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  • Claire Coutinho – 2025 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    Claire Coutinho – 2025 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    The speech made by Claire Coutinho, the Shadow Energy Secretary, in Manchester on 6 October 2025.

    In the last few decades, we’ve lost sight of a simple truth. Energy is a good thing

    Conservatives know that great eras of British growth and prosperity happen when we have an abundance of cheap, reliable energy.

    Pitt and Peel who helped to unleash the coal-powered Industrial Revolution.

    Stanley Baldwin spread electricity across the nation, after the First World War.

    Mrs Thatcher’s North Sea oil boom got the nation back on its feet after those terrible years of Labour decline.

    Today, there is not a single country on earth which has high growth, and low energy.

    That’s because energy is not just part of the economy. It is the economy. It feeds into the costs of every business, every journey, every loaf of bread.

    That’s why right now, the cost of energy is one of the biggest problems we have.

    It’s a stealth tax that is making us all poorer.

    And it’s killing our industry.

    Britain has the highest industrial electricity prices in the world.

    And that has consequences.

    British industries that use the most energy – like chemicals, glass, and metals – are shutting down week by week.

    The fibreglass factory in Wigan. The refinery at Grangemouth. Vauxhall in Luton. The North Sea. We’re losing thousands of jobs by the month.

    And we won’t need any less fibreglass, less gas, or fewer cars – we’ll just import more from abroad, often from countries still powered by coal.

    Fewer jobs in Britain. Unilateral economic disarmament. For more carbon in the atmosphere.

    And this isn’t just about the industries that we already have, the industries of the future need energy too – whether it’s advanced manufacturing or AI.

    Whether it’s a factory, or a data centre, or a super-lab they will need cheap, reliable energy.

    And they will go where they find it.

    It would be the first time in generations that we would no longer be at the forefront of a technological revolution, and we will be poorer because of it.

    Those businesses will be created, just not here in Britain.

    We won’t have saved the planet, we will have failed the next generation.

    And under Labour this is about to get worse.

    At the last election Ed Miliband promised to cut bills by £300. Keir Starmer promised it. Rachel Reeves promised it.

    Now last week Ed Miliband had some pretty choice words for Elon Musk about disinformation.

    So, conference, we’ve got a return message for Ed Miliband.

    If you want to talk about disinformation, where’s our flipping £300?

    Far from cutting bills, bills keep going up – and every choice Ed has made is making it worse.  

    Ed says that building more wind farms will cut bills. But he’s signing up to prices that are the highest in a decade, well above the market price of electricity.

    Look at this.

    When he made his promise to cut bills, the price of electricity was £72. That’s that second bar in black you see.

    Last year he bought offshore wind at £82, and this year he’s said he’s willing to pay up to £117.

    Now, that’s before you add in the extra costs for connections, the backup, and the £8 billion we’ll soon be paying wind farms, not to generate any energy, but to turn off when there’s too much wind.

    And what’s worse, is that he’s extended the wind developer’s contracts to twenty years, locking us into these higher prices for longer.

    You can think about it like this. He’s moving our energy onto a fixed-rate mortgage at 10%, because he doesn’t want to be on a 4% variable.

    Anyone with half a brain can see that won’t cut bills.

    Now , he says prices are going up because gas is expensive.

    But that blue bar on the left, £55, that’s gas without taxes. You tell me what’s higher or lower.

    It’s not hard is it?

    He also said that Great British Energy would lead to, and I quote, a “mind-blowing” reduction in bills.

    But it won’t generate any energy.

    Only Ed Miliband could launch an £8 billion energy company that won’t produce any energy.

    Let’s call it what it is. A vanity project that won’t cut bills. So we will scrap it.

    I will give Ed credit for one thing though.

    He’s managed to do something which is quite difficult, he’s managed to unite the Trade Unions, the Conservative Party, the voters, and Keir Starmer. How?

    Because they all want the same thing.

    Turns out they all want him sacked.

    And here’s the problem with the Left – they’re infected with a poverty mindset.

    They believe that Britain has a duty to make itself poorer on the altar of Net Zero.

    And they think that ordinary people should be the servants of their climate targets.

    So, take air conditioning. In America, nearly every single home has air con. Here in Britain? Just 5%.

    But Sadiq Khan’s London Plan effectively bans air con in all new homes – why?

    Because it uses too much energy.

    Rather than people fitting into the Government’s policy on energy, I believe a Conservative energy policy should serve the needs of the people.

    Take the North Sea, Ed Miliband’s plans to ban new drilling would make us the only country in the world shutting down our own energy supplies.

    Up to 200,000 jobs and twelve billion pounds in tax revenue lost.

    Why? So that we can import more gas from Norway from the same fields we could drill ourselves.

    Our imports of liquified gas have soared by over 40 per cent in a single year.

    Conference, as long as we need gas, as much of it as possible should come from Britain.

    That’s why we will scrap Ed’s mad ban on new oil and gas licenses, we will reverse the energy profits levy, and we will back the North Sea.

    We will remember what has been forgotten for too long.

    Energy is prosperity.

    Now, we have to be honest. The poverty mindset has become inseparable from our climate legislation.

    We shouldn’t have let it sit on the statute book for so long.

    I wasn’t in Parliament in 2019 when the 2050 Net Zero target was set.

    But I’ll tell you who was – Kemi Badenoch.

    She was one of only two people in that entire debate who had the courage to speak up and ask about the costs.

    When I came in as Energy Secretary, I started a reset to unpick some of what we got wrong in the face of huge opposition.

    I started that reset because whilst we have halved our emissions, China has been doing this.

    Global emissions are rising much, much faster than we can cut them here.  

    When something clearly isn’t working, we Conservatives should have the courage to tell the truth and say so.

    Net Zero isn’t working for Britain, and it’s not working for the climate.

    The British people are no stranger to sacrifice for a just cause.

    But watching good jobs move abroad is not just.

    Piling more pain onto people’s bills is not just.

    And passing down a country that is less secure and less prosperous is not just.

    For too many people, Net Zero has become a religion, and for too long we were an unthinking part of the congregation.

    Here’s the problem with the legislation. We know it’s not working for climate change.

    But it’s also forcing Ministers to make decisions that make people poorer.

    Ed Miliband’s 2008 Climate Change Act sets legally-binding targets.

    Every five years, targets are drawn up that dictate what products people must buy, and when, and in what quantities, a decade into the future.

    Conference, we had a name for that back in the 70s, it’s central planning.

    If all of our industry shut tomorrow, and we replaced those goods with imports that would be a win for climate targets but a disaster for Britain.

    If people don’t want a heat pump, the Act requires you to tax or ban them into it.

    We are burning wood shipped here from America to produce electricity at three times the cost of gas, and four times the pollution levels of our last coal plant.

    Why? Because it doesn’t count towards our climate targets.

    Those ridiculous prices I just showed you for offshore wind, why would we have to buy any at those prices?

    You guessed it. Our climate targets.

    And here’s the truth, whether it was EU directives, or the Climate Change Committee, or the courts who rule on the activists’ cases, none of them are accountable to the people who will lose their jobs, or people who pay their energy bills, or who need to keep the lights on.

    We handed too much control to people who pay no price for being wrong.

    That was a profound mistake.

    So, we will set out a new way of doing things.

    Conference, I know many of you are proud lovers of the environment. I am too.

    We will not cede that ground.

    But we will set out new plans under Conservative principles.

    Our first principle will be to back British innovation.  

    For too long when we talked about innovation, what we meant is that we would force Britain to be the early adopters of technology made in other parts of the world.

    But look at these charts. Refrigerators, dishwashers, central heating. Here’s the thing, when new tech makes people’s lives better, people will buy it.

    What we are doing is insisting everyone buys these products before they want to, just to meet a government target.

    Rather than force our people to be the early adopters, I want us to be the early creators.

    The early creators of technology we can export around the world.

    We’re only 1% of emissions. 99% are happening elsewhere and they’re rising.

    We clearly have not got this right yet. We have not created all of products we need.

    But if we can create technologies that others can’t, that will be by far Britain’s biggest contribution to tackling climate change.

    Our second principle will be to protect nature.

    For centuries, environmentalism was the domain of ordinary people – people who were rooted in a sense of place and a love of home.

    They wanted to protect and cherish the world they loved around them. Roger Scruton called this the “small-scale wisdom of the human heart”.

    But nature is not Net Zero, in fact some of the time it pulls in the opposite direction.

    I can think of no better image than this – the Amazon Rainforest being carved up to build a motorway to the latest Climate conference in Brazil.

    But what’s worrying is that’s not so dissimilar to what we’re pursuing here.

    On the left, that tiny dot is the land needed for a nuclear power plant, underneath is what’s needed to get the same amount of energy from wind and solar. Because wind and solar use up to 3,000 times more land.

    To generate the same amount of power as a nuclear power station, you would need a wind farm the size of the New Forest, or a solar farm the size of the Isle of Wight.

    On a small island like ours where every inch of countryside is precious, that matters.

    So instead of carpeting the countryside in wind and solar farms, we will make it easier and cheaper to build dense, reliable, secure, clean nuclear energy.

    Our third and most important principle. Will be to prioritise cheap, abundant energy. And we will do that unashamedly.

    That’s why the next Conservative Government will repeal the Climate Change Act.

    If a law is not working in the national interest, it is not just possible for us to change it – it’s our duty to do so.

    All it takes is courage.

    Increasing the cost of electricity is the worst possible climate policy too.

    If you want people to use electric cars, here’s a revolutionary idea. Make electricity cheap.

    If you want people to use electric heating. Make electricity cheap.

    If you want to build data centres, to cut bills, to reduce poverty and drive growth.

    Make electricity cheap.

    At the moment Labour’s giving handouts to people to buy electric cars and electric heating at the very same time they’re making electricity unbearably expensive. That’s back to front and we will reverse it.

    Our priorities will be the priorities of the British people, a strong economy, protecting nature, and cutting bills.

    So, conference, today I can announce the first policies from our Cheap Power Plan.

    First up, the next Conservative Government will axe the Carbon Tax on electricity generation.

    When Ed Miliband blames gas for high energy bills, what he doesn’t tell you is that over 30% of what we pay for gas power is not to pay for fuel, but to pay for a Carbon Tax that the government chooses to impose.

    Now, we know we will need gas to keep the lights on for decades – so it just adds extra costs to our bills for no reason.

    But here’s the rub – the Carbon Tax inflates the cost of almost all other types of electricity too.

    So, all the wind and solar farm owners pocket those higher prices as higher profits.

    And since the start of the year, guess what Ed has done to Carbon Taxes?

    That.

    We warned Ed about doing this. He didn’t listen.

    Labour’s EU deal increased the Carbon Tax by 70 per cent in the space of 9 months.

    They did not have to do this. It was a political choice. A political choice that we Conservatives fought against.

    Axing the Carbon Tax would cut bills instantly by almost £8 billion a year.

    Next. We’ll scrap Ed Miliband’s old rip-off wind farm subsidies.

    Back in 2008, Ed Miliband, in his infinite wisdom, chose to double the subsidies on offer for wind farms.

    That means when the wind blows, there are wind farms getting up to three times the market price of electricity – and you’re paying for that through your bills.

    It’s the biggest racket going.

    We closed the scheme when we were in office, but we’ll go further and say we must scrap those subsidies for good.

    Our energy system is not here to prop up the profits of multi-million-pound wind developers at billpayers’ expense. It’s here to deliver cheap, reliable energy for the country.

    Together, our policies to Axe the Carbon Tax and scrap Ed’s rip-off wind subsidies would cut people’s electricity bills by 20 per cent.

    The average family will save £165 a year off their electricity bill.

    And I realise this sounds less than the promises other parties have made.

    Ed promised to cut your bills by £300, but we all know that’s a fantasy.

    But Reform are just as bad.

    They’ve promised to cut your electricity bill by £1,000.

    Do you know how I know that’s garbage? The average bill is only £850. What’s he gonna do, go round writing people cheques?

    If you think any politician can promise you electricity for free, then I’ve got a bridge to sell you.

    They are just as ideological as Labour, it’s just the mirror image.

    The difference with our policy is that this is real. It’s in the gift of Ministers. This could be done tomorrow. And it would cut your electricity bill by 20%.

    So, I can promise you this. When it comes to energy policy, our priority won’t be ideology, it won’t be vested interests, it won’t be fake promises we can’t deliver. It will be cheap, reliable, abundant energy.

    Now Conference, being in opposition can be tough.

    Although I’d like to thank the wider Energy team – Andrew, Malcolm, Nick, Greg, and Bradley for all their excellent work.

    We know this half-baked tax-and-spend socialism of Labour is a disaster for Britain.

    When we said in the election, that if you name it, Labour will tax it, we meant it.

    There’s a farmer’s tax, a groceries tax, a jobs tax, a jets tax, a lets tax and a bets tax, an oil tax, the soil tax, and a boiler tax. There’s even rumours of a taxi tax!

    The truth is they would rather tax the pants off this country than get their spending under control.

    And it reveals a fundamental belief.

    If you try to do well for yourself, get a good job, pay for your child’s education, buy a house, start a successful business – they don’t celebrate you.

    They sneer at you.

    They want to redistribute away your success.

    They talk about poverty like they care.

    But their policies are making energy, food, childcare and housing more expensive.

    And their answer is always more redistribution rather than confronting the truth that this Government is choosing, choosing to raise the cost of almost every basic good.

    Now, Reform I’m afraid to say have the economic policies of Jeremy Corbyn. They’re promising nationalisations we can’t afford, more tax for more welfare, more spending, which means more borrowing, which means more debt for our children.

    If Government is here to serve the liberties of the people, that means allowing them to keep more of the money that they earn.

    Now Conference, we know growth is the biggest challenge we face.

    But growth is not created by Government subsidies. It is created by millions of people.

    And I worry, our system as it stands is teaching people to be less capable than they are.

    We cannot survive if our culture becomes a competition of victimhood.

    The risk is people start to ask themselves, not what can I do, but why bother at all?

    Every person who takes on more hours, comes up with bright ideas, take risks, saves and invests in their future and their family’s future.

    Personal agency.

    The sense that you can take control of your life and reap the rewards of your efforts.

    That’s the real engine of growth.

    Everything we do as a Party will be in their interests.

    And we will start by giving them cheaper energy.

    Thank you.

  • Claire Coutinho – 2024 Speech on the Clean Energy Superpower Mission

    Claire Coutinho – 2024 Speech on the Clean Energy Superpower Mission

    The speech made by Claire Coutinho, the Shadow Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, in the House of Commons on 18 July 2024.

    I would like to put on the record my disappointment not to get the statement in good time. I know that the right hon. Gentleman will want to provide us with the same courtesy that we tried to provide him when we were in government. That being said, I congratulate him on his return to government. I was sad not to see more of him during the election campaign, particularly because our ability to secure enough cheap energy will be crucial to this nation’s success in the decades ahead. I would also like to put on record my thanks to the officials he will now work with.

    I wish the right hon. Gentleman well in his endeavour, but energy will be this Government’s big test. They talk a good game on growth, but the Secretary of State’s energy policy is their greatest liability. In government, we built more offshore wind than any other country bar China. We set out the largest expansion of nuclear power in 70 years. We said that, yes, we will need oil and gas in the decades ahead, as the Climate Change Committee has said, and we should use British oil and gas where needed. We are in a global race for energy, and demand will be higher in the years ahead because of data and artificial intelligence.

    If the right hon. Gentleman’s plans to decarbonise the grid by 2030 are in place, we need to know what they will do to people’s energy bills, our energy security and our reliance on the current dominant player for cables, batteries and critical minerals—China. He is happy to quote the Climate Change Committee, but it also acknowledged that we will need oil and gas well into 2050. He must answer: where would he like that to come from?

    When it comes to quotes, he should consider some from the business world who have commented on his policy, such as the chief executive of Mitsubishi Power, who said that his plans would require a “huge sacrifice” by the country, citing the costs of the Secretary of State’s approach. The chief executive of Ineos said that his approach to energy was “absurd”, leaving us dependent on imports of foreign fuels with higher emissions and doing nothing for the climate. Even the GMB said that his plans were “unviable” and would lead to power cuts, blackouts and enormous cost. Unite has said that the Government’s plans for the North sea would turn oil and gas workers into the coalminers of their generation.

    The right hon. Gentleman must answer why he would like to import gas with much higher emissions. How many jobs will be lost from his plans? How much investment into the new technologies of the future, such as hydrogen, carbon capture and offshore wind, will be lost? Will he meet those workers and explain to them what will happen to their livelihoods?

    During the election, the right hon. Gentleman claimed that he would lower bills and save families £300. However, those numbers are already in the savings, and no one on his side can set out the cost of his plans to decarbonise the grid by 2030. Who will pay for those network costs? What will they do to people’s standing charges, which were already too high?

    The right hon. Gentleman also, I think, commented on having a say in terms of communities. The energy infrastructure he will need, and the fact that he wants to go further and faster, will have a huge impact on rural communities. Their concerns must be addressed. As I set out, the plans for our energy cannot come at the expense of our food or national security.

    In his statement, the right hon. Gentleman accused me of dither, but as he will know from his officials, in at least one of the cases he has signed off I had already instructed some time ago that I was minded to reject it, and that paperwork was being prepared. He must set out urgently what his criteria will be. In one case, he overturned an expert examining authority. In another case, he signed off a solar farm which will be 40% on our best and most versatile agricultural land. Did he know that was the case? If so, what was his basis for finding that acceptable? Will he continue our efforts to build more solar on rooftops? I think he mentioned that he would reconvene the solar taskforce. I hate to tell him, but it had never been disbanded and we were due to publish that work. So, I would like to know what date he will be able to publish that work.

    In conclusion, the Secretary of State’s party won the election and promised change, but he was not on show during that campaign to answer these critical questions of how he was going to provide that change and what it will mean for the country. What will his plans mean for the price of electricity? What will they mean for our ability to keep the lights on? What will they mean for struggling families’ bills, for our economy, and for the livelihoods of oil and gas workers? What will they mean for our reliance on China? For all that the Labour Government talk about growth, they will not be able to deliver on that with the Secretary of State’s plans for energy. I hope that in the months ahead he will set out some of that detail to be examined.

    Edward Miliband

    May I start by congratulating the right hon. Lady on her recent engagement? I wish her and her fiancé all the best for the future. We may disagree on some issues, but I believe this Government and the right hon. Lady can at least share a belief in long honeymoons. [Laughter.]

    On the right hon. Lady’s response, I have to say that I was disappointed. The lines were very, very familiar. That is because they were the lines she has used for the last year. And here she comes today to the House and repeats the lines as if the intervening meteorite has not hit the Conservative party: the worst election result in 200 years for her party. The truth, as sensible Conservatives know, is that the lurch she worked on a year ago with the former Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition, the right hon. Member for Richmond and Northallerton (Rishi Sunak), was an electoral disaster for the Conservative party—the lurch away from climate action. What we saw in her statement is the classic dilemma for the Conservative party, which we will see played out, I hope, for many long years of Opposition. The dilemma is do they go the Reform route to be climate deniers, or do they actually re-embrace climate—[Interruption.]

    Mr Speaker

    Order. Can I just say that I do not need any advice? I will decide whether it is a question. It is an answer, actually.

    Edward Miliband

    On the points the right hon. Lady made, there is a fundamental issue, which is that unless we drive for clean energy—this is what the Climate Change Committee said; I strongly recommend that right hon. and hon. Members read it—we will end up energy insecure. We had the worst cost of living crisis in generations because of our exposure to fossil fuels, both domestically and internationally, set and sold on the world market. Unless we drive for clean energy, we will end up paying more for energy. The House would not know that from what she said about our 2030 target. She had a target when she was in government of 95% clean power by 2030. Of course, targets did not matter for the previous Government, because they were always miles away from reaching them.

    As for the North sea, we set out our manifesto position, which is not to issue licences to explore new fields but to keep existing fields for their lifetime. Here is the truth of the conversation that we must have. The fate of North sea oil and gas communities is defined by these questions. Do we drive forward the clean energy of the future? Have we a plan for carbon capture and storage? Have we a plan for hydrogen? Have we a plan for offshore wind? The Conservatives had no such plans, so we will take no lectures on just transitions from them.

    The right hon. Lady had other lines that were a rehearsal of the election. Let me say this to her, on the solar question. She referred to one particular planning decision, and I do think she has a degree of brass neck. She criticised me for overturning the planning authority. I am in a quasi-judicial role, so I will be careful about what I say, but she had this in her Department for a year. She could have agreed with the planning authority and rejected the application, but she chose not to do so. That is the reality.

    In my experience, when you lose a general election a period of reflection is in order, and I say to Conservative Members that they need to reflect long and hard on the signals that they sent in this election. Their climate lurch was a disaster—a disaster for them electorally, but, much more important to me, a disaster for the country. Under this Government, Britain is back, open for business and climate leadership.

    Bill Esterson (Sefton Central) (Lab)

    It is great to see you back in the Chair, Mr Speaker. It is also great to see the Secretary of State at the Dispatch Box on this side of the House again. I welcome what he said about the jobs, lower bills, energy security and climate action that lie at the heart of this Government’s plans. That is very true in respect of the Liverpool city region, where offshore wind—as he said—will play an important and increasing role in our energy future, along with onshore wind, solar power, hydrogen, carbon capture and nuclear energy. However, we also have exciting plans for tidal energy in the region, and I hope he can confirm that it will form a part of what he wants to achieve through the plans that he has announced.

    Edward Miliband

    My hon. Friend has long been an eloquent advocate for the role that business can play in generating the clean energy of our future and generating prosperity. I can absolutely confirm that we want to embrace the widest range of technologies. Obviously we must ensure that that gives value for money, but what I always say on these occasions is that the climate crisis and the energy security challenge are so big for us as a country that we must embrace every form of technology at our disposal, because that is the only way in which we will succeed.

  • Claire Coutinho – 2024 Speech at Chatham House

    Claire Coutinho – 2024 Speech at Chatham House

    The speech made by Claire Coutinho, the Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, at Chatham House on 12 March 2024.

    As Secretary of State for Energy Security, it’s my job to make sure that here in Britain we can keep the lights on.

    Putin’s invasion of Ukraine sparked the most severe threat to European energy security since the 1970s.

    But Britain’s energy supplies held up.

    Not only did we keep the lights on at home, but we also pumped fuel to our allies in Europe as they weaned themselves off Russian gas.

    The UK banned Russian fossil fuels, making sure we were no longer contributing to Kremlin coffers.

    We have led the world in driving Putin out of our energy markets once and for all, and I continue to encourage our allies around the world to do the same.

    But, most importantly, we must never find ourselves in that position again.

    From my time in this role, it is clear that we have entered a new era.

    An era in which energy can be weaponised against us.

    An era where our adversaries can inflict harm on British families and businesses through energy prices.

    If we cannot protect families and businesses from the threat of future shocks, then we are not really secure.

    So, we must be hard-headed and realistic about the future of our energy system.

    We must put national interest over narrow ideology, and give time for the country to make the transition.

    And, more than anything, we must take the necessary steps to protect British families and businesses by keeping energy bills down.

    Because our country will only succeed in the decades ahead if we can source enough cheap and secure energy to power our nation.

    The people at the forefront of my mind when I do this job are those up and down the country who may be worried about turning on the heating.

    Or the small business who are worried about whether they can pay their staff.

    If people can’t afford the gas in their homes, or the fuel in their car, or their electricity bills, then even if we have enough supply, we are not secure.

    That’s why, in the last 2 years, the government has taken unprecedented steps to support people through the energy crisis.

    We spent over £100 billion protecting the economy and households across the country. The average household received £1,500 of support, halving their energy bill when the crisis was at its worst.

    We’ve given even more support to the most vulnerable households with our Winter Fuel Payments, Cost of Living payments and our home insulation programmes.

    We’ve eliminated the premium on pre-payment meters.

    We’re working with Ofgem to look at the fairness of standing charges.

    Our Pumpwatch scheme is making sure drivers will get a fair price at the pump.

    And we’re reforming the retail energy market to allow customers to benefit from the cheapest prices of the day which could save them up to £900 a year.

    But no-one can deny how hard the last few years have been.

    Whether it’s a business being unable to expand, or the tough choices that families have had to make at home – there has been a very human cost to the extreme prices that we have faced.

    But thankfully, we are turning a corner.

    From April, families will be paying their lowest prices for energy since Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, with the average household bill set to fall by almost £250.

    But there is more to do if we want to make sure Britain’s energy is secure, reliable and crucially cheap, for decades to come.

    If we look back over the last 300 years, Britain has boomed because of our access to homegrown energy.

    The Industrial Revolution was made possible by British coal. Since the 1960s we’ve had North Sea oil and gas. And now, our windswept shorelines are increasingly powering Britain from Britain.

    But make no mistake, we are in a global race for energy.

    The growth in demand from emerging economies is soaring. In sub-Saharan Africa for example, there are 600 million people who have no access to electricity at all. That will change in the decades ahead and rightly so.

    In Asia, the construction of renewables and demand for fossil fuels is breaking new records.

    When it comes to energy and its supply chains, we need to be realistic about each source’s strengths and its weaknesses.

    The West cannot wean itself off Russian oil and gas, only to then be dependent on China for critical minerals.

    But Britain’s history, our expertise in energy, our geology, our infrastructure, our skills, mean that we have a competitive advantage.

    But we must not throw that away.

    That’s why we are doubling down on our offshore wind sector, which will provide us with cheap, clean, homegrown energy, replacing oil and gas as our North Sea reserves naturally decline.

    Our world-renowned Contracts for Difference auctions, introduced in 2014, weave together the [political content removed] principles of competition and enterprise to drive down costs for consumers.

    We have the first, the second, the third, the fourth and the fifth largest operational offshore wind farms anywhere in the world and we will go further thanks to our new auction round with the largest ever pot for renewables.

    But we also know that we will need a stable baseload beneath it, and that’s why I’ve announced the largest expansion to our nuclear programme in 70 years.

    Whether it’s large power plants, small modular reactors or the next generation of advanced modular reactors – we are building it.

    And we are being realistic about our need for oil and gas too.

    The Energy System Operator and even the Climate Change Committee acknowledge that in a net zero world, we’ll still need oil and gas for a significant amount of our energy.

    And that’s because it’s not absolute zero, it’s net zero.

    That’s why we need to be honest and pragmatic about what else our new energy system will need.

    A weather-dependent, renewables-based electricity grid means we will need to have flexible power for when the wind doesn’t blow, and the sun doesn’t shine.

    Which is why we need to make the most of the main flexible power we have today: gas.

    There are no two ways about it. Without gas backing up renewables, we face the genuine prospect of blackouts.

    Other countries in recent years have been so threatened by supply constraints that they were forced back to coal.

    There are no easy solutions in energy, only trade-offs.

    If countries are forced to choose between net zero and keeping citizens safe and warm, believe me they’ll choose to keep the lights on.

    We will not let ourselves be put in that position.

    And so, as we continue to move towards clean energy, we must also be realistic.

    A renewables-based energy system needs backing up with power plants, which we can ramp up and ramp down when it isn’t windy or sunny enough.

    We are working hard to get new, cleaner technologies scaled up to deliver this flexible power. That might mean putting carbon capture technology on gas power plants or scaling up entirely new technologies like hydrogen gas-fired power when they are ready.

    We are doing everything we can to propel new and innovative designs to market, but we also acknowledge that we will need some tried-and-tested capacity until these kick in.

    For this brief window of time, that leaves us with unabated gas.

    Anyone who tells you that we can ‘just stop’ oil and gas is not just wrong, but naive.

    Imagine if we told people that we are going to shut down all petrol stations today because we think electric cars will be the norm in 2050. People would rightly tell us that we were insane. Their instincts would tell them that we cannot affect that kind of change overnight.

    And that’s true of our energy system too.

    Even the Climate Change Committee’s independent data finds that a power sector without unabated gas in 2035 would be, and I quote, “likely to increase costs and delivery risks”.

    And the Energy System Operator’s analysis suggests that a net zero power system will be achievable by 2035, but only with fossil fuels in reserve.

    We know that with around 15GW of gas due to come off system in the coming years we will need a minimum of 5GW of new power to remain secure. That might mean refurbishing existing power stations but will also mean new unabated gas power stations until the clean technology is ready.

    So, I say this to all our electricity generators here in the UK: renewables will play an ever-more critical role in powering Britain, but I will not risk our energy security by refusing to address the difficult short-term choices we need to make.

    The government will stand with you as you invest in building more gas power stations.

    And if investors are serious about reaching net zero without damaging the economy, or hiking bills for families, then they should stand with you too.

    There are two reasons why backing gas is not at odds with our world-leading net zero commitments.

    First, we expect all new gas power stations to be built net zero ready.

    That means companies must build power plants which are ready to connect to carbon capture technology or that can be changed to burn hydrogen instead of gas.

    This is not just a government expectation, it’s common sense for investors too, because they know that the government is serious about reaching net zero.

    But our position remains we must build these new power stations to ensure security of supply while the low carbon technology develops.

    And I fully believe that this country can be a global leader in CCUS. We have the right geology, the right infrastructure, and the right skills to be a world leader in carbon capture.

    That’s why the government is making a massive £20 billion commitment to this game-changing technology and why I am focusing on how to create a competitive CCUS market by 2035.

    Second, these gas power plants will run less frequently as unabated as we build more and more low-carbon generation and long-term storage.

    But while we are bringing other flexible sources online, we won’t take any risks.

    In the past 6 months we have been accused of rolling back on our net zero plans.

    So let me tackle this head-on: Britain is the poster child for net zero.

    We’ve halved our greenhouse gas emissions since 1990.

    Out of the top 20 largest economies in the world, nobody has done more than us.

    To give you an idea, the EU has cut emissions by only 30%, the US not at all, and China’s emissions are up by 300%.

    We’ve done that all whilst growing the economy and avoiding the riots and protests that we’ve seen abroad.

    And that last point is critical. There is no point in being world-leading in cutting emissions if your businesses end up moving abroad and your people are suffering from high energy costs.

    Frankly, there is no point in being world-leading at net zero, if nobody wants to follow your lead.

    That’s why we are putting investment first. Since 2010 we have seen £300 billion invested into green technology, creating jobs up and down the country.

    And in my past 6 months, I’ve delivered £30 billion of business investment into our energy revolution thanks to the negotiations and policies that we’ve put in place.

    And this is key.

    Global investors are choosing to back Britain.

    Britain’s story is one of endless innovation. We are perfectly placed to develop the technology and expertise to help developing nations with their own transitions.

    We have to be honest that this will be our biggest contribution to global climate change, more so than what happens with our own domestic emissions.

    Innovation, expertise and exports.

    That’s what the big energy economies, like the US, Canada, Norway, and Saudi Arabia are doing.

    I will make sure that whether it’s fusion energy, hydrogen or carbon capture we will both meet our net zero targets and that Britain will reap the reward for it.

    But we won’t reap the rewards if we’re not realistic about the time it will take to decarbonise our electricity grid.

    Our target to decarbonise the grid by 2035 has been set to allow time for first-of-a-kind technology to evolve, and for British supply chains to bloom.

    And that’s why just last week, the Chancellor announced that GIGA just got bigger.

    Our Green Industry Growth Accelerator now totals over £1 billion and will grow the supply chains for all the clean technologies that we need for the future.

    We are doing everything that we can to help our future technologies develop, with multi-billion-pound programmes, and capital allowances for clean investments in carbon capture, hydrogen, fusion energy and offshore wind.

    However, anybody sensible will tell you that these things take time.

    To pretend that you can do things overnight is a fundamentally dishonest position.

    Everything we do in energy must work to keep the cost of energy down whilst keeping the lights on.

    Yes, that means not taking chances with our energy system by ensuring it has everything it needs to remain resilient.

    And it means allowing the market to bring forward those next generation technologies that will strengthen our energy system and turn a profit for Britain so we can grow our economy.

    But it also means making sure our energy market prioritises the bill-payer.

    Bills are most peoples’ only experience of the energy system. It is through cost that people will judge our success, and that is why we are leaving no stone unturned to cut bills.

    This is what we must remember as we today launch the next step of our review of electricity market arrangements, or REMA.

    This is the biggest electricity market reform in a generation. It will mean cheaper bills, massive investment, energy security for decades, and cleaner energy as well.

    In this next round of consultation, we have kept zonal pricing on the table to explore it more thoroughly.

    This is a potential supply side reform which would encourage companies to build infrastructure closer to where energy is needed. It would mean our energy system would be smaller and more efficient, and less energy infrastructure would be needed overall – leading to lower costs for consumers.

    We’ve already seen it successfully used in other renewable energy powerhouses like Norway and Denmark.

    Alongside other options we are considering, it could mean £35 billion in savings over 20 years – that’s a saving of up to £45 every year for each household.

    But let’s be clear: every household, whether they are in Glasgow, Grimsby or Guildford, would benefit from market reform.

    This ambition – cutting bills for everyone – is exactly why we are keeping zonal pricing on the table.

    And that is why we are working hard to grasp the opportunities of renewables for consumers. With a smarter energy system, we can shave up to 11% off peak demand. It sounds technical, but that is a £50 billion opportunity for billpayers over the next 25 years.

    An electric car driver on the right tariff could charge overnight when electricity is cheapest, meaning that while they used to pay 17p per mile using petrol, they now pay 2p per mile. The same would apply to household energy bills.

    Our work on smart energy tariffs based on the cheapest price of energy in the day could save households up to £900 a year.

    And this will cut costs for businesses too.

    So, as we contemplate the challenges ahead, our strategy will follow common sense principles.

    Principles that reflect the reality that energy security is not just about having plentiful supplies, but affordable energy too.

    That Britain, with our history of energy expertise, is well placed to reap the rewards of creating the new energy technologies of the future if we manage that transition well.

    A hard-headed and realistic approach about our future energy system.

    Prioritising the national interest over narrow ideology.

    And taking the necessary steps to cut costs for families and businesses.

    That’s the approach I’ve outlined to you today.

    And that’s the way Britain will continue to lead the world towards a cleaner, cheaper and more secure future.

  • Claire Coutinho – 2023 Speech at the Energy UK conference

    Claire Coutinho – 2023 Speech at the Energy UK conference

    The speech made by Claire Coutinho, the Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, in London on 18 October 2023.

    Good afternoon everyone.

    It’s a pleasure to join you today.

    You are lucky to have such a strong champion in Emma [Pinchbeck].

    Before I met her, someone described Emma to me as ‘pretty candid’.

    Now I’ve got to know her a bit, I can confirm they were absolutely right.

    So I’m delighted to give my first keynote speech as Energy Secretary to this audience.

    And hopefully offer a few candid views of my own.

    I feel incredibly privileged to be in this job.

    Simply put, this is the most exciting sector to be in right now.

    Energy also brings together the 3 key policy areas I’ve worked on my whole career.

    Investment, jobs and economic growth.

    Net zero and the wider environment.

    And helping disadvantaged families and communities, something I’ve always been passionate about.

    We cannot thrive as a country without affordable, reliable, abundant energy.

    We cannot prosper or protect our population without energy security.

    Nor can our children flourish if we don’t decarbonise energy, and ensure that the whole ecosystem survives intact for the next generation.

    That’s a huge responsibility on all our shoulders.

    So as the new Secretary of State, my pledge to the industry is to work with you as closely as possible.

    And to listen.

    To make sure our ambitions chime with your capacity to deliver and grow.

    In fact I’ve already spoken to hundreds of you since taking up the job to make sure we are changing policy with the realities you face in mind.

    I feel enormously optimistic about the energy sector.

    At a local level it supports millions of jobs around the country.

    Offshore wind jobs in Humber, Cornwall and East Anglia.

    Nuclear jobs in Somerset and Suffolk.

    Oil and gas jobs in Scotland.

    And jobs throughout the supply chain.

    Energy is helping revitalise communities that played an instrumental role in Britain’s industrial growth, yet declined for much of the 20th century.

    And it is increasingly important for us to think long term in light of rising global instability at a time when much of the world is transitioning to clean energy.

    I can’t help but feel that this is the most important sector when it comes to changing our world for the better. I know you do too.

    So it’s fitting we’re in this building today.

    The home of the Institution of Civil Engineers.

    Where so many great energy figures from history are celebrated.

    From famous names like Watt and Faraday.

    To less well-known figures like John Smeaton, for example commemorated with his own room.

    A man who could be described as one of the fathers of renewable energy.

    250 years ago, Smeaton was designing groundbreaking waterwheels and windmills that turned natural energy into motion, transforming production of food and textiles and paving the way for the Industrial Revolution.

    He reminds us, that the energy pioneers of the past not only had brilliant minds.

    They had good timing too.

    They had the opportunity which presents itself when creative minds meet eras of phenomenal progress.

    These transitions don’t happen very often. The Renaissance. The Industrial Revolution.

    And now we are on the brink of perhaps the most important transition of all, when centuries of change are being compressed into years.

    And what’s exciting, is Britain’s potential to shape this transition and seize this opportunity, through our own innovation and investment.

    Of course we’re conscious of what other countries are doing to stimulate green investment, particularly the US and Europe.

    I’ve made investment my top priority.

    I’ve also tasked my department to prioritise investment decisions.

    And we’re looking across government at how we can further accelerate investment in green industries.

    But how many other nations are spending £20 billion to get their carbon capture and storage industry up and running?

    No other technology offers Britain bigger or more exciting potential for our green energy future than carbon capture.

    We will only succeed in the energy transition if we double down on sectors with the greatest opportunities.

    The greatest opportunities to decarbonise.

    To help polluting industries go green.

    And to grow our economy.

    Make no mistake, carbon capture and storage is one of those sectors.

    So we’ll be publishing a long-term vision for CCUS later this year.

    But we’re also investing in our world leading offshore wind sector,  delivering enough offshore wind to power the equivalent of every home in Britain by 2030.

    I am committed to a successful AR6, a round that includes offshore wind in which sustainably priced projects will be able to compete.

    And we’ll be publishing the administrative strike price for the next round in November.

    In addition, we’ll generate enough solar energy to power over 28 million electric vehicles by 2035.

    We’re spending £700 million to boost fusion technology.

    We’re backing space-based solar projects.

    And Britain’s nuclear revival is well under way.

    With Hinkley Point C in Somerset set to provide enough secure, low carbon electricity to power around 6 million homes.

    And Sizewell C in Suffolk, a sister project featuring the most powerful electricity generators in the world, to supply another 6 million homes.

    We’ve launched Great British Nuclear to deliver our programme.

    Its first priority to accelerate the development of Small Modular Reactors.

    And as we announced the other day, we’ve chosen 6 companies to progress to the next competitive stage to design and build the UK’s first SMRs.

    Bringing all our work together is the Energy Bill – the vehicle for delivering the energy strategy.

    To turbocharge British technology.

    To liberate £100 billion of private investment, scaling-up green jobs and growth.

    And to make Britain energy secure.

    Yet I also recognise that there are profound challenges.

    From COVID-19 to Ukraine and the shocking events of the last few weeks.

    It’s been an uncertain few years.

    For the energy industry.

    For families and households.

    And yes, for governments too.

    You’ve told me about the issues you face and what we need to do to lead the energy transition.

    For example, many of you have spoken about practicalities and how we can unclog the system and how we can give you as much of a long lead time as possible.

    That’s why the most important announcement we have made recently is prioritising grid connections, and reforms to infrastructure and planning.

    I am acutely aware that although we’re investing tens of billions in new energy projects, we don’t yet have the grid infrastructure to bring that energy to households and businesses.

    At a time of rising demand, when we need increased electrification at pace it takes too long to build new grid connections.

    So we’re going to introduce comprehensive reforms.

    We’ll set out the UK’s first ever spatial plan for infrastructure to give industry more certainty.

    We’ll speed up planning for the most nationally significant projects.

    And we’ll raise the bar to enter the queue and make sure those who are ready first, will connect first.

    The Holistic Network Design, published by the Electricity System Operator, is a blueprint for the connection of over 20GW of offshore wind.

    We strongly supported Ofgem’s Accelerating Strategic Transmission Investment decision at the end of last year, allowing £20 billion to accelerate key transmission projects.

    To speed up the consenting process for new network infrastructure, the government has consulted on revised energy National Policy Statements.

    And we are bringing forward measures to boost development consent, including a fast-track process.

    As you already heard earlier, Nick Winser has advised us on how the deployment process for electricity transmission infrastructure can be further ramped up, with an ambition to halve delivery times.

    I’d like to thank Nick for all his work – and following his report, we will publish an action plan by the end of the year.

    Releasing network capacity will help reduce connection times.

    And we are creating a Future System Operator to sit at the heart of the energy system, looking across different fuels and technologies to plan the network and increase competition.

    All of this work will streamline planning and delivery and tackle the complexity and fragmentation of the current process.

    Nothing will distract us from achieving net zero or driving forward renewables.

    In fact, this country has led the world on tackling carbon emissions. And we’ll continue to do so.

    Of all the major economies, we have set the toughest targets.

    And thanks in no small part to the energy industry, we’ve exceeded all of them.

    We’ve cut our emissions in half over the past 30 years.

    We’ve boosted our share of renewables from just 7% in 2010 to almost half today.

    We’re third in the world for attracting investment in clean energy – a pretty incredible achievement given our size.

    But to realise our ambitions we must ensure that our energy plans are viable.

    That’s what the Prime Minister’s net zero speech was all about last month.

    A pragmatic approach, to make sure we deliver effectively, taking consumers and industry with us as we decarbonise.

    [political content removed]

    The truth is we can’t impose unaffordable extra costs on households.

    Particularly at a time when millions of families are struggling with the cost of living.

    Instead we need to bring consumers with us on the net zero journey.

    The Climate Change Committee have assessed that there is no material difference in our progress to cut emissions by 2030 since their last report in June, yet these changes have the ability to make a real difference to the finances of households up and down the country.

    I want people to feel nothing but unadulterated optimism when they think about what this means for them, their countries and their children’s futures.

    We are absolutely committed to our targets.

    But we will get there in a way that is fair on family finances.

    We want a retail energy market which is resilient, competitive, and fit for the future. Most importantly, we want a retail energy market that delivers for consumers.

    On that note, I welcome Ofgem’s move to ensure customers get the good service they deserve from their energy supplier, and that vulnerable customers are prioritised and protected.

    You’ll be hearing more on that from Jonathan Brearley soon.

    I also welcome the action which has been taken to put an end to the wrongful installation of prepayment meters in vulnerable households.

    The responsibility is now with suppliers to stick to these new rules while also innovating, so consumers benefit from cheaper renewable electricity, and using their energy when demand is lower.

    Although energy bills have been steadily coming down, 55% since the peak, we’re going to work closely with Ofgem to see how we can support those who are struggling.

    We spent £40 billion last winter protecting communities and businesses, among the highest in Europe.

    And those on means tested benefits will get further support this year with a £900 Cost of Living Payment to ensure struggling families continue to be protected.

    Looking to the future, we’re going to reform markets so they work for consumers much more effectively.

    Rising costs have also hit the industry.

    Particularly the price of materials and the cost of borrowing.

    We’re doing everything we can to reduce inflation.

    From the 10.7% rate in the final 3 months of last year, the CPI was down to 6.7% in August. With it expected to fall further still.

    But the imperative remains.

    We’ll need to continue innovating and reducing costs as an industry to stay competitive.

    Finally – as well as generating new green energy tomorrow, we must make more efficient use of the energy we have today.

    Last winter was incredibly difficult for millions of people.

    We are already investing £6.6 billion in energy efficiency and clean heat this Parliament.

    We’ve launched a £1 billion drive to help more than 300,000 households in most need to cut their energy bills by hundreds of pounds through the Great British Insulation Scheme.

    And we have committed to invest a further £6 billion between 2025 and 2028.

    The share of homes in the highest bands has risen from 16% in 2011 to 47% in 2021.

    And we’ve introduced more generous grants for heat pumps.

    Grants available under the Boiler Upgrade Scheme increase from £5,000 to £7,500 on Monday next week, among the most generous in Europe.

    Which means the first British customer will be able to get one for free under the scheme.

    So to sum up let me tell you again what you already know. There has never been a more exciting time to work in Energy.

    This is exactly why the PM created a standalone department focused solely on energy security and net zero.

    Our ambitions on net zero are undiminished, we continue to have world leading targets and we will meet them with the help of the talent, expertise and innovation in this room.

    I am determined that this historic transition.

    To a net zero economy, to an energy secure nation.

    Is not only one that we can deliver.

    It’s also one that we will deliver together.

    Thank you.

  • Claire Coutinho – 2023 Speech on UK’s Carbon Capture Opportunities

    Claire Coutinho – 2023 Speech on UK’s Carbon Capture Opportunities

    The speech made by Claire Coutinho, the Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, in London on 17 October 2023.

    Good morning everyone, and a warm welcome to the Carbon Capture & Storage Association (CCSA) conference.

    A huge thank you to Ruth for everything that she’s done to put this together.

    It is genuinely a real pleasure to be here today to talk about the extraordinary opportunities for carbon capture that we have in this country.

    Two hundred years ago, Britain was instrumental in helping the world industrialise.

    It was our innovation, creativity, and global reach that spread the industrial revolution and transformed global economies.

    Today we have a different, but no less important, role to play – helping the world decarbonise.

    We’ve already cut our own carbon emissions in half in just 30 years and boosted our share of renewables from 7% in our energy output in 2010 to almost half today.

    Of all the major economies, we have set the toughest targets and thanks in no small part to our energy industry, we have exceeded all of them.

    But the challenges ahead are significant.

    How do we accelerate those reductions?

    How do we help other countries do the same?

    And how do we achieve it fast enough to put a brake on climate change?

    I passionately believe that the key to success will be doubling down on sectors with the greatest opportunities.

    The greatest opportunities to decarbonise, to help polluting industries go green and to boost jobs, investment and growth.

    And make no mistake, carbon capture and storage is one of those sectors.

    Britain’s vast potential means I believe we can lead the world in safely capturing and storing carbon dioxide.

    Creating a path for industries which cannot decarbonise at the pace we require – like cement and chemicals – to join the green revolution.

    And there are other compelling benefits.

    For example, CCUS will help ensure the reliability of electricity supplies, bolstering our future energy security and it will help regenerate communities across the country, particularly in our industrial heartlands and coastal communities where jobs and investment are most needed.

    Before Parliament, I spent a lot of time working with those communities which felt left behind and the prospect today of a new, multi-billion-pound cycle of investments in decarbonisation projects represents huge hope for the future.

    We have the right geology, the right infrastructure, and the right skills to be at the forefront of carbon capture and to lift other economies by cutting the cost of decarbonising.

    That’s why the government is making a massive commitment to this game-changing technology.

    The Prime Minister has made it abundantly clear in recent weeks that we need pragmatic answers to cut the carbon challenge.

    And there’s no better example of this than CCUS.

    Carbon capture and storage is pragmatism in action.

    What’s more common sense than taking advantage of our own geography to address one of the greatest threats facing mankind?

    That’s why we remain fully committed to:

    our unprecedented £20 billion for early deployment of the technology, among the biggest funding commitments in Europe
    the first 8 projects of the ‘first-of-a-kind capture networks’ we’ll be taking forward in the North East, North West and Wales
    and the next 2 carbon capture clusters in the North East and Scotland
    These announcements put us on track to achieve between 20 and 30 million tonnes of captured and stored carbon dioxide a year – the equivalent of taking 4 and 6 million cars off the road each year from 2030.

    If we make this target, it will support 50,000 jobs by 2030, and add £5 billion to the economy by 2050.

    Not only helping us deliver our net zero commitments but also creating prosperity throughout the UK.

    I was delighted to reach alignment with Eni on the key commercial principles to take Hynet forward, and I’m looking forward to working further with them to celebrate this important milestone.

    But of course we must look beyond the domestic implications of CCUS.

    CCUS will be a global industry, and to continue leading in this space we need to think beyond UK clusters.

    This also poses some key questions.

    Firstly, how do we deliver enough storage to make Carbon Budget 6 a reality?

    The North Sea Transition Authority estimates as much as 100 carbon stores will be needed to meet our net zero commitments.

    Well we have the space, and then some.

    With 78 billion tonnes of potential storage, the reality is the UK has the potential to be one of the greatest CO2 storage bases in Europe.

    But if we want to match that space to market need we’ll require a system level approach, creating a brand new network with new technical codes and contracts, with government and industry working together to achieve it.

    We will set out that ambition and I know for many of you this must include more clarity on timelines.

    I’ve spoken to lots of investors and stakeholders since I’ve been in this role and that has come out clearly.

    So my department will be publishing a vision for the CCUS sector later this year.

    This will provide a long-term picture of an expanding sector to bolster investor confidence.

    But the second question is no less important.

    How do we keep costs down? And therefore, how do we remain competitive?

    As the Prime Minister has made clear, we don’t get to net zero without honest conversation with the public.

    Part of that conversation is demonstrating that we have achieved the best value for money possible.

    We can’t separate the market and the path to net zero.

    Now, I recognise that costs have gone up, that the sector is dealing with materials price inflation.

    We’ve done everything we can to reduce costs in our economy.

    From the 10.7% inflation rate in the final 3 months of last year, the CPI is now down considerably in August and projected to fall further.

    But whatever the final rate for 2023, the imperative remains that we need you to innovate to drive cost reductions and deliver as much carbon stores for as little money as possible.

    In the longer-term, CCUS will not be successful unless we can demonstrate that the industry is self-sustaining.

    And we can do that together, building on the strong partnership that government and industry have developed over the last few years.

    If you help us to design viable business models, that will give businesses the confidence to invest in them.

    And we know that if these questions can be answered an immense prize is waiting for us.

    We can capture £8 billion of global CCUS turnover by 2050, and create thousands of jobs from the north-east of Scotland to Morecombe Bay, Wales and Humber.

    We can help Britain achieve energy security, so we are no longer at the whims of foreign regimes.

    And we can make an immense contribution to Britain achieving its carbon targets, and helping carbon-intensive industries join the green energy revolution.

    Without a doubt, carbon capture and storage stands among the most exciting and effective ways in which Britain can lead in tackling climate change.

    And ultimately, it’s the people in this room who have the capacity to make it happen.

    So let’s make it happen together.

    Thank you.

  • Claire Coutinho – 2023 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    Claire Coutinho – 2023 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    The speech made by Claire Coutinho, the Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, in Manchester on 2 October 2023.

    Thank you,

    Our nation – its people and its businesses – are going to succeed in the decades ahead if – and only if – we source enough energy.

    Energy that is home-grown, clean and cheap.

    If we get this right, the British people will enjoy greater prosperity in the decades ahead.

    If we don’t, we lose jobs and investment and our path to a greener future.

    I first want to pay tribute to my predecessor, Grant Shapps, who was relentless in making the case for energy security.

    He rightly said we cannot be at the mercy of tyrants like Vladmir Putin who seek to weaponise oil and gas against us.

    Our best defence is ensuring our own energy independence.

    And that energy independence is exactly what the Conservatives are delivering.

    We don’t just have the world’s largest off-shore wind farm,

    We have the second largest and the third.

    And, yes, we have the world’s fourth and imminently the fifth largest too.

    All built under our watch.

    We’re investing in solar, in fusion and in hydrogen.

    And rather than relying on imports, as Keir Starmer would have it, we’re backing our own North Sea.

    And we are delivering the first large-scale nuclear project since Margaret Thatcher’s government.

    In fact, each and every operational nuclear power plant in Britain began its life under a Conservative government.

    And we have done this all whilst meeting our climate change ambitions and growing the economy.

    Over the last 30 years, we’ve cut our emissions by half.

    We now get close to half of our power from renewables, up from just 7% when Labour left office.

    Let’s never forget – Ed Miliband described the idea of the UK getting to 40% renewables as ‘pie in the sky’.

    It is this Conservative Party, delivering for our people and our environment.

    Our leadership is also bringing wealth to our economy and to British workers.

    Since 2010 we have secured £200 billion in low carbon investments with up to £375 billion on the way.

    Carbon Capture will see 50,000 high-skilled British jobs in places like Teesside and the Humber.

    Our world-leading offshore wind farms will see 100,000 jobs by 2030, from Aberdeen to Cornwall.

    And our pioneering hydrogen industry is bringing jobs right here in the North West of England and over the border in North Wales.

    And Conference, we’re not just creating energy, we’re saving energy too.

    When Labour left power, less than 12% of homes were considered energy efficient.

    Now that figure is 50%.

    It is we Conservatives who are delivering the practical solutions to ensure we have secure, cheap energy – reducing bills and protecting the environment.

    Yet despite our success, we need to be honest about the challenges ahead.

    The transition to clean energy should be a cause of optimism for the country.

    It should mean jobs and opportunities and pride that we are playing our part in a global challenge.

    However, for too many people it had started to feel like an intolerable cost at a time when after the last few years, they felt they could least afford it.

    Across Europe, we are seeing the consequences when the public feel that they are being forced into the wrong decisions for their homes and their families.

    In Germany, the climate sceptic AfD is now polling in second position in Europe’s largest economy.

    In France, over a quarter of people think that climate change is a conspiracy.

    In the Netherlands, the rise of a new net zero sceptic party stormed their local elections.

    Meanwhile in the UK, only 7% of people think Net Zero is going to be good for them and their family in the near term.

    Uxbridge showed us what happens when you tax people for using their cars without thinking about how they would be able to get around otherwise.

    Conference, I have worked with families running on a tight budget. I know the difference £12.50 – Labour’s ULEZ tax – can make to people whose finances are stretched.

    If we are to succeed, Net Zero can’t be something that is done to people, by a privileged elite.

    We cannot force people to make the wrong decisions for their families.

    And it is immoral to put forward policies that will impoverish people here, when emissions are rising abroad.

    Conference, Labour are the party of tax and condemn.

    We Conservatives are the party of aspiration and the environment.

    And we should be clear: In the UK we account for 1% of global emissions.

    While we’ve reduced rapidly, other countries are polluting more. Their emissions are rising and rising fast.

    In China emissions are up over 300%.

    We will play our part and we will support other countries to do more, but we can’t do that off the backs off struggling households here at home.

    However, the likes of Just Stop Oil and Extinction Rebellion, funded by the same people who fund Labour, do not get this.

    For them Net Zero has become a religion.

    For us it is a practical mission to be achieved.

    They want to force people to behave a certain way or face punitive taxes.

    And more than that, they show sheer condescension about people’s normal way of life.

    Do you eat meat? How dare you.

    You’re flying away for a week in the sun? How selfish.

    You’re driving to work to put food on the table for your family? Well, you should’ve chosen a different job.

    It is these zealots that would see the cause of climate change lost.

    More concerned with signalling their own purity then with energising the cause of climate change.

    They don’t seek to persuade, only to disrupt.

    They don’t want to engage, only to silence.

    Conference, that’s the Labour Party for you.

    And what do we see?

    It’s no wonder Labour seems so relaxed about taxing meat.

    Sir Keir Starmer doesn’t eat it,

    And Ed Miliband is clearly scarred by his encounter with a bacon sandwich.

    Conference, Keir Starmer’s only green credential is his recycling of Ed Miliband.

    A man already binned off once before by the great British public,

    A man who’s working in lockstep with Just Stop Oil,

    And a man who has clearly radicalised Keir Starmer.

    Labour’s hated ULEZ expansion,

    Their plans to borrow £28 billion a year which would drive up inflation,

    To take us much further and faster than any other country, no matter the cost on ordinary people.

    Their plans are toxic and would collapse popular support for net zero.

    Simply put, it is not the climate change deniers who threaten net zero – it is Keir Starmer’s Labour Party.

    They choose ideology over reason at every turn.

    Alongside the SNP, the Labour Party opposed further development of the North Sea.

    A plan that would export 200,000 oil and gas jobs abroad.

    A plan that has been rightly condemned by the unions.

    Even our Climate Change watchdog says that when we reach Net Zero in 2050, we’ll still need oil and gas as part of our energy consumption.

    Yet Labour would shut down the North Sea.

    They would have us more dependent on foreign regimes for longer.

    Jobs lost, investment lost, and our national security jeopardised.

    Well, we Conservatives are going to do things differently.

    The UK can benefit – and is benefiting – from the jobs and investment that the energy transition brings.

    From climate finance to generating new technology, we have a leading role that will see us beat climate change.

    But conference, we will also ensure we take our own people with us.

    Indeed, that is the only way we can achieve this.

    That is why we have made sensible adjustments to take a new approach to climate policies.

    Of all the major economies, we have set the toughest targets – and we have exceeded all of them.

    We are raising our ambitions on clean energy and innovation.

    But we are making it financially easier for people to change their boilers, and – crucially – this will be by choice not coercion.

    Gone are bans for those in rural communities for whom there is no realistic alternative to their boiler.

    For those who can convert, we’re increasing the grant for cleaner heating to one of the most generous schemes in Europe.

    We are also moving to a phase out of petrol and diesel engines which is in line with France, Germany, Spain, Italy, Canada and California.

    Our carbon emissions will continue to fall, but people will be able to make the transition when the price is right for them.

    We’ve taken the bold decisions because they are the right ones for our people.

    We will be ambitious, but we can also be practical.

    And above all we must be compassionate.

    It is we Conservatives who will deliver both for our people today and for generations to come.

    This is a decades’ long endeavour, and we are in it for the long haul.

    As part of this long-term strategy.

    One that focuses on energy security, lower bills and decarbonisation.

    I am today announcing the next phase of our new, practical approach.

    Firstly, we are boosting our long-term resilience and will set out our nuclear road map this autumn.

    A crucial element of this will be how we deploy the exciting new technology of small modular nuclear reactors.

    I am therefore pleased to announce today the six companies we have shortlisted to build these reactors.

    Rolls Royce, an iconic British company,

    Who have been powering our nuclear submarines for 70 years.

    A company founded by the genius of our Union of nations,

    Formed by the Welshman Charles Rolls and the English apprentice Henry Royce.

    Who formed a partnership right here in the Midland Hotel in Manchester 120 years ago.

    They have been selected alongside 5 other world-leading companies, each with cutting edge technology, including GE-Hitachi, EDF, Holtec, Nuscale and Westinghouse, with the final decision to be taken early next year.

    Together with Hinkley, Sizewell and our commitment to accelerate other emerging technologies and bring them to market,

    It is we Conservatives who are acting now to secure our future.

    Now our quest to tackle climate change means taking people with us.

    We know that many are hesitant, for example, about solar farms covering our countryside.

    Conserving our green and pleasant land is a personal priority for me – from the Surrey Hills to the Derbyshire Dales.

    We are therefore working to reduce pressure on rural communities, by making it easier for solar panels to be installed on industrial rooftops, warehouses, car parks and factories.

    We’ll cut through the planning red tape that limits the amount of solar businesses can currently install.

    Protecting the countryside, boosting renewables and according to industry, saving businesses up to £3 billion pounds a year

    Finally, maintaining public support for net zero also means showing compassion.

    Rather than clobbering the public and forcing them to make the wrong choices for their families, this government is supporting people as we reduce emissions.

    That’s why my last announcement is targeted at those least able to make the transition.

    So today I can announce we’re allocating a further £80 million to insulate thousands of social homes, saving families on average £240 each year.

    Supporting the most vulnerable, reducing their bills, protecting our environment.

    Today’s announcements, taken together –

    New nuclear, sensible solar, insulation investment.

    It is the Conservatives with the practical, long-term solutions for our country.

    The contrast with Labour could not be starker.

    Their approach concerns me because it risks public support in the very endeavour they claim to champion.

    And it also imperils our mission as Conservatives.

    I am a Conservative because I believe that we are custodians of the things that we cherish.

    We must deliver abundant, cheap energy so that the next generation can benefit like we did.

    We must preserve and protect the environment for those yet to be born.

    Since Mrs Thatcher stood up at the United Nations in 1989, it has been this country that has reduced emissions faster than any of our competitors.

    I believe that if we place ourselves at the forefront of this latest energy revolution we will reap the rewards just as we did in the Industrial Revolution 200 years ago.

    We will be ambitious,

    We will be innovative,

    And we will be pragmatic.

    These are, after all, the attributes that the world associates with Britain.

    So let’s take the fight to short-term Starmer.

    Let’s not allow Labour to play politics with our energy security.

    For it’s only the Conservatives who can save our environment, grow our economy and secure our children’s future.

    Thank you.

  • Claire Coutinho – 2023 Speech to Policy Exchange

    Claire Coutinho – 2023 Speech to Policy Exchange

    The speech made by Claire Coutinho, the Minister for Children, Wellbeing and Families, on 5 July 2023.

    As a former Senior Fellow of Policy Exchange, I am delighted to be here to speak on a topic for which you have been such strong champions in recent years.

    It was your report on ‘Academic Freedom in the UK’, that planted the seeds for our Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Bill – and I stand here, three years after the Bill was introduced, with the Act having received Royal Assent.

    At a time when many were closing their eyes to the problem and saying there was nothing to see, Policy Exchange’s research shone a light on why we needed to act.

    The quest for truth has long provided us with the moral coordinates for social and scientific progress.

    Where debate has been suppressed, it has only set us back.

    We now give thanks to the Galileos, the Darwins, the Keplers, the Newtons, for pushing forwards the frontiers of our knowledge.

    Our understanding of astronomy, mathematics, natural history or biology, wouldn’t be the same if those visionaries did not believe in freedom of speech and the pursuit of truth.

    And yet, today, we see free speech under threat in the very places where the most controversial debates should be taking place – on campus.

    The very purpose of a university is to create independent thinkers who are equipped with the tools to think about the world critically.

    They are important training grounds for the business, political and cultural leaders of tomorrow.

    And this generation will need the skills of critical thought more than ever.

    The pace of change we face is transforming the world at a speed not seen before.

    Take the onset of artificial intelligence (AI). The next generation of leaders will face even thornier questions than the ones we face today.

    What role should Large Language Models play in education?

    How do we integrate AI into the workforce without displacing human workers?

    And how do we navigate copyright disputes between human artists and AI?

    These are all challenging ethical and practical dilemmas with no immediate answer.

    The next generation will have to approach these, and so many other problems, with an open mind. A desire to hear other opinions, not silence them.

    We’re doing students a disservice if we shelter them from other points of view, and withhold the opportunity to develop their critical thinking.

    And we’re setting them up for failure if we let them think they can go through life shouting down people with different views.

    As J.S. Mill famously said, depriving ourselves of the chance to debate also denies us “the clearer perception of truth, produced by its collision with error”.

    And yet vigilance is needed as there are those who seek to stifle debate in our universities.

    Curious students are being deprived of attending events, visiting speakers are intimidated by aggressive protests, and in the worst cases, academics are losing their livelihoods – and their reputations – for the crime of expressing an opinion.

    All of this is driven by a small groups of activists who shout the loudest.

    Activists who can fire off a lot of tweets and draft open letters – not simply to express their own opinion, but to close down a wider debate – and by now, we’ve seen the dangers of how this manifests itself on campus.

    If you’re Tony Sewell, you’ll have your honorary degree rescinded because the university doesn’t like the conclusion of a report you wrote for the government.

    If you’re Kathleen Stock, you’ll be hounded out of your job by a toxic, organised campaign to get you fired.

    We’ve even heard of examples of research projects on the culture of censorship in universities being censored because they’re deemed ‘too dangerous’.

    In other words, we may be at the stage where research into censorship is itself being censored.

    It’s even spread to disciplines as far from politics as you can imagine, such as maths.

    I met with a group of mathematicians who were being pressured into ‘decolonising’ their maths curriculum by downplaying or magnifying the work of mathematicians depending on their race.

    They were deeply concerned but also fearful of speaking out, because of the potential for a backlash that could put their jobs at risk.

    However, when I studied maths, I used an Indian decimal system, Arabian-born algebra and imaginary numbers forged in Europe.

    At this meeting I thought of the words of the 20th Century mathematician David Hilbert, who said:

    “Mathematics knows no race or geographic boundaries; for mathematics, the cultural world is one country.”

    And yet some people see even this discipline – the purest of all sciences and one which has developed across borders for more than a millennium – as an outlet for their activism instead of being motivated by a love of their subject and the pursuit of truth.

    The experience of those mathematicians is one shared by many in academia. An insidious censorship bubbling away under the surface, where students and academics with mainstream views don’t say what they think because they’re scared of the consequences for their studies or their career.

    They’re censored by activists who dress up their oppression in the language of tolerance and emotional safety.

    I sympathise with those who worry about the effects of toxic, hate-filled debates. I don’t want to see freedom of speech used as an excuse to abuse.

    But a tolerant society isn’t one where everyone must conform to a narrow, ideological vision of moral virtue – where only those who take a certain point of view are allowed to speak their mind – a tolerant society is one which allows us to understand people we disagree with, and where minority and majority views are protected.

    It should be a university’s duty to stay neutral, to facilitate debate and to protect those who put minority views forward in good faith.

    Universities fail in that duty when they themselves take sides on these contested issues. They risk losing the trust of their staff and students when certain groups are made to feel that their views are not welcome.

    I have no doubt in my mind that there are many leaders at the top of universities who are personally committed to academic freedom. I have heard about this commitment first-hand.

    But Vice Chancellors and Leadership Boards must make sure they are not being undermined by well-intentioned internal processes that stand in the way of freedom of speech.

    This pressure to conform to a progressive monoculture – both from activists and internal processes – has a material effect.

    Research shows that a third of all academics in the UK self-censor.

    A third.

    Often, it’s academics approaching the end of their careers who are more likely to feel they can speak openly than their junior colleagues.

    Your right to free speech in academia shouldn’t rely on your years of experience. It should be a right for all.

    And from Policy Exchange’s own research we know that this is not just an issue for those on the political right.

    While those on the right are more likely to self-censor, 42% of left-leaning academics in the social sciences report that they don’t express their views due to a fear of backlash from their colleagues.

    This will have wider effects than those faced by the individuals involved. For example, there is even evidence that shows that academic freedom boosts innovation. When academic freedom rises, the number of patents filed two years later grows.

    This creep of self-censorship matters.

    If we don’t bring an end to this culture of intimidation, we’re allowing an intellectual sedative to be injected into the University experience.

    And that’s why we chose to take action.

    We legislated, as we promised in the manifesto, to defend and promote that centuries-old principle – the principle of free speech – that has been at the centre of so much of our progress as a nation.

    Our Freedom of Speech Act will hold universities accountable for the state of free speech on their campuses. It will protect staff, students, and visiting speakers who advocate viewpoints of all kinds.

    We’ve created a powerful new Director for Freedom of Speech and Academic Freedom at the Office for Students. They will be able to investigate – and take action against – providers who are found to have breached their duties to uphold free speech.

    Our new complaints mechanism, along with the introduction of the right to go to court, means that anyone who feels their free speech rights have been wrongly infringed will have a clear path to redress.

    And for the first time, we’re requiring student unions to protect free speech.

    Freedom of speech is not an optional extra at university. It is central to the university experience.

    Our measures are designed to give people studying and working in universities the confidence and security to speak their mind.

    At every stage of this process, they have been at the forefront of our thinking.

    And I can think of no one better to fight their corner than the new Director of Free Speech and Academic Freedom, Professor Arif Ahmed.

    Arif is a professor of philosophy who has written passionately in the  defence of free speech in the media. He’s stood firm in the face of attempts to shut down his own speaking events, and campaigned to reform the free speech policy at his own university – with an astounding result in his favour.

    He has defended views on the left and on the right, and I have no doubt he will provide strong leadership in championing a culture of tolerance and open debate within our universities.

    As Arif has written himself: “Words are not a form of violence. They are an alternative to violence. Without that distinction we are lost.”

    Now this Act by itself is not enough, I don’t believe that any legislation by itself can change culture, however it’s already starting to have an effect.

    I’ve spoken to Vice Chancellors who are making plans to embed a culture of free speech at the beginning of a student’s academic journey.

    The Provost of University College London, Michael Spence, took the right approach when he made clear that ‘[a university] is not a participant in the public debate, but a forum in which that debate takes place.’

    We have already seen an emboldened approach from university leaders who are fighting back where cancel culture raises its head.

    I am delighted that Kathleen Stock – despite the best attempts of some – did in fact speak to curious and respectful students at Oxford University recently, backed by strong action from their Vice Chancellor.

    I am also pleased that students who disagreed were allowed to protest outside.

    Both are important.

    And that’s because a healthy society is one where people who disagree can do so whilst living alongside each other.

    If you think about how we used to get to know each other, it was often in congregations.

    In churches, local community events, even that bastion of British culture – the pub – where the young, old, conservative, liberal, could all rub alongside each other.

    Now, social media has made it easier than ever for us to become entrenched in our own tribes, surrounded by people who think just like us.

    It’s a vicious cycle. The more and more we use social media, the more its algorithms will feed us what we like to hear, from who we like to hear it from.

    We get hooked on the drip of dopamine hits from people agreeing with us. Those who disagree with us become the enemy.

    But the fundamental wellbeing of our society rests on our ability to tolerate each other. On an individual level, our ability to connect to each other is what makes us happy and well.

    And when we think about the next generation, the leaders of tomorrow, what do we want for them?

    To teach them that they should shut down every person they encounter who has a different view? Or to teach them to be able to understand, to connect, to persuade, to find common ground.

    But common ground only exists where discussion and debate are embraced.

    Free speech at university is an antidote to the toxic effects of social media. By instilling the next generation with a new appreciation for freedom of speech, we can make sure this attitude doesn’t define our society in the years to come.

    The Act will give students and academics the practical framework to put the exchange of ideas over ideology, discussion over division.

    But I will end on the words of the late, great, Sir Roger Scruton, another Policy Exchange alumnus and one of the lecturers I was lucky to have during my own university experience.

    “Free speech is not the cause of the tensions growing around us, but the only possible solution to them…”

    Thank you.

  • Claire Coutinho – 2023 Statement on Early Years Funding

    Claire Coutinho – 2023 Statement on Early Years Funding

    The statement made by Claire Coutinho, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Education, in the House of Commons on 10 July 2023.

    My noble Friend the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Education, Baroness Barran, has made the following statement.

    Today I am confirming the distribution of £204 million of additional funding for the early years entitlements in 2023-24 via a new Early Years Supplementary Grant (EYSG); and the hourly funding rates that each local authority will therefore receive from September 2023.

    At the 2023 spring Budget the Chancellor announced an increase to the funding for the existing early years entitlements for two, three and four year-olds of £204 million from this September, and £288 million in 2024-25. This is for local authorities to increase the rates paid to childcare providers.

    For 2023-24, the additional £204 million will be distributed to local authorities through a new standalone top-up grant called the Early Years Supplementary Grant (EYSG). Given that the funding increase is coming in mid-way through the financial year, providing this funding through a stand-alone grant will help reduce complexity and support local authorities to pass the additional funding on to providers from September in a timely manner.

    This additional funding through the EYSG, coming on top of local authorities’ existing allocations, will effectively increase average funding rates by 32% for the current two-year-old entitlement, and 6.3% for the three and four-year-old entitlements, from September.

    The EYSG rate for two-year-olds is, on average, £1.95 per hour—this means that the national average two-year-old funding that local authorities will receive will increase from the current £6 per hour to £7.95.

    The EYSG rate for three and four-year-olds is, on average, 33p per hour—similarly, the national average three and four-year-old hourly rate received by local authorities will increase from £5.29 to £5.62. The minimum funding floor for the three and four-year-old funding hourly rate will increase from £4.87 to £5.20. All local authorities will see at least a 1% increase, and up to a maximum of 10%.

    We will also shortly be launching a consultation on our proposed approach to distributing the funding for the new entitlements for working parents of children aged nine months to two years, to local authorities in 2024-25, along with the accompanying local rules for local authorities to follow when passing on this funding to providers. I will update the House accordingly.

    Alongside this additional funding, I am also announcing that £12 million of funding will be made available to local authorities this financial year, to support them prepare to roll out the new early years entitlements. We will announce further information, including the allocations methodology being used, in the autumn.

    Separately, the Government have today set plans in motion to deliver their ambition for all parents of primary school aged children to access childcare in their local area between 8 am and 6 pm. The 16 local authorities, from Barnsley to Wiltshire, have been selected to work alongside the Government to develop plans for this universal provision, with some of these areas expected to be amongst the first to start delivery, as soon as summer 2024.

    Further details and guidance on the Early Years Supplementary Grant and funding rates will be published on www.gov.uk.

  • Claire Coutinho – 2023 Speech to the National Day Nurseries Association Conference

    Claire Coutinho – 2023 Speech to the National Day Nurseries Association Conference

    The speech made by Claire Coutinho, the Minister for Children, Families and Wellbeing, on 9 June 2023.

    I have spent a large chunk of my career working out how we can help families and give children the best start in life. I first started working with disadvantaged children when I was about 16, and I’ve continued doing that throughout my career.

    The evidence is very clear. The earliest years are the most critical stage of child development, something that everyone in this room knows. That’s the time when young children are learning most rapidly. It’s the time that’s going to shape the people that they become, and that doesn’t just happen by chance. The early education and care that you provide in nurseries across the country, that I go and see every week, is supporting those children in their critical years and also allowing their parents to continue work and earn money which helps them develop their own lives and careers.

    One of the best parts of my job is going on those visits. I see all of your passion and dedication in practice. I get to spend time with children that I may have found to be my intellectual equals in life, and they are absolutely wonderful. Seeing all the things that you do is such an inspiration.

    But young children can be many things. Even the most adoring parents will admit that they’re not always easy. It takes hard work to steer the next generation and yet that is our generation’s biggest task. I have nothing but admiration and respect for the endless patience, kindness, encouragement and expertise that I see that you provide for children in your care. I’m incredibly grateful for the work that you do.

    I know the past few years have been challenging, which is an understatement. During the pandemic, it was nurseries that opened quickest after the first lockdown. You stayed open, getting on with the job of providing excellent education and care. I don’t think you can ever be thanked enough for this. I saw this myself as a constituent MP, just how important it was. Not only to make sure that people could go to work in the NHS, I’m the only person in my family that doesn’t work for the NHS, but also making sure that children got that vital education that they needed.

    I also know just how hard recruitment and retention is at the moment. It’s one of the things that I hear the most when I go out and speak to all of you. And that finding and developing the staff – those talented, qualified staff – that is crucial for you to deliver the high quality care your children and parents need.

    Supporting the early years sector and those who work in it is a priority for me, it’s a priority for this Government. But obviously don’t take my word for it. In the Spring Budget, we set out a commitment to the early years sector. The Chancellor pledged that by 2028, we would double our spending on childcare – aiming to spend more than £8 billion every year on those vital early years. That will fund the 30 hours of childcare per week for eligible working parents of children from nine months old, right to when they start primary school.

    It is the single biggest ever investment in childcare in this country. And it’s in part thanks to the work of many people in this room, including Purnima and the NDNA, who I would just thank you so much for everything that they’ve done to campaign on this issue, make sure that it’s a hot political issue, make sure that we well understand the challenges that you face. I thank you all for everything that you’ve done on that basis.

    But we heard loud and clear that those plans will come to nothing if we don’t make sure that you’ve got funding and support you need to deliver this offer.

    So we will be spending an extra £4 billion a year by 2028. From September, we’re going to provide £204 million of extra funding to local authorities to increase the hourly rates they pay you now, and we’re going to make sure these rates go up each year. So that means in September, the average hourly rate for two year olds is going from £6 to £8 – a 30% increase. The average three to four year old rate will be going up 7% year on year, this year. And from 24/25, which will be the first time that a rate will kick in for under twos, that will be £11 an hour.

    Before the end of the summer break, and one of the reasons that I’ll be going back for those meetings, we will be confirming the September rates for each local authority for 2023, so you can have some certainty on that. I’ll be asking you for views on how we distribute the funding for the new entitlements from April 2024, including the rules that local authorities will have to follow when distributing the funding to providers.

    One of the things that comes up in my conversations with managers is concerns about top slicing. I know that access to SEND funding can also be a challenge. That’s something else which I’m passionate about – I also have special educational needs in my brief. We’re looking at the situation really closely to make sure we get that balance right in how the money flows to providers and ultimately to the children your care.

    But of course money isn’t everything. I’ve heard from so many people working in and managing nurseries that there are parts of the Early Years Foundation Stage framework that stop you from making the most effective use of your staff. For instance, are you able to give your best people the responsibilities that match their abilities? That’s why the first thing that I wanted to look at is how to give you more flexibility and address some of those barriers while maintaining the high level of quality that you’re working so hard to provide. We’ve been engaging with lots of you to do this. That’s why we launched a consultation on changes to a range of Early Years Foundation Stage requirements.

    We’re suggesting removing the requirement from level three staff to have level two maths to count within ratios. Now I’m an out and out maths nut, and you won’t find a greater champion for the subject than me, apart from possibly the Prime Minister. But this is about pedagogy and feedback that we’ve had in our conversations with you and the sector, and educational experts, suggest that the level two maths requirement doesn’t necessarily reflect the skills needed to support children’s early mathematical development.

    You may have seen last year when we did the £180m Early Years Recovery Fund, we put in place some programmes for continued professional development (CPD) around early years numeracy and I’m very interested in that model, but we think removing the level 2 requirement for ratios could help the staffing situation and ease some of the pressure, make sure that you’re getting the right skill sets the right points.

    Another thing that we’re looking at is the qualification requirements for ratios not applying outside of peak hours to give you flexibility on how you use staff across the working day and relieve pressure for hours outside of core learning, where level two or level three knowledge might not always be needed, to focus your time and education expertise during core hours. We’re also consulting on the rules around percentage of level 2 qualified staff per ratio. Leaders do often tell me that some of their best people often don’t have level two or level 3 qualifications. Of course, it’s important to raise standards across the board, but we also want to give you some flexibility so you can put your best people in roles where they can make the most difference.

    There are many other proposals in the consultation and every single one of them has come from conversations with you held at my level across the Department. But we want to hear more. The deadline for responses is the 26 June – just under 7 weeks from now. I would love if as many of you as possible, go online and tell us what you think.

    We’re also running a consultation engagement event with the NDNA in the next few weeks, so do keep an eye out for that. Again, we really want to hear from you. The approach we’re taking following this consultation as we move forward will reflect on what we hear from you because it’s your expertise that will make it a success.

    Some of these new measures will also help free staff up to pursue their own professional development. We have an Early Years Education Recovery Programme, some of you will be familiar with that, which offers a package of training qualifications, guidance and targeted support for everyone working in the sector. And that includes opportunities from NPQs in early years leadership and professional development programmes, to the Experts & Mentors Scheme and Online Child Development Training. We know we need more graduates – I’m very concerned and looking at ways that we can create different routes in for people. We’re also training up 5,000 Early Years Special Educational Needs Coordinators. I know we’ve had huge appetite for that and it’s one of the things that gets raised with me a lot when I go and speak to nurseries.

    I recently visited a specialist early years setting for children with SEND in Berkshire, and the parents told me there that  the support that they’re providing is a lifeline with them. I could also see how transformative it is for those children if they can get that specialist support at the right time in life. This funding will help us carry on supporting those parents with getting the right diagnoses. I know that it’s a massive challenge and it’s something which is a huge priority for me and for the Government at the moment.

    All those training opportunities are brilliant, but the only way we’re going to get more people trained up is to get more people in. You all know why you work with a sector. I know there’s been some challenges, but everywhere I go when I meet people, they tell me how rewarding and wonderful it is. That’s why we’re going to go full steam ahead next year with the national campaign to promote the sector, support the recruitment and retention of talented staff. I’d love to hear from all of you about the things that you’d like to see us talk about at the national level on that.

    And finally, I just want to acknowledge the hard work done by Purnima and her colleagues at the NDNA. They have been pushing for a government-backed recruitment campaign for some time. We are going to work very closely with you on how to design that. The NDNA’s ‘First Five Years Count’ campaign is an excellent platform for us to build off, but we want to learn all the lessons that you’ve seen to make sure that we can make this a success.

    So we’ll be working closely with you and others and we’re going to consider how else we can support you. This is the time to do it. We now have childcare and early years right at the top of the political debate. So as we roll forward with these plans over the next few years, there’ll be lots of opportunities for us to talk and work together. That’s why I’m going to spend as much time as possible travelling up and down the country, visiting as many of you as possible. That’s why I want my officials to get out and visit settings. If you don’t know where the DfE people are, could you all stick your hands up? Right. So if I’m not here, please go and tell these people everything that you think we need to know. That’s why I’m here today.

    All I want to say is please, please, continue to talk to us. We really care about this area.

    Thank you so much for having me.

  • Claire Coutinho – 2023 Statement on SEND and Alternative Provision

    Claire Coutinho – 2023 Statement on SEND and Alternative Provision

    The statement made by Claire Coutinho, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Education, in the House of Commons on 6 March 2023.

    With permission, I will make a statement on our progress to improve outcomes for children and young people with special educational needs and disabilities or in alternative provision in England. For those with special educational needs and disabilities, many schools and councils are doing a brilliant job. I have met many wonderful teachers who are unbelievably passionate about supporting children to be happier, more confident and better prepared for adulthood. However, too often our children and young people do not get the support they need and their parents have lost trust in the system. Our special educational needs and disabilities and alternative provision Green Paper set out proposals to deliver a more inclusive system, and I give credit to my predecessors, particularly my hon. Friend the Member for Colchester (Will Quince) and my right hon. Friend the Member for Chelmsford (Vicky Ford), for the work they have put into this area.

    I would like to put on record my thanks to the thousands of people who responded to the Green Paper consultation, and to the parents, children and young people who shared their experiences with us. Most people agreed that the experiences and outcomes of children and young people vary significantly around the country. We heard too many stories of families who were frustrated by the system, and who were battling to access specialist education, health or care services, including mental health services. I assure the House that we have taken those contributions and comments on board.

    On Thursday, we published the “Special Educational Needs and Disabilities and Alternative Provision Improvement Plan” jointly with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care. The plan sets out the next steps that we will take to deliver a more positive experience for children and families. Our mission is threefold. First, we want every child and young person to enjoy their childhood, and feel well prepared for their next step, whether that is into employment, higher education or adult services. Secondly, we know that the system has lost the confidence of parents and carers. We need to regain their trust by improving the support that is ordinarily available. Finally, we have increased the high-needs budget by over 50% in the past four years; we now need to make sure that the funding is being well spent.

    We will establish a single national system that delivers for every child and young person with special educational needs and disabilities from birth to age 25. To do that, we will develop new national special educational needs and disabilities and alternative provision standards, which will cover early years, school, and post-16 provision. The standards will set out what types of support should be available, and who, according to the best possible evidence, should be responsible for making sure that it is. That will include clarifying the types of support that should ordinarily be available in mainstream settings, so that families can have confidence and clarity about how their children’s needs will be met. We will develop new practice guides to support frontline professionals in implementing evidence-based best practice. We will start by building on best practice, including on early language support, autism and mental health and wellbeing.

    To deliver for children and their families locally, we will establish local SEND and AP partnerships. They will support local authorities in producing, together with families, local inclusion plans that are in line with the national standards. Those plans will set out how good-quality alternative provision will be made available. In our new approach to AP, instead of it being a permanent destination, it will be used as an intervention, in order to support those who may feel anxious, or struggle with their behaviour, in mainstream school. This system will mean that more children and young people have their needs met effectively in mainstream settings. That will reduce the reliance on education, health and care plans for accessing support.

    Early intervention is crucial. That is why we are training thousands more early years special educational needs co-ordinators and 400 more educational psychologists, who will be able to identify children who need support, and to provide expert advice. We will ensure that children and young people who require an education, health and care plan or specialist provision will get prompt access to the support that they need, within a less adversarial system. We will introduce new standardised EHCPs, and will support local authorities in increasing their use of digital technology, so that the process is easier and quicker for families. By providing a tailored list of settings that are able to meet the needs set out in an EHCP, we will ensure that families can express an informed preference for a placement, so that children and young people can get the right support in the right setting. We will continue to work closely with families and local authorities as we test this proposal.

    It is crucial to have the right school places in an area. We will invest £2.6 billion by 2025 in new special and alternative provision places, and in improving provision, including by opening 33 new special free schools; a further 49 are already in the pipeline. We will shortly launch competitions to run these schools.

    I am determined to ensure that all children and young people progress to the next stage of life with confidence and optimism, so we will publish guidance on ensuring effective transitions between all stages of education, and an effective transition into employment and adult services. To improve transitions into employment, we are investing in supported internships; we aim to double the capacity of the programme between 2022 and 2025. We will also continue to work with the Department for Work and Pensions on the introduction of the adjustments passport, so that employers know what support young people require.

    I know that the whole House will wish to join me in thanking everyone who works so hard to deliver for children and young people with SEND or in alternative provision. Honestly, some of the most inspirational visits that I go on involve meeting them. For our reforms to succeed, we need a strong, confident workforce with robust leadership, and access to specialists where needed. We will deliver a new leadership-level national professional qualification for special educational needs co-ordinators, so that this key part of the workforce receives high-quality, evidence-based training. We are also extending the alternative provision specialist taskforce pilot programme, which co-locates a diverse specialist workforce in alternative provision schools.

    Informed by a stronger evidence base, we will take a joint approach to workforce planning with the Department of Health and Social Care, and we will establish a steering group this year to drive this work forward. We will also partner with NHS England to trial new ways of working to better identify and support children with speech, language and communication needs in early years and primary schools. Meeting children’s social, emotional and mental health needs is also a crucial aspect of strong special educational needs provision. Our school and college mental health support teams will be expanded to around 400 operational teams later this year, covering around 35% of pupils in England, and it will reach around 500 operational teams by 2024.

    I began by saying that we had to regain parents’ trust, and I know that part of this means strengthening accountability across the board so that everyone is held to account for supporting children and young people. The new Ofsted and Care Quality Commission area SEND inspection framework now focuses on the experience of children and young people with SEND or in AP. Going forward, Ofsted, the Care Quality Commission and the Department for Education will provide oversight and ongoing monitoring of reforms, including delivery in line with the local inclusion plans. From this autumn, parents will be able to monitor the performance of their local systems through the establishment of local and national inclusion dashboards. Where there are disagreements about an individual’s special educational needs provision or support, we will make it clearer how concerns and complaints should be dealt with by local areas. We will also strengthen the quality of mediation and test different approaches for resolving disputes earlier.

    So that all children and young people can access the support they need to fulfil their potential, we must put the system on a stable and sustainable financial footing. We secured £2 billion a year in additional schools funding in the autumn statement from this April, of which £400 million has been earmarked for SEND and AP. We are working with local authorities to address deficits through our delivering better value and safety valve programmes. Parents told us that some reforms would need careful consideration, so I am pleased to announce that a £70 million change programme will fund up to nine regional expert partnerships to design and test our reform proposals in collaboration with parents. To get this under way, we are today launching the tender for the programme’s delivery partner.

    Oversight of reform will be provided through a new national special educational needs and disabilities and alternative provision implementation board, jointly chaired by myself and the Under-Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, my hon. Friend the Member for Lewes (Maria Caulfield), who is the Minister responsible for mental health and the women’s health strategy. Delivering for children and young people is of the utmost importance. My priority is to make sure that every single child and young person can access the support they need to make the most of their lives. I commend this statement to the House.