning our approach has been to provide your industry with greater certainty about the future.

    That certainty is crucial to your continued success over the coming decades.

    That is why, in 2012, we introduced a new approach…

    … we were the first government in history to fully commit to future decommissioning tax relief.

    With new contracts to give you certainty about the future costs you will face.

    So far 61 deeds have been signed…

    … a process we expect to help unlock billions of pounds worth of new investment.

    Again, by thinking for the long-term, providing therefore jobs and growth today.

    But the future does also holds other risks.

    As the basin matures…

    … production efficiency has been declining…

    … fewer wells are being drilled.. . … and over future years other challenges will arise too.

    And yet the opportunities are huge as well.

    We are determined to work together with you to help make the UK a hugely attractive and exciting place to invest.

    That is why the Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, Ed Davey, asked Sir Ian Wood to conduct his review into how to increase oil and gas production.

    Sir Ian is a titan of your industry, and we should all be enormously grateful for the vision he has set out.

    He recommended that a new independent agency should be set up to maximise economic recovery by increasing collaboration across the industry.

    And between government and industry.

    Today I can announce that the new agency will be called the “Oil and Gas Authority”.

    We have been thinking about where it should be based.

    It is my view that it should be headquartered at the heart of the UK’s oil and gas industry.

    So I can tell you today that it will be based right here – in Aberdeen.

    This city and your industry deserve that commitment – and I am very proud to make it.

    And next week we will start the recruitment process to appoint their new CEO.

    The new Oil and Gas Authority will work with the government on a wholesale review of the ring-fenced tax regime for the oil and gas industry…

    … looking at everything from tax rates to tax allowances.

    Because the North Sea is an extraordinary economic asset…

    It generated almost £5bn worth of corporation tax revenues last year alone.

    Impressive as that is, it is considerably lower than in the past.

    Tax revenues have been declining for several years…

    … and independent forecasters expect them to continue declining.

    But just because the North Sea is becoming less of a tax asset…

    … it doesn’t mean it can’t remain a top economic asset.

    The review will look at how we achieve that transition.

    In my mind, it is clear that, in the future, the North Sea will need to face a lighter tax burden than it does now.

    Because that is the only way we can continue to attract investment, to extract full economic value, in the face of increasing costs, is to do it that way.

    And next month we will launch a call for evidence to make sure you can all have your say as part of that review.

    Field allowances.

    Decommissioning relief.

    A new agency based in Aberdeen.

    A review of taxation.

    All of that shows – I believe – the strength of the UK government’s commitment to the future of your industry.

    The reason we’ve been able to do all of that…

    … and the reason why we’ll be able to do more in future…

    … is that we have stuck to our long-term economic plan.

    It has meant taking some tough decisions to live within our means as a country.

    When plenty of people said we should change course…

    …. we stood our ground…

    And the plan is now working.

    In the past year we – the UK – have grown faster than any other major industrialised economy.

    Thanks to your efforts, growth is balanced across sectors.

    Almost one and a half million jobs have been created across in the private sector.

    And our economy is set to continue recovering faster than any other G7 nation this year.

    Britain is bouncing back.

    We are able to look forward to the future of your industry because we are part of the United Kingdom.

    I know how important stability and predictability is to the oil and gas community.

    It is clear to me that the way to ensure stability is to be part of a larger and more diverse economy.

    Because the UK as a whole can much more easily afford to sustain production and investment in the North Sea.

    Let’s look at the numbers.

    For the UK, oil and gas is 2% of our total tax receipts…

    And decommissioning relief represents around 1% of our GDP.

    As a separate country, oil and gas taxes would make up nearly 14% of Scottish tax receipts…

    And the cost of decommissioning relief would be about 12% of Scottish GDP.

    You don’t have to take my word for it.

    The Institute for Fiscal Studies…

    … a truly impartial and independent institution…

    … set it out in crystal clear detail only last week.

    The IFS say – and I quote – “Scotland is likely to face greater fiscal challenges than the UK”.

    In other words, by staying in the UK, we would borrow proportionally less than a separate Scotland – from day one.

    Scotland’s deficit – as a share of GDP – would be double that of the UK.

    And that gap between the two gets bigger and bigger over time.

    One of the main drivers of that is – I quote – “the likely long-run decline in revenues from oil and gas production”.

    So what is the Nationalists solution to that question?

    To make up hugely over-optimistic forecasts for future North Sea tax revenues.

    Take, for example, the latest figures the Scottish government published, last month.

    They are more optimistic than just about every other projection out there.

    More optimistic than the views of most independent experts.

    It’s yet another unrealistic prediction in a long list.

    Like £1.5 trillion wholesale value figure yesterday – which assumes that gas prices match oil prices – when you all know that gas has sold for little more than half the price of oil.

    Or ignoring the fact that this figure doesn’t include the costs of extraction – whether to pay for infrastructure, staff or drilling costs.

    That’s not a very cautious approach to take the uncertainty your industry faces.

    In this debate, I say, the nationalists’ numbers simply don’t add up.

    By staying in the UK, our bigger and more diverse economy can help smooth the volatility in North Sea tax receipts.

    This is my view – but it happens to have the backing of the independent IFS – I quote:

    The eventual decline of oil revenues would likely prove a much more acute problem for an independent Scotland than it would for the UK.

    This means that Scotland would likely need to implement further tax increases and/or spending cut.

    For that reason, you should take guarantees of stability under independence with a big pinch of salt.

    And be clear also…

    As an economy.

    As an industry.

    There is a UK dividend from staying together.

    As a United Kingdom we can ensure a brighter future for you and your sector.

    You are the jewel in the crown of British industry.

    So if you agree with me…

    … I hope you will join me in making the case…

    … that the people of Scotland should say “no, thanks” to independence.

    We should all be proud of being Scots.

    And feel proud about everything that your industry has achieved in Scotland.

    But we can have the best of both worlds.

    We have already increased powers with the Scotland Act in 2012.

    That includes giving Holyrood greater control over a range of taxes – including the power to set a Scottish rate of income tax.

    It’s the biggest act of financial devolution in Scotland’s history.

    It means that we can find Scottish solutions to Scottish issues…

    … while remaining part of a stronger and more stable United Kingdom.

    There’s just under 100 days left until the referendum.

    It’s the most important vote in the history of the United Kingdom.

    Let us not forget that history when we head to the polls.

    A history which has seen British ingenuity emerge triumphant time after time.

    Over the centuries, our four nations have worked together to change the world.

    The UK led the charge exploring oceans and continents across the globe.

    We were the centre of the industrial revolution.

    During the twentieth century we led innovations in science, culture and finance – to name a few…

    … while twice fighting and beating tyranny when it threatened to take over the world.

    All of that thanks to the hard work of the British people.

    Whether Scottish, English, Welsh or Northern Irish.

    We all have separate identities.

    But our history leaves no doubt that…

    … whatever our differences…

    … there’s far more keeping us together than forcing us apart.

    And the conquest of the North Sea symbolises the interconnectedness of our identities on these islands.

    Scottish engineers, English drillers, Welsh divers and Northern Irish geologists.

    All working together.

    Showing how the United Kingdom is much greater than the sum of its parts.

    I am a Highlander, a Scot, a British citizen and a European.

    And one thing I know…

    …deep inside me…

    …is that together we achieve so much more than on our own.

    So let’s stay as one United Kingdom.

    Where the oil and gas industry can face the future with confidence and optimism.

    Thank you very much.

  • Danny Alexander – 2014 Speech on Scottish Fiscal Policy

    dalexander

    Below is the text of the speech made by Danny Alexander, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, at the Apex Hotel in Edinburgh, Scotland, on 28th May 2014.

     

    Good morning and welcome.

    As you know, today the UK government is publishing the most comprehensive and definitive study of how independence would affect Scotland’s finances over the next 20 years.

    I look forward to answering all your questions.

    But first I would like to say a few words to set out this analysis.

    On the 18th of September we face the most important vote in Scotland’s history.

    Whether or not to remain part of the United Kingdom.

    It’s a momentous decision.

    And in my mind, there is no doubt.

    By staying together, the Scottish and the UK economies can continue to grow and prosper.

    And as a nation, we can continue to make the choices needed to live within our means and grow our economy.

    But I know that many people are still undecided.

    And the single biggest question in their minds is…

    “Will we be better off together?”

    So today…

    …I can answer…

    …yes, we will be better off.

    Because there will be a huge benefit to staying in the United Kingdom…

    You could think of it as a “UK Dividend”.

    Or 1,400 reasons why we’re better off together.

    So what is the UK Dividend?

    There is a detailed explanation in the document we are publishing today.

    Five key building-blocks underpin our analysis.

    There is little dispute about each one of those…

    … because they’re all based on reasonable and responsible assumptions…

    … and all five are seen by independent organisations as significant factors in Scotland’s future. And together they tell a powerful story.

    The first building block is what you might call Scotland’s financial starting point.

    Should Scotland become independent, it would start off in life in a worse financial position than the UK.

    That is the view of the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the Centre for Public Policy for Regions, Citigroup and many others.

    Even the Scottish government’s own figures show that Scotland would face a shortfall between what the governments gets in tax and what it spends on public services.

    So, as a separate country, Scotland would be running a bigger deficit than the UK – from day one.

    Indeed, independent forecasters show that, in 2016, Scotland would be borrowing over 5% of national income.

    That is double the deficit of the UK.

    And the difference equates to around five and a half billion pounds…

    …from day one.

    But that’s just the starting point.

    The second building block covers the direct cost of setting up a new state.

    For example, as an independent country, Scotland would need to set up new institutions.

    A new passport office.

    A new benefits agency.

    Or a new tax collection authority…

    … that last one alone – as ICAS set out last week – would cost £750 million.

    We have taken the best independent estimates, which put the cost of transition at up to 1% of GDP.

    For Scotland that figure would be £1.5 billion.

    At the same time, as a separate country, Scotland would have to pay higher interest rates to borrow in financial markets.

    A whole range of experts, from the National Institute to Deutsche Bank, calculate that, under independence, interest rates are likely to be around 1% higher.

    That’s worth £500 million per year in additional debt interest costs.

    The third of our five building-blocks is the cost of the Scottish government’s promises.

    They’ve set out their policies in the recent White Paper – but not the costs.

    So we’ve looked through the fine print.

    Put it through the Treasury’s models.

    Using tried and tested methods…

    … and calculated that the Scottish government’s new policies would cost at least £1.6 billion every year.

    The fourth factor is the future of oil and gas production.

    It is an indisputable fact that North Sea oil production has been declining for many years.

    The independent Office for Budget Responsibility has made an impartial assessment of this.

    They estimate that oil and gas revenues will fall by around 95%, as a share of our economy, over the next 20 years.

    And the fifth factor affecting the future finances of Scotland is our more rapidly ageing population.

    This is the well-established view of the UK Statistics Authority, the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the International Longevity Centre, and many others.

    As Gordon Brown explained last month, the number of Scottish pensioners will rise from 1 million to 1.3 million over the next 20 years.

    It means a shrinking number of working age people would have to pay for a growing number of old age pensioners.

    So an independent Scotland would have to spend more to deliver the same services as now.

    So where does all that leave us?

    A worse starting point.

    The cost of setting up a new state.

    Unfunded policies.

    Declining oil revenues and an ageing population.

    All of that…

    … easily avoided by staying within the UK…

    … is worth fourteen hundred pounds.

    For each person in Scotland…

    … each year…

    …for the next 20 years.

    That’s the UK Dividend.

    And the further ahead you look the more the pressures build.

    That dividend…

    … is our share of a more prosperous future.

    It is the money that will pay for better public services and a fairer society.

    Money for more teachers in better classrooms.

    For nurses and midwives.

    To put £1,400 per person in context…

    On aggregate, it represents 11% of Scotland’s total public expenditure.

    That’s equivalent to around two thirds of the total National Health Service budget in Scotland.

    It’s almost as much as Scotland’s whole education budget.

    So what does £1,400 mean to you and to me?

    Well, for example, £1,400 is more than enough to pay for a year of free school meals for three children.

    £1,400 pays for 10 weeks of someone’s state pension.

    Alternatively, instead of cutting public services to fill the gap, as a separate country, the Scottish government could raise taxes.

    For example, today the UK reaches what is known as “tax freedom day”.

    That’s the day in the year when, on average, people stop giving their income to the government through tax and instead start keeping the money they’ve earned for the rest of the year.

    But, as a separate country, each person in Scotland would have to hand over their income to the state for two more weeks.

    Another way an independent Scotland could offset the £1,400 UK Dividend, without cutting public spending…

    … is to increase the basic rate of income tax from 20 to 28%, increase VAT from 20 to 26% and increase duties on alcohol, tobacco and fuel by about 40%.

    Of course, the nationalists will say that we’re wrong.

    They will just continue to peddle myth after myth….

    … saying that taxes wouldn’t be higher, that there’s loads of oil left, that public services won’t suffer, that growth will be stronger, that breaking away won’t be hugely expensive, that new institutions can be set up for free…

    And all of those myths are refuted by the information we publish today.

    And I am very happy to answer questions on all of that.

    We are talking about Scotland’s finances over the next 20 years…

    …they are talking about what’s happened over the past 5 years.

    We are focused on the future – they are stuck in the past.

    To conclude.

    Today we have shown that, by staying together, Scotland’s future will be safer, with stronger finances and a more progressive society.

    Because as a United Kingdom we can pool resources and share risks.

    It means a UK Dividend…

    … of fourteen hundred pounds a year.

    For every man, woman and child in Scotland.

    And if our history teaches one lesson, it is this…

    … together we achieve so much more than on our own.

    So let us look forward to a prosperous and a fair Scotland – thanks to the dividend that comes from staying in the UK.

    And that is why…

    … if you have your doubts…

    … if deep down you feel that we’re better together…

    … today we give you fourteen hundred reasons…

    … why we’re better off together too.

    Thank you very much.

  • Danny Alexander – 2014 Speech on Scottish Independence

    dalexander

    Below is the text of the speech made by Danny Alexander, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, on 30th April 2014.

     

    I’m glad to see so many of you here this morning…

    In a week when we can all celebrate good economic news.

    Yesterday’s GDP figures were yet another example of the strength of the UK economy right now…

    With – in the first quarter of this year – all three main sectors of the economy growing at above 3 per cent on a year earlier.

    This is the first time this has happened in ten years…

    It’s the result of the hard work of people…

    From the southernmost point of Cornwall an area we granted national minority status last week…

    All the way up to the Shetlands…

    And it is another excellent example that – as a United Kingdom – we are well and truly seeing the recovery we so badly needed, thanks to the Coalition’s economic plan.

    I remember when I was first invited to join the Treasury…

    At a time of a grave economic outlook…

    One of the best pieces of advice I was given…

    Was that I would need to have a sense of humour about things.

    And four years on, that has certainly been true!

    I’ve been called a Ginger Rodent by Harriet Harman…

    I’ve been told I bear a passing resemblance to Beaker from the Muppets countless times…

    And a couple of weeks ago I found out about a new photo blog…

    Called The Adventures of a Lego Danny Alexander.

    Now, it’s perhaps true that the referendum campaign here in Scotland…

    Hasn’t provided many laughs so far.

    And given both the enormity – and the irreversibility – of the choice we face…

    That is perfectly understandable.

    This is, after all, the most serious decision any Scot will ever take.

    But increasingly, as the campaign continues…

    When it comes to some of the statements and assertions made by nationalists…

    You really do need a sense of humour.

    Because apparently, the same risks that apply to other countries wouldn’t apply to an independent Scotland.

    Another financial crisis, for example, would pose no problem…

    Because according to Business for Scotland…

    The banks that needed bailing out in 2008 received funds according to the location of their operations…

    Rather than the location of their headquarters.

    A claim that ignores the reality…

    That when the financial crisis hit…

    It was the government of the United Kingdom that stepped in to recapitalise RBS and HBOS…

    And the taxpayers of the United Kingdom that extended £275 billion of total support to RBS alone.

    The nationalists may stick their heads in the sand when it comes to the global financial system…

    And the profound consequences of independence for Scotland’s financial sector.

    But I haven’t heard the reality put better than by the former Governor of the Bank of England who said that…

    Banks are international in life, but national in death.

    Second, there are the extraordinary set of claims that seek to reassure those living in Scotland…

    That nothing much would change with independence…

    Like the continued, belligerent, assertion that Scotland could – and would – keep the pound.

    But while I can respect that Alex Salmond is passionate in his desire to break up the UK…

    … he has to face up to the fact that the rest of the UK does not have to – and would not want to – continue to share the credit card.

    There is also the fantastical claim, made in the White Paper…

    That an independent Scotland would share a third of the UK’s institutions and services…

    …despite the fact that this is completely unprecedented anywhere in the world.

    This is a claim we have to listen to…

    Whenever an institution crops up that the nationalists haven’t had time to think about…

    Be it the National Lottery or the Met Office or the Passport Office…

    So it won’t surprise me if next Saturday night…

    Alex Salmond declares that an independent Scotland will share the UK’s automatic place in the Eurovision Song Contest final!

    Over the last few weeks, I’ve been attending public meetings on the referendum in the Highlands.

    And all of the myths I’ve just put forward are ones that have been put around by the nationalist campaign.

    So I wanted to give this speech today, precisely because we cannot allow false or misleading claims by separatists to go unchallenged.

    We need to make sure that when people go to the polls in September…

    For the most important vote they will ever cast…

    They are making an informed choice…

    Based on evidenced facts.

    Everyone in this room this morning knows the importance of balancing the books.

    Indeed every family and individual in Scotland understands the tough choices involved in matching up outgoings with incomings.

    It has been one of the defining features of the government to tackle the UK’s deficit and rebalance our economy.

    And as our strong, growing economy and falling deficit shows…

    …ours is a strategy that is working for all parts of the UK.

    But by contrast, it is one of the defining features of the Scottish Government to ignore the realities…

    …of Scotland’s larger deficit…

    …and falling oil revenues…

    because – unfortunately for them – these facts demonstrate quite clearly that we are better off together.

    The nationalists’ assertions on Scotland’s finances are at best ill-informed…

    And at worst, deeply misleading to Scottish voters.

    In a few weeks time, I will set out government analysis of the many fiscal benefits of the United Kingdom…

    But this morning I want to focus on debunking some of the more dangerous economic myths being propagated…

    Namely those around oil and gas receipts.

    And those around the national deficit.

    On oil, there are some frankly incredible myths being put forward by the nationalists.

    The first is the Scottish Government’s claim

    …that the wholesale value of remaining oil and gas reserves amount to £1.5 trillion.

    As with most of the Scottish Government’s oil numbers though…

    …this is not only based on the most optimistic scenario for North Sea extraction…

    …it is based on a scenario where oil price is the same as the price of gas.

    But in recent years, gas – which accounts for 40% of forecast oil and gas production…

    Has sold for little more than half as much as the equivalent volume of oil.

    Yet over-optimism is not the Scottish Government’s worst offence in this particular example.

    No, the fact is that the £1.5trillion figure doesn’t include any costs for getting the oil out of the ground…

    And into the petrol pump.

    It is apparently news to the nationalists that…

    Oil rigs cost money to build and run…

    Pipelines under the sea are expensive…

    New technologies require investment…

    And oil workers expect to be paid.

    All told, more than £1 trillion is likely to be needed to extract the remaining oil and gas resources assumed by the Scottish Government.

    So once you’ve taken these inconvenient overheads out of the equation, the value is much much lower…

    And revenues for Scotland much much smaller.

    But the nationalists aren’t ones to let a good fact get in the way of a nice electoral soundbite…

    And so they claim – in their infamous Oil and Gas bulletin from last March – that more than half of oil and gas reserves have still to be extracted…

    And thus plenty of government revenues from oil and gas are still to come.

    But we simply cannot trust their forecasts:

    – not just because they are more optimistic than any other published forecasts…

    – not just because “there is a high degree of uncertainty around future North Sea revenues” – not my words…

    The words of John Swinney in his private paper to colleagues…

    But because the Scottish Government’s oil and gas tax forecasts have already been shown to be spectacularly wrong.

    The Scottish Government forecast that in 2012-13, a Scottish share of North Sea oil and gas revenues would be almost £7 billion.

    As it turned out, total UK oil and gas revenues were only slightly above £6 billion.

    And for the financial year just passed 2013-14, the Scottish Government forecast that a Scottish share of North Sea revenues would be higher still…

    More than £7 billion.

    Well, HM Revenue and Customs has today confirmed that total UK North Sea revenues last year were £4.7 billion.

    So over the past two years alone…

    The revenues coming from oil for the whole UK…

    Have been more than £3 billion below the Scottish Government’s most cautious forecasts.

    Over the whole six year period of the Scottish Government’s Oil and gas bulletin 2012 to 2017…

    Their most cautious forecast for Scottish oil and gas revenues is £41 billion.

    Yet the independent Office for Budget Responsibility forecasts that whole UK revenues will be just £25 billion over the same period.

    It doesn’t matter how deep you drill into the figures, they simply don’t add up.

    It shows that the Scottish Government and realistic projections go together like water and oil…

    And it leaves tens of billions of pounds missing from the Scottish Government’s White Paper.

    Tens of billions of pounds that – under independence – can’t be raised across the UK

    …but will have to be raised from Scottish businesses and individuals…

    Or cut from Scottish services.

    I have absolute faith in this country’s human resources.

    And our resilience and work ethic…

    Just as we Scots have always proven we have the imagination and the creativity to push boundaries in science and the arts and economics and exploration…

    I have absolute faith that this country will keep producing great women and great men…

    Who can push those boundaries further.

    But while we should celebrate that our human resources have such potential…

    We need to be realistic when it comes to our natural resources.

    Our oil reserves are finite.

    And we mustn’t let over-optimistic, unproven-projections…

    Raise false hopes for economic plenty.

    Better off as part of the UK

    Let me deal with two final myths together…

    Both the nationalists’ claim that Scotland would be better off…

    And have lower taxes, higher spending and no austerity if we were independent…

    And their biggest myth of all –

    Their claim that the pro-UK campaign is only negative, or scare-mongering.

    Because what these oil numbers published today show…

    …and what I will argue for the next few weeks ahead of our final analysis paper…

    …and the next few months ahead of the referendum

    …is the indisputable point that we are better off together.

    According to a range of independent estimates…

    As part of the UK…

    Scotland will face a smaller deficit, lower taxes and higher levels of public spending, both in the short, and the long term.

    Independent organisations like the IFS, the CPPR and others have all shown that an independent Scotland would face a deficit of more than 5 per cent of GDP in 2016-17.

    And forecasts from the IMF suggest this would be the second highest deficit of any advanced economy in the world.

    On the other hand…

    As part of the UK…

    Scotland would be part of a nation with a deficit forecast of just 2.4 per cent of GDP in 2016-17, and falling further in subsequent years.

    This means that…

    In the year 2016-17 alone…

    Independent experts agree that £1,000 less would be borrowed for each and every Scot as part of the UK…

    Than would be the case in an independent Scotland.

    An evidenced, positive reason that we are better and more secure together…

    Today, in 2016-17 and beyond.

    The Scottish Government know the fiscal position of an independent Scotland provides a “challenging context”.

    Again, not my words but John Swinney’s private memo to his cabinet colleagues.

    And today we now know that the figures in the white paper are already out of date.

    But rather than confront these risks and uncertainties, the nationalists simply choose to peddle myth after myth.

    They claimed the white paper would answer all the questions about independence.

    That it would be the most detailed guide ever produced to a new country.

    Instead, the white paper is full of false promises and misleading claims…

    Based on an optimistic forecast for oil revenues that are already out by £3bn a year…

    …containing policy proposals that are not funded and would not be affordable…

    …and commitments that the Scottish Government pretends it can make on behalf of other nations and international organisations.

    It is time for the Scottish Government to confirm what we all know…

    …that the white paper was wrong.

    A month ago the Centre for Public Policy for the Regions called on John Swinney to issue revised and realistic oil and gas forecasts…

    …to correct the discredited Oil and gas bulletin

    …and the errors at the heart of the White Paper.

    I am repeating that call today.

    The Scottish Government must confront the fact that it is promising tax revenues and public spending that it cannot deliver.

    It should revise its oil and gas forecasts…

    …Or – better yet – adhere to international best practice and follow an independent forecast like the OBR’s.

    It is the very least that the Scottish voters deserve.

    But I would like to end by saying – that there is actually one Scottish myth that I absolutely cannot – and would not be able to – disprove.

    She’s about forty foot long…

    Publicity shy…

    And she lives in my constituency.

    And if anyone here today, or any of your families…

    Wants to come up to Loch Ness and spend a weekend looking out for her…

    They will be very welcome indeed.

    In short, there is more evidence for the Loch Ness monster…

    Than there is for many of the calculations and the claims that have been put forward by the nationalists to support their case for separation.

    I want everyone in Scotland to be part of an influential country…

    Where businesses can thrive…

    Where the economy can grow…

    And where people can lead long, healthy, happy lives.

    We have all those things as part of a United Kingdom.

    We benefit from the shared sovereignty – and shared economy – that we enjoy as part of the strongest union of nations in world history.

    And as Billy Connolly said yesterday…

    And he put it better than any politician could…

    The more people stay together, the happier they’ll be.

    It would be a real folly – and a real danger – to put so much of what we have at risk.

    Especially if we based our decision to do so on the over-optimistic, uncosted claims of the ‘Yes Campaign’.

    We need to continue challenging these myths.

    And we need to continue making clear to the people of Scotland that we really are better together.

    Thank you.

  • Danny Alexander – 2014 Speech at Eurotunnel

    dalexander

    Below is the text of the speech made by Danny Alexander, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, at Eurotunnel on 23rd April 2014.

     

    Thank you very much for welcoming me to Eurotunnel today.

    I’m particularly delighted to be able to visit during your 20th anniversary year.

    Over 330 million people have travelled through these wonderful tunnels.

    To put that in some sort of context, it’s more than the entire population of the United States.

    This Cross-Channel Fixed Link – and Eurotunnel as its operators – has had a huge impact on the transport and logistics industries…

    Not to mention the UK economy more broadly.

    The rolling motorway concept – with a crossing time of just 35 minutes – has never been more important.

    The factories, supermarkets and consumers of today demand to-the-minute precision.

    And Eurotunnel – for 20 years – has been delivering just that.

    For 2.5 million cars every year.

    For 1.4 million trucks every year…

    And for thousands of high-speed passenger trains and rail freight trains too.

    There’s something fabulous about the awesome engineering that makes our bridges, roads, railways and tunnels.

    And let’s face it, when it comes to infrastructure – things don’t come much bigger and better than the Channel Tunnel and its supporting operations.

    Even after 20 years, you stand out as exceptional.

    Now, I want to spend this morning talking to you about why I love infrastructure so much…

    Why I think it’s so important to our economy.

    And what the government is doing to make sure we have an infrastructure fit for the 21st century.

    But first I want to pay tribute to two very important groups of people.

    The first group is the group of people who actually built this thing.

    Over 15,000 thousand men and women were employed in the construction phase of this project.

    An incredible work force that has delivered a stunning piece of engineering.

    Sadly, 10 people lost their lives and I think we should reflect for a brief moment on that sad sacrifice.

    The second group of people is YOU.

    The men and women who run what is a unique commercial enterprise.

    You should all be incredibly proud of what you do…

    And what you add to the regional and national economy.

    Now I know that – quite understandably – your 20th anniversary will be a real opportunity to celebrate your success.

    To celebrate your success so far, and to reflect on everything you’ve done for the UK economy.

    But it’s also an opportunity to look forward to the possibilities for the future…

    And I was very excited to hear that there is plenty of capacity to further increase the use of the tunnels.

    By 2020, there will be another 500,000 trucks using the tunnel each year.

    And another 4.5 million passengers…

    And this is good news for British businesses looking to export.

    Good news for the British public.

    And good news for British jobs too.

    As if that wasn’t impressive enough…

    Eurotunnel is now embarking on expansion and on a major new energy project.

    You’re not only focusing on delivering higher and higher passenger and freight numbers – important though that is.

    You’re looking at how this unique infrastructure asset fits into the wider infrastructure of the UK and Europe.

    And the plans I’ve been hearing about to increase capacity on the M20 motorway exit are as ambitious as they are crucial.

    Those four new lanes will support the forecast growth in the use of the tunnel.

    And they will also help smooth the flow of vehicles into, and out of, the south east of England.

    I’m aware that in certain circumstances – problems with the ferries or exceptional peak demand – vehicles end up backing up onto the M20.

    And I’ve been told that Kent Police have to implement ‘Operation Stack’ on such occasions and use the M20 as a giant lorry park…

    Which causes massive disruption across East Kent.

    So the expansion of your approaches will really benefit the local, regional and national economy.

    It’s a great example of joint working between private business, and local and national government.

    On top of that, the plans to broaden the number of routes by passenger trains using the tunnel are really significant.

    Because for every Brit – like me – looking forward to a whole new range of weekend break destinations becoming accessible, they’ll be tourists and business people all across Europe looking to come to the UK. These new routes will also open up new opportunities for British business; increasing access to some key European markets.

    And anyone who thinks Eurotunnel is just about transporting goods and people will soon need to think again.

    Because your plan to run a 1 Giga-Watt electricity interconnector to link the French and UK power grids has huge potential.

    I’ve heard today how this will help the UK to balance its supply and demand of energy.

    And it’s a great example of optimising existing infrastructure for vital new uses.

    Now while you’ve got 20 years of real success to look back on…

    With plenty of exciting work to come!

    But – while there is a hell of a lot more work to come from us – I’m pleased with the progress we’re making.

    We made infrastructure a key priority.

    I am driven by the knowledge that we can only build a stronger economy by investing in our infrastructure.

    If we want to build a strong, thriving economy for the 21st century…

    Then we need to have the infrastructure to support it.

    And the government has to lead by example.

    And we have to create the right climate for businesses to invest.

    Research suggests our Gross Domestic Product (GDP) could have been 5% higher each year between 2000 and 2010 if our infrastructure had matched that of other leading global economies.

    So, despite the need to tackle the deficit, we’ve prioritised vital capital investment.

    Of course, infrastructure generates short-term benefits as it is built, improved or maintained.

    It requires materials and services, with jobs created right along the supply chain.

    And I’m told that Eurotunnel provides 830 direct – and 3 000 indirect – jobs in the UK.

    But the long-term impact is far more significant.

    New or improved infrastructure can give people access to more and better jobs.

    It can improve the choice, price and quality of goods and services for consumers, helping to raise living standards.

    And it can enable businesses to interact with a greater number of other firms.

    In short, it supports economic growth.

    It’s impossible to overstate this point.

    The only way to build a stronger economy that will last.

    The only way to improve living standards is for businesses to invest and for a substantial part of that investment to be in infrastructure.

    You at Eurotunnel are a shining example of private investment.

    So what are we as government doing to make sure that our roads and rail and digital and energy networks are amongst the best in the world?

    Well, we’re providing high level planning.

    We’re helping with local planning.

    And – most importantly – we’re working on financing.

    On high level planning, we published the first ever National Infrastructure Plan in 2010…

    And we’ve refreshed it every year since.

    This document sets out our analysis of the infrastructure that the UK needs, and our strategy for delivering it.

    And we also publish an infrastructure pipeline…

    Which acts as a prospectus for investors:

    – identifying key infrastructure requirements for decades to come

    – and alerting us to pinch-points in supply chain capacity, to make sure we are well equipped to meet our infrastructure needs

    For example – and from where I stand this example seems particularly relevant – analysis of the pipeline indicates significant new tunnelling capability will be required to deliver key projects like HS2 and Thames Tideway Tunnel. Together with Crossrail, government has invested in a new tunnelling academy to ensure we build these key skills to meet the demand.

    On local planning we’re committed to speeding up and streamlining the planning system.

    And – amongst other reforms in this area – just this month we opened a new Planning Court.

    This is a dedicated court to consider Judicial Reviews of major infrastructure schemes…

    Which will prevent them from being held up by frustrating delays.

    In 2011, if an application went all the way to a final hearing…

    It would take – on average – just over a year.

    Under the new Planning Court, this time will be cut in half.

    On financing, as I’ve already said, the government is also prioritising public investment in infrastructure, including for the likes of High Speed 2.

    Incidentally, I was delighted to travel to Folkestone on HS1 this morning.

    Another example of infrastructure delivering economic growth.

    I urge any critic or opponent of HS2 to look at the success of HS1.

    But as a government we’re also helping kickstart vital privately financed infrastructure projects…

    By providing financial guarantees – through our UK Guarantee Scheme – to help get them off the ground.

    That scheme has helped pave the way for the Mersey Gateway Bridge, where construction will start imminently.

    And guarantees are also supporting a coal to biomass conversion at Drax Power Station…

    And the extension of the Northern Line to Battersea.

    And earlier today the Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change announced a package of investment in renewable energy infrastructure that will bring forward up to £12 billion of private sector investment, generating enough clean electricity to power over 3 million homes.

    These are all helpful developments – and they are all having an impact.

    But we need to be realistic…

    And we need to realise that updating this country’s infrastructure won’t happen overnight.

    It will take time, and it will require continued close working between government and the private sector.

    But we are seeing strong progress.

    Since 2010, over 2000 infrastructure projects or improvements to infrastructure been successfully completed.

    That’s ten projects every week.

    Projects large and small, all over the UK.

    Don’t worry, I don’t plan to talk to you about each and every one.

    But I do want to give you a flavour of what’s been delivered.

    – flood defences, over 500 schemes have been completed – including vital defences protecting thousands of homes along the River Trent in Nottingham, and on the Humber in Stallingborough

    – transport, over 650 upgrades are now complete – from the enormous new London Gateway Port, to hundreds of train station improvements up and down the country

    – energy generation, over 850 projects have been completed….

    Including the £1.5 billion London Array offshore wind project, the £1.3 billion gas-fired power station in Pembroke, and the world’s largest solar bridge at Blackfriars Station.

    Those 850 projects also include many smaller scale green energy schemes of local significance. The Osney Lock Community hydro scheme in Oxford is a great example.

    And there have been a number of communications, science, waste and water projects completed too.

    So whether it’s a transport upgrade that makes a real, tangible impact on a local community…

    Or a major energy scheme of national significance…

    The government is delivering.

    And by working in partnership with companies like Eurotunnel – people like you – we can continue to transform the UK’s infrastructure.

    Together, we can provide the infrastructure this country needs to support jobs and growth.

    You are a world leading example of what our engineers can achieve.

    You are a world leading example of the positive economic advances that infrastructure delivers.

    I have hugely enjoyed my visit here today in your 20th year.

    Thank you so much for hosting me.