Tag: 2013

  • Francis Maude – 2013 Speech on Government Property

    Francis Maude
    Francis Maude

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Cabinet Office Minister, Francis Maude, at Admiralty House on 2nd December 2013.

    Introduction

    You can tell a lot about a government’s priorities by looking at its buildings.

    To think of totalitarian regimes of the past conjures up images of large monotone concrete office blocks. Faceless, uninspiring, conformist – they reflected the bureaucracy of the all-powerful state; political systems that claimed to serve the people, but left little time for individuals.

    In the UK, the earliest government buildings were an extension of the Royal Court. It’s no coincidence that the only surviving parts of the original Palace of Whitehall are the Banqueting House and the remains of King Henry VIII’s tennis courts.

    It’s said that Henry would rent his tennis courts out to the public when he wasn’t using them – so someone who knew how to maximise the value of government property – and in some ways perhaps a man after my own heart.

    Later buildings reflected more of an international outlook as Britain found its place in the world – the India Office down the road, and Admiralty House, where we are now, are cases in point.

    Today, the public rightly has little time for excessive grandeur. They expect government buildings to be efficient, effective and to serve the interests of those on the outside as much as those on the inside. So I’m going to talk about our property strategy and I’ll demonstrate the priorities at the heart of this government.

    Because through the management of our estate, you can see the kind of government that we are:

    – an efficient government – determined to spend the taxpayer’s money with the same care and consideration as we would our own

    – a government that’s committed to economic growth – making sure every penny we spend boosts Britain’s competitiveness

    – and a reforming government – seeking new and better ways of delivering public services

    Let me explain how.

    Efficiency

    The government is the UK’s largest landowner and the public sector estate is valued at £370 billion – with running costs of £25 billion a year.

    So when it came to saving money by making government more efficient, we naturally turned our sights to property management. Departments and their arms-length bodies have traditionally owned and managed their own property. So we found a system that was inconsistent, disjointed and inefficient – duplicated functions where there could have been shared services; fragmentation where there should have been coordination.

    Successive governments had taken out expensive new leases, even though freehold space was available and unused. And the taxpayer was picking up the tab for outmoded or vacant buildings.

    We established the Government Property Unit (GPU) to be a catalyst for change, with a mission to create an efficient, effective estate that represents value for money.

    GPU’s role is certainly about collaboration. But coordinating assets owned by 24 ministerial departments and hundreds of other government organisations is no easy task. So it’s also about providing direction. And that meant equipping them with the necessary tools to steer through change when collaboration alone is insufficient.

    Chief among these tools were the tough controls we introduced to stop unnecessary expenditure – and we’re unashamedly militant about enforcing these. Approval is needed for any spend over £100,000 – be it the renewal of lease or exercising a lease break option, a new acquisition or a new build development. These tools worked – enabling rapid downsizing as we withdraw from leasehold properties and concentrate staff in the buildings we actually own.

    Just look at the results: we’ve exited 1.81 million square metres of property since May 2010, disposing of 770 freehold assets and raising over £1 billion in capital receipts.

    But estate rationalisation is one part of a much wider efficiency programme.

    We’ve also been reducing the size of the civil service workforce – it’s fallen by 15% since 2010 – and this saved £2.2 billion on pay and pensions in the last year alone. A smaller workforce has naturally allowed us to make further property reductions. In fact, it becomes a virtuous cycle: 1 department moving creates opportunities for others to do the same.

    The building at 1 Horseguards Row – just by St James’s Park – is an impressive example of how departments can share office space. Originally home to HM Treasury and HM Revenue and Customs, it now also houses staff from 5 other ministerial departments and several smaller public bodies – all happily existing side-by-side.

    New shared property in Bloomsbury

    And today, I’m pleased to announce that the Cabinet Office and Government Property Unit will deliver a new shared property by spring 2014, which will produce savings of £60 million over 10 years.

    The 8,000 square metre building in Bloomsbury, vacant since the Insolvency Service moved out in 2010, will now be home to 7 different government agencies – ranging from the Arts Council England to the Immigration Service Commissioner. Although the different organisations have varied roles, all the facilities that can be shared, will be shared – from reception areas and conference suites to cycle stores and first aid.

    This kind of project – coordinated, innovative, cost effective – is one of the reasons why GPU’s London Estates Rationalisation Team was presented with the 2013 Award for Excellence in Property Management by the UK Association of Chief Estates Surveyors. In London alone, the GPU has helped reduce the amount of government floor space by around 22% in fewer than 4 years. Overall, space efficiency on the government estate is now less than 12 square metres per full-time employee – down from 13 square metres in 2011.

    But there is more to do – much more.

    With the support of GPU colleagues, departments are on track to deliver a workplace standard of below 10 square metres per full time equivalent by 2015.

    Admittedly some eyebrows were raised when we decided this space standard while sitting in my tennis court sized office. However, we know that similar efficiencies exist in the public sector at large. That’s why GPU has worked with local government authorities to establish 12 local authority pilot areas to seek out the same kinds of efficiencies as we’ve found in central government.

    UK growth

    But in addition to delivering efficiencies, our other consideration in managing our estate has been to help support businesses and stimulate growth. An iconic scene in the most recent James Bond film ‘Skyfall’ is a perfect example of this. After a tense penultimate scene 007 stands on the rooftop of DECC and pensively takes in the view of Whitehall with its fluttering flags encapsulating the patriotism upon which this string of films is established.

    It’s not often that government efficiency leaves you shaken and stirred but this was a great advertisement for the UK film industry and for the ability of the GPU to back British brands. This was a great way to bring in revenue from the government estate – and to support the UK film industry. That’s admittedly one of the more eye-catching examples.

    But, quite simply, we want to ensure that every penny of government spending boosts, rather than undermines, Britain’s economy.

    Another good example is Admiralty Arch. Once the home to the First Sea Lord, it’s a beautiful building – indeed a landmark. Inside, however, the story was rather different – a series of tired and tatty compartmentalised offices, joined by a rat run of doors and stairs. No longer suited to modern government, it cost £900,000 a year to run and was in urgent need of modernisation.

    We could have spent millions bringing it back up to scratch. But we came up with a better solution – a new life as a hotel.

    The building will be restored to its former glory; the public will enjoy greater access and the taxpayer gains £60 million through the sale of the leasehold.

    And, crucially, in its new guise we’re helping to create jobs in construction and tourism too.

    The whole London property market has been a major beneficiary of our approach.

    You only have to walk down Victoria Street to see the blaze of redevelopment that’s been made possible by rationalising the government estate – outmoded 1960s-era buildings are being knocked down or refurbished to make way for a range of new commercial and residential uses. The benefits reverberate throughout the supply chain, supporting architects, planning practices, construction firms, suppliers and hauliers alike.

    So it’s not surprising that when property consultants Knight Frank examined the impact of government exiting 16 buildings in London, they estimated that local economy received a £3.5 billion boost. Land and property owned by government is a hugely valuable commodity – and particularly important for local communities, keen to unlock the potential for redevelopment.

    The GPU is now conducting a Strategic Land Review to identify at least £5 billion of government land and property to be sold between 2015 and 2020.

    In particular, we want to help increase the supply of land available for affordable housing.

    To date we have released land with capacity for 58,000 homes – and our ambition is to release land to support 100,000 homes by 2015.

    But the role played by government doesn’t end at the point of disposal.

    We’ve made it a priority to reform how construction is done in the public sector. Yes, to build the schools, hospitals, and roads this country needs – at a good price for the taxpayer – but also to produce a stronger, more competitive construction industry.

    The government’s Facilities Management Strategy will be a significant contributor to future efficiency savings.

    Similarly, Government Soft Landings, which you will be discussing later this week, will better align the design and construction of government assets with the needs of those who operate and use them.

    And Building Information Modelling will be mandated for all central government projects in 2016.

    One of the first projects to benefit from this technique was Cookham Wood Prison, where £800,000 was saved by giving the governor, staff and contractors a walkthrough of the 3D model at the design stage so they could suggest changes to suit their needs.

    Reform

    So our policies are delivering savings and supporting growth right here, right now. But what of the future?

    Winston Churchill worked from this building when he was First Lord of the Admiralty – during the First World War and again at the start of the Second World War.

    Churchill once said “We shape our buildings; thereafter our buildings shape us.”

    He was right. And it’s something that has influenced our thinking.

    The Government Digital Service (GDS) is a case in point. We created GDS with a mission in mind: to build a digital government for the future – providing faster, simpler, better services for the public, at less cost to the taxpayer. From the outset we had a clear idea of the kind of culture that would bring about this transformation: it had to be creative, it had to be innovative and it had to be agile. I’d seen this kind of environment before when I visited IT companies in Silicon Valley.

    So we built GDS in their image – deliberately situating it halfway between Whitehall, the traditional heart of government, and Shoreditch, the so-called ‘Digital Roundabout’, home to London’s hi-tech digital and creative firms. And inside, every spare area of surface is covered with post-it notes and charts that staff use to share design ideas and track progress. We want this to be the norm for government workplaces – environments that empower staff to find new and creative ways of delivering public services.

    Speaking to civil servants, it’s clear they clamour for better workplaces. That’s why as part of our Civil Service Reform Plan we have launched a programme called ‘The Way We Work’. Property is part of this. But it’s a wider culture change.

    Last year, the UK government adopted alternative working patterns to ease the pressure on the London transport system during the 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games. We established 500 new alternative work spaces outside London, including an office hub in Croydon. These arrangements were specific to the Games, but we learnt important lessons.

    Effective working doesn’t require employees to be at the same desk at the same time every day. It means thinking about the tasks to be achieved and choosing the most appropriate location from which to accompany them, freeing people to work in the most productive way.

    Flexible working can bring significant savings by reducing the cost of overtime and extending service hours. But it needs to be managed better, remembering that the needs of the business should always be the first consideration. Decisions must be taken based on the outcome for the organisation rather than just the individual; accommodating employees is great – but it’s actually about unlocking their full potential.

    And that requires a culture change, whereby performance is measured not on the basis of how long people are at their desks, but by the quality of their work. So we will be setting out new guidelines on flexible working for civil servants, together with support and training, to ensure it works to the benefit of employees and organisations alike.

    And exploiting new technologies will help us carry out more work from alternative locations. So I’m determined to break down the barriers that make cooperation harder and frustrate hard-working, dedicated civil servants wanting to do their best. Top of the list is IT.

    All too often, IT at work is worse – and more expensive – than the IT we use at home, when it should be the other way around. It needs to keep employees connected; and it needs to be invisible – you should be able to get on with your work without noticing it. Take it from someone who has experienced more than his fair share of frustration in front of a computer screen – no single workplace reform will improve morale more than better IT.

    Another problem is overly-restrictive security arrangements. It’s why we are introducing a new single pass for government buildings. It will reduce time wasted having to escort visiting colleagues and it will help foster a sense of unity – civil servants shouldn’t feel like strangers in government buildings. These are the basic ingredients of better workplaces.

    But we know we are behind the curve. Many of our country’s most successful businesses have already ditched their out-dated ways of working. Over the past 3 years Vodafone UK have been implementing their own reforms and the Government Property Unit has been learning from their experience. I was able to see it myself when I visited their Newbury Campus earlier this year – and W4 delegates will be visiting later this week. The evidence is enormously impressive. Vodafone have seen:

    – a 30% reduction in their office portfolio

    – a 200% increase in occupancy

    – and a 20% productivity gain

    I’m pleased that 2 UK government departments – the Department for Transport and the Department for Business – are piloting new kinds of workspaces based on the Vodafone model. Transforming the way we work in government has the potential to unlock multiple benefits: efficiency, productivity, cost-effectiveness, better staff morale and better recruitment.

    And as work becomes something people do – instead of a place they go – new opportunities will be created to release savings from the public estate. Savings that can be better spent on front line services. And this can’t come soon enough.

    Conclusion

    In the UK government, we’re proud of what we’ve done so far – but we know we have much further to go. Indeed, the task of making ourselves more efficient is one that never ends. There are always new and better ways of doing things.

    So it’s a great pleasure to be hosting this conference. You are the leaders and rising stars of public sector property. I’m sure you have many examples and innovations of your own to share. We are listening – we want to learn – and we look forward to hearing your own national perspectives during the week.

    Thank you very much.

  • Francis Maude – 2013 Speech on Digital Britain, Digital India

    Francis Maude
    Francis Maude

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Cabinet Office Minister, Francis Maude, in New Delhi on 12th September 2013.

    Delighted to be in India, and here at the Observer Research Foundation. I have a high regard for Think Tanks, I set one up in the UK that has just celebrated its 10th birthday. And ORF is impressive and vibrant, particularly in its use of evidence in Policy Development.

    When David Cameron visited India earlier this year, he spoke passionately of his desire to forge a new special relationship between our countries, and for the UK to become your partner of choice.

    So I’m particularly pleased to be speaking here in New Delhi about the UK-India digital partnership, where we are both leading in this field.

    Cyber security can sound dark and menacing, but the internet has brought many benefits in terms of social and economic growth. The internet has brought us closer together.

    Software developers in Bangalore can sell their products to small businesses in Manchester at the click of a button.

    A family in Mumbai can keep in touch with their son or daughter studying at university in Edinburgh through Skype, Facebook and the wonders of social media.

    And a cricket fan in Delhi can stream coverage of India batting at Lord’s across the internet – providing the rain holds off.

    In vibrant democracies like ours, we can see that an open and stable internet has the power to drive economic and social development.

    Our approach has been to maximise the potential for growth, efficiency and creativity, while minimising the threats to people’s security and prosperity.

    But because the internet is defined by openness, strong partnerships are essential to this strategy – and we particularly value our relationship with India. You are a country of students, entrepreneurs and innovators, with a growing economy and a strong innovative technology sector. And before long, India will have the largest online populations in the world.

    So I’m here today to tell you that where there are opportunities, the UK is open for business.

    Where we have expertise, we want to share it.

    And where we need to improve our capability, we are ready to learn.

    Digital Growth

    We want to make the UK one of the easiest and most secure places in the world to do business. So I’m delighted that Indian inward investment in the UK is increasing. Together, we’re building on existing strengths in areas like aerospace, ICT and life sciences. Bangalore-based companies like Infosys and Wipro are major employers. Rolta, Mindtree Consulting, Microland, Sasken, ITC Infotech and Symphony Services are in the UK too – the list could go on and on. And I look forward to visiting many during this visit. And UK firms continue to invest in India-based outsourcing or Indian produced software.

    With our economies so tightly connected, we have a strong shared interest in supporting further cooperation in this field. Already the jointly funded UK-India research collaboration has invested £125 million in the last five years, leaving the UK well positioned to be India’s partner of choice in science and research.

    And because we know the power of the internet to take a single brilliant idea and propel it into a global phenomenon, our Technology Strategy Board is investing over £1 billion in high-technology sectors. Money which will help commercialise new and emerging technologies, from high value manufacturing and cell therapy, to satellite applications and networked transport systems.

    Places like Cambridge and London’s Tech City are already becoming incubators for innovative and creative start-up companies. They thrive because of the high level of government support, availability of quality infrastructure, excellent internet and broadband connectivity. With our background, the UK is well placed to work with government and organisations that are keen to build similar hubs here.

    Digital Government

    But the internet’s potential extends far beyond economic growth.

    It has the power to improve the relationship between citizens and the state, and to change government for the better.

    At first glance India and the UK’s demographics are very different: you have a young population; ours is an aging one. But the challenges are the same: increased pressure on infrastructure, rising demand on public services, massive financial constraint. Like you, we’ve had to look for new ways of doing things.

    We established an Efficiency and Reform Group to focus government departments on achieving significant savings without impacting frontline services – delivering more for less.

    Last financial year this approach contributed to £10bn in efficiency savings, through re-negotiating contracts, cutting projects, procurement reform. Whilst not damaging, and often improving public services.

    But to meet our aspiration to save £20bn a year by 2015, we needed to embed this mindset in the DNA of the public sector.

    So in parallel, our Civil Service Reform Plan is developing the in-house ability in digital skills, project management and commercial awareness that has too often been lacking in the past.

    To support these aims we have made it a priority to bring the workings of the UK government in to the 21st century.

    The development of the internet owes much to its private sector pioneers: the innovators and entrepreneurs who acted with speed and weren’t afraid to take risks.

    Government, on the other hand, has generally been something a latecomer. And even then, the approach was too rarely dynamic.

    For instance, the UK government has over 650 different transactional services, delivering over a billion transactions each year to businesses and citizens.

    And yet half of them didn’t offer a digital option at all. And those that did tended to be designed around the needs of the provider, rather than the user.

    So the UK Government Digital Strategy sets out a plan for making us digital by default in everything we do.

    Just like in Karnataka, where there are now 20 million computerised land ownership records. Or in Andhra Pradesh, where citizens can now complete tax returns and register for passport applications online.

    We have started with 25 of the 650 transactions as exemplars, but by 2018 we expect all government services handling over 100,000 transactions a year to be offered in this way: online.

    We also launched the award-winning GOV.UK, which swept away a plethora of government websites, replacing them with a new, single domain for all government information and services.

    It is simpler, clearer and faster for users – and saves 70% per year in the process.

    We are not just building digital components of government – we are building a digital government based on user needs.

    And, at the very root of our changes is a commitment to Open Standards – a commitment we share with India.

    Both our governments recognise that digital public services can stimulate a generation of world-beating software and service businesses.

    Open standards level the playing field for open source and propriety software in government IT, thereby increasing competition, lowering licencing costs and advancing innovation.

    In order to get the best deal for the taxpayer, we are also changing the way we buy and run the technology.

    In the past, the public sector would embark on large, complex IT projects: consistently delivered late and over budget.

    We were procuring programmes before they had been designed – or over such a long period of time that the technology was out of date before it was delivered.

    Worse, it would rely on a small pool of large IT suppliers – often locked into impenetrable contracts for years at a time – in a market where the cost of hosting halves every eighteen months.

    We priced out the tech SMEs and digital start-ups that were growing up around us, unwittingly excluding the very companies whose innovation could help us get better value for the taxpayer.

    We needed an open market, and one way of helping to achieve this was creating the Government CloudStore.

    Almost an “eBay for government”, it enables public sector organisations to purchase IT services off the shelf, on a pay-as-you-go basis rather than having to develop their own costly, bespoke systems.

    Our CloudFirst policy expects all future hosting to be through the Cloudstore – unless clear exemption criteria are met.

    To date there have been over £37 million in sales of IT services through the CloudStore – and 60% of this has been through small and medium sized enterprises.

    It’s just one example of how innovation inside the public sector, can be used to support growth in the private sector.

    Data is the raw material of the 21st Century, as coal and iron were during the Industrial revolution/ The government has the power to stimulate the IT sector simply through being more transparent.

    We’re publishing vast amounts of government information – more than 10,000 datasets to be precise – so they can be used by businesses and other organisations for social and commercial purposes.

    And we’ve found the benefits of transparency to be numerous.

    Empowering patients to access their medical records online drives up standards in public services.

    Publishing annual pay rates for the most senior civil servants helps strengthen institutions and drives accountability.

    Quite simply, transparency makes for better government. This is why we are committed to helping other countries enhance and share the benefits of transparency, through our chairmanship of the Open Government Partnership, a multi-national partnership between governments and civil society organisations.

    A global effort to make governments better, more effective and more accountable.

    Eighteen months on from its launch, the Open Government Partnership has grown to include 60 countries.

    India has also made huge strides in open government and – as the world’s largest democracy – there is much we could learn from your experience.

    I hope there will be an opportunity to do so during this visit.

    Cyber Security

    But for people to have confidence in government services, they need to be sure their data is safe. And for the internet to drive economic growth, consumers need to know their money is secure. The UK’s National Audit Office estimates that security breaches now cost the UK economy in the order of £18 to 27bn.

    That’s a price we – or any other country for that matter – cannot afford to continue to pay.

    India’s losses through cybercrime are currently lower, but be in no doubt that they will increase as your economy continues to grow and to embrace technology and innovation.

    In the UK, we are establishing a new National Computer Emergency Response Team – CERT-UK – to improve national co-ordination of cyber incidents and act as a focal point for international sharing of technical information on cyber security.

    We have been behind India on this, but look forward to working with CERT-India once our CERT is fully operational. After all, it’s a global problem that requires a global response. Take the London Olympic & Paralympic Games. It faced many threats to its digital infrastructure – but the games organisers, business and the security services worked in unison to defend our networks.

    Part of the reason for our success was that we learnt lessons from other global events: from the 2008 Beijing Olympics and from the Commonwealth Games, held here in New Delhi in 2010.

    And in turn, officials from the London Games are now advising their counterparts in Brazil to help ensure Rio is equally successful – and equally secure.

    This is the pattern for cooperation: lessons shared, expertise pooled, skills and capabilities developed in partnership.

    The UK was proud to be the first country to sign a joint communiqué on cyber with India when Foreign Secretary William Hague was here last year. This outlines a basis for cooperation built around a shared vision that places at its heart fundamental freedoms, privacy and the free flow of information in a secure and reliable manner.

    We’ve been working hard to make that a reality, but I believe we can become closer still.

    Research Councils UK and the Indian Government are working to enable collaborations in areas like cloud security and cryptography, between the best UK and Indian academic researchers.

    And today I’m pleased to announce the new Chevening TCS Cyber Policy Scholarship, which is being generously sponsored by Tata Consultancy Services.

    This will allow Indian mid-career professionals to take an intensive course at the elite Cranfield University – part of the Defence Academy of the UK – covering cyber security and all related areas of public policy. The UK is home to four universities in the world’s top ten, six in the top 20. A UK education is an investment in long-term employability, which helps explain why 40,000 Indian students are currently studying in the UK.

    Many of our universities already have excellent links with their counterparts in India. I believe that building links through education in this way is one of the most effective ways in which our two nations can come together for mutual benefit.

    Global Governance

    As cyberspace continues to emerge as a new front in international conflicts, we need to find ways to agree principles for moderating state behaviour.

    The 2011 London Conference on Cyberspace marked the beginning of a conversation – one we’re proud to have started, but is far from over. London was followed-up last year in Budapest, and the dialogue will continue in Seoul next month. But the centrality of international cooperation to the UK’s approach extends beyond security, to the whole question of how we shape the future of the internet.

    The global Internet Governance Forum, born out of the UN World Summit on the Information Society in 2005, recognised the pivotal role that the private sector played in the development of the internet.It has ensured that wherever decisions are made the interests of everyone – government, business, civil society – have been taken into account.

    A working group under the UN’s Commission on Science and Technology for Development is now examining the mandate agreed at the World Summit on enhanced cooperation to enable governments to carry out their roles and responsibilities in international public policy issues pertaining to the internet.

    We supported the proposal to set up the working group to map and review the extent to which such cooperation takes place. The important thing is to ensure that we do not dilute the characteristics that have made the internet successful so far. We don’t favour a leading role for governments in managing the internet, because – being a government – we know that they work slowly, whereas the internet is changing constantly and quickly. The internet was developed despite government, and not because of it. We don’t want to hold it back.

    We continue to support the multi-stakeholder model of internet governance endorsed by the World Summit. The approach must continue to be open, inclusive and interactive.

    Conclusion

    The UK-India partnership is firmly based on a shared belief that an open internet is the only way to support security and prosperity for all.

    Together, we are co-operating through business-to-business tie-ups:

    Through public service partnerships.

    Through academic collaboration.

    And through government-to-government partnership on cyber security.

    The internet is only going to get bigger – the threats and opportunities with it. Thankfully, ours is a partnership built to last.

  • Francis Maude – 2013 Speech on Public Service Reform

    Francis Maude
    Francis Maude

    Below is the text of a speech made by the Cabinet Office Minister, Francis Maude, in South Africa on 3rd April 2013.

    I’m pleased to have this opportunity to talk to you today, about what I believe will one day be the defining characteristic of future public policy in nations across the world –

    Transparency.

    This would have been a wild statement to make twenty or even ten years ago.

    Transparency was something politicians only used to embrace in Opposition. Or at most in their first twelve months of Government, when they were just exposing their predecessor’s failings. After that enthusiasm would fade.

    Traditionally Governments of every time and place haven’t liked releasing information that would let people know exactly what they were up to.

    However in the last twenty years something momentous has occurred – the World has opened up. Advances in technology have made data the privilege of the many rather than the few.

    And data is a resource – the new raw material of the 21st Century. Its value is in holding Governments to account; creating choices and efficiencies in public services; and inspiring innovation and enterprise that drives growth.

    My Government is committed to transparency – it is at the heart of our reforming agenda in the UK-

    – And as the current lead chair of the international Open Government Partnership we are promoting transparency as a means to fight corruption and drive prosperity all over the world.

    South Africa is of course one of the founding members of the OGP, like the UK, and is a dedicated and active member of the OGP’s Steering Committee; you play a central role in promoting transparency across the rest of Africa.

    South Africa recently ranked second for the transparency and accountability of its budget processes, in the latest Open Budget Index Survey – just ahead of the UK in third. I’m certain that our two countries have much to learn from each other – and much to share with the rest of the world.

    And I hope today I can provide you with some useful insights into how the UK Government is pushing transparency and Open Data as part of our reforming agenda. And I will also outline our vision for the OGP; what we’re hoping to achieve as chair in these coming months and why we’ll need your support.

    But firstly I’d like to give you a bit of context and explain why this agenda is so important to my country.

    The UK Government is a reforming Government – by choice and necessity.

    Like many nations we are facing huge economic challenges today.

    The UK experienced the biggest increase in debt of any major economy in the last decade.

    When we came into power the state was spending £4 for every £3 in revenue. The Government was having to borrow £1 in every £4 just to keep the lights on, the pensions paid, teachers in schools, doctors and nurses in hospitals.

    Our immediate priority was to tackle the deficit we’d inherited – and earn back Britain’s financial credibility. Three years on and we have made significant progress at putting the nation’s finances on a more stable footing – cutting the deficit by a third.

    As a result budgets are tight, and will continue to be tight, across our public sector and there is unprecedented pressure to make the right choices about how public money is spent.

    In response, we are implementing a radical programme of economic and public service reform – based on a tight-loose model of Government. This means on one hand you have tight central control over key areas of public spend like procurement, IT, property and marketing – to ensure you drive down costs and get the best value for money.

    Make no mistake – implementing tight spending controls across Government hasn’t been easy. But it’s delivering – real cashable efficiencies. In our first ten months in office we saved what was then an unprecedented £3.75 billion from central Government spend. And in the 2011-12 financial year we saved a further £5.5 billion. By 2015 we want to be saving in the order of £20billion a year.

    But this is only one half of our agenda – we want to build public services that are cheaper – yes. But also better, more innovative and more catered to the user’s needs.

    This means for other areas we are devolving power – the loose part of the model. We are breaking down the traditional central monopoly on providing public services and bringing in more flexibility and choice for users, and more local control over the way they are run.

    That means allowing charities, social enterprises, private companies and employee-owned co-operatives to compete to offer people high quality services.

    In Britain all of this is a huge change to the way things have been done in the past. And in order for us to deliver the scale of efficiency and reform we need – the whole organisation of Government needs to change too.

    Last summer I published a Civil Service Reform Plan that sets out how our Civil Service will become smaller, flatter, faster, more focused on outcome not process, more digital, more unified, more accountable for delivery, more capable, better managed with better performance management and, finally, more fun to work for.

    This won’t happen all at once but we are already implementing a number of actions to create a 21st Century Civil Service. For example at the moment despite over 80% of our population being online – people tend to interact with Government on paper, on the phone, or in person, at less convenience to them and more expense to us.

    Why? Because our online services are generally either not good enough or non-existent. But this is changing. We are implementing a digital by default agenda that will make it easier for people to do things like pay their car tax, book driving tests, complete tax returns, or apply for their state pension online. And this digital transformation will also generate billions of savings for the taxpayer.

    All of these reforms have a running theme: a willingness to embrace new ideas and radical ways of working that put the citizen first. Whether that’s rooting out inefficiencies to save taxpayer money; or encouraging public sector workers to spin out and create their own employee-owned services; or creating more convenient online services.

    And underpinning our reforming agenda – is an overriding commitment to transparency.

    This has three important benefits. Firstly, transparency drives efficient and accountable Government-

    When we first came into office there were huge gaps public spending data. Despite our best efforts, no one could accurately tell us where the money was going –

    – And it turned out we were losing billions of pounds to debt, fraud and error every year. We weren’t buying efficiently – consistently handing out gold-plated contracts to big suppliers and shutting out smaller but cost-effective firms. And far too much cash was being thrown away on ill-thought out IT projects, unnecessary consultants and frivolous advertising.

    The collection of good quality, accurate, comparable data is now a priority across Government – and we are consistently exposing this data to the light of day.

    We have started a regular publication of central department spending data over £25,000 and local government spending over £500. This ensures government, and the way it spends tax money, can be held to account on a day to day basis – not just at election time.

    We also publish Quarterly Data Summaries that give a snapshot of how each of our departments is spending its budget, the results it has achieved and how it is deploying its workforce.

    Collecting this Management Information – and using it – is extremely important. Resources for our public services will continue to be tight – and we need to clearly see where public money is going and what impact it has, so we can make the right decisions for the future.

    Secondly, by exposing what is inadequate – transparency can also drive improvement in public services-

    – For example a few years ago a heart surgeon Sir Bruce Keogh made history when he persuaded his colleagues to publish comparable data on their individual clinical outcomes – a global first.

    Seven years later dramatic improvements in survival rates were reported – with more than a third of patients living when they might have previously expected to have died in some procedures.

    This bold act of professional transparency simply transformed the results of heart surgery in the UK.

    Over the last three years my Government has committed to releasing more and more public data to give our citizens real choice over their public services for the first time-

    – Our web portal Data.gov.uk is the largest data resource in the world with over 40,000 data files.

    People can scrutinise their local crime statistics; they can compare GP practice performance in handling cancer cases; parents can judge how successful particular schools and colleges are at advancing pupils on to further learning.

    Thirdly, transparency drives economic and social growth; by opening up data, that would previously been left under-analysed and under-used, to a new generation of innovative data entrepreneurs.

    For example in the UK we are releasing prescribing data by GP practise, which is proving of great interest to the pharmaceutical industry and data and analytics companies working with health data.

    We are also helping to improve medical knowledge and practice with world-first linked-data services which will enable healthcare impacts to be tracked across the entire Health Service.

    And we are releasing real-time train and bus information to support the development of innovative applications to improve passenger journeys.

    And companies large and small are using this data to create innovative, products and applications.

    For example a small UK-based firm started using live data from local councils to help drivers identify free car parking spaces. The firm called Parkopedia have grown to become the world’s leading source of parking information covering more than 20 million spaces in 25 countries.

    So transparency is not just a grand sounding theory that is, in practise, academic. It really makes a difference in all kinds of ways – from saving lives, to improving public services, to simply making life more convenient.

    And across the world transparency is having a huge impact in all kind of ways.

    In Mongolia they now publish all their mining contracts that were previously siphoned into the offshore bank accounts of a mafia clique. The result has been increasing investment in education and health.

    To support citizen engagement, the Budget department of the Philippine government has committed to releasing a yearly “People’s Budget”, a summarized and layman version of the National Budget and the national budget process.

    In Tanzania the government has created a web-based water point mapping system for local government to help them provide better services to their citizens.

    And here in South Africa I know you are taking forward a number of commitments:

    – Such as enhancing the role of civil society organisations in the budgetary process;

    – Developing a Citizen Participation guideline that would ensure that every public sector department had a strong citizen engagement unit for proactively engaging with civil society groups;

    – And establishing Service Delivery Improvement Forums where citizens can provide report cards on public service delivery for areas like primary health care, water, sanitation, environmental management.

    South Africa is of course absolutely central to the transparency agenda across Africa. I understand one of your priorities as Chair of the Kimberley Process to stem the flow of conflict diamonds, is to improve the transparency of the processes regulating conflict diamonds. This is hugely important work.

    One of the UK’s ambitions during its time as chair of the Open Government Partnership is to showcase to the world how transparency and participation drive economic growth, well-being and prosperity.

    That means sharing stories of success like these – and also importing and exporting our transparency techniques, lessons learnt and best practise to every corner of the globe.

    We’re at the beginning of a global movement towards transparency, you can see many positive examples around the world – but of course there is no room for complacency.

    In the year since its launch the OGP has made big strides with 58 members signed up – and of those 46 have published ambitious action plans setting out transparency commitments; and many of the rest will be joining us in London later this month to present their new plans to the OGP Steering Committee.

    But after all the enthusiasm and rhetoric of the first year – we’ve got to turn words into action. Otherwise we risk just being a talking shop – where Governments pat themselves on the back for making grand-sounding commitments.

    The success or failure of the OGP does not of course hinge on pushing Governments into making big promises on transparency – it hinges on whether they will deliver on their promises.

    Genuine transparency will always demand external scrutiny.

    And the OGP’s value will lie in supporting domestic reformers within and outside of government to promote transparency – providing them with a lever to help ensure that their voices are amplified and heard at the highest levels.

    The loudest voices for transparency have long come from civil society organisations. The involvement of leading Civil Society groups in the OGP is what gives it authority.

    But this involvement must translate into something tangible.

    This is why the key priority for the UK during our time as Chair is to establish an Independent Reporting Mechanism that will give civil society groups the platform to provide real third party scrutiny to Governments.

    This work will be driven by an independent Expert Panel, led as you know by Graca Machel, the former Irish President and UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson and Sudanese-born entrepreneur Mo Ibrahim.

    We expect the first IRM reports on the 8 founding countries for the OGP – including the UK and South Africa– to be published at our plenary in October next year.

    This is a crucial step –

    – And it’s important the UK, South Africa and other leading nations really lead by example.

    I’m sure I don’t need to tell you that South Africa makes the OGP a stronger organisation by its membership particularly in the light of your important regional leadership role and as a member of BRICs. Your outreach efforts in particular will continue to be vital.

    And by working together and being ambitious – we can establish the OGP as a really credible international organisation that genuinely makes Governments better–

    – One that countries around the world will aspire to join-

    – And member countries feel compelled to deliver against their action plans.

    Of course no one can claim that transparency is easy for Governments – it isn’t. It’s tricky, difficult and often uncomfortable – but it also sticks, once you start you can’t go back.

    And with all the challenges we face today – economic challenges, security challenges, climate change – we will increasingly rely on transparency and data sharing to make us more informed, more agile, more efficient.

    But as I’ve set out today: the prize for pursuing transparency will be effective, personalised, 21st century democracy; stronger, more sustainable economies and better public services for our citizens. That’s why – the future is Open.

  • Francis Maude – 2013 Speech on Digital Government

    Francis Maude
    Francis Maude

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Cabinet Office Minister, Francis Maude, at the Queen Elizabeth II Conference Centre on 21st January 2013.

    In just two decades, we’ve seen our world completely transformed by the digital revolution – email, online shopping, Wikipedia, Google, YouTube, Twitter, are now essential to our working and social lives.

    Globally, over two billion people are online, with billions more set to join them in the next decade.

    In the UK the vast majority – 82% – of us are online.

    Unsurprisingly, the best entrepreneurs and businesses moved fast to grasp the opportunities of a digital age – these days, British Airways does everything online that isn’t about flying aeroplanes.

    In contrast, government took a lot longer to get it. When you think of the benefits of the Digital Age – the plummeting costs of technology; the massive consumer choice; the exciting new innovations – unfortunately, you wouldn’t associate them with government services. In Whitehall, IT suppliers and system integrators have increased their costs. Yet services have remained patchy at best.

    People who shop, bank and do their social networking online, interact with government on the phone, in person or on paper, at less convenience to them and at more cost to us. It’s a raw deal for everyone.

    This government has made it a priority to bring Whitehall into the 21st century. And as you will see and hear today – the digital transformation of government has begun.

    We are catching up with the private sector, with plans to build simple, fast, cost-effective online services that are designed around the user’s needs.

    We are also changing the way we procure and run our technology systems – using a wider group of smaller, more innovative and more cost-effective suppliers.

    And to ensure that these reforms succeed we are embedding digital expertise into our organisational DNA – building a Civil Service that is digital by default in our skills, style and how we communicate and deliver services.

    Digital government

    This kind of culture change doesn’t happen overnight. There is no doubt the Digital by Default agenda is a huge challenge – but it is also a huge opportunity.

    I don’t need to remind you that we are living in constrained financial times – we’ve cleared a quarter of the huge deficit we inherited in two years, but the job isn’t done yet, and budgets across the public sector will continue to be tight.

    At the same time consumer expectations for services are rising and we need to find new, innovative solutions so we can deliver more for less. The digital by default agenda will play a key role in this.

    At the moment, government provides more than 650 transactional services serving about 1 billion users per year – but there are only a handful where a large majority of people who could use the online option do so. Half don’t offer a digital option at all – and apart from a handful of services, if there is a digital option few people use it because it’s not sufficiently fast or convenient.

    This is clearly inefficient. For some government services, the average cost of a digital transaction is almost 20 times lower than the cost of a telephone transaction, about 30 times lower than the cost of a postal transaction, and about 50 times lower than a face-to-face transaction.

    And it’s also a bad deal for customers, who increasingly expect to be able to use services at a time and place that’s convenient for them – digital is not just another channel, it is the delivery choice for this generation.

    In the future, like the best businesses, we are committed to delivering services online wherever possible, to cut costs and put our customers in control.

    This does not mean we will neglect the people who do not have online access – every single government service will still be available to everyone through our assisted digital programme, which will ensure no one is left behind.

    But at the same time we are determined to build fast, clear, simple digital services that are so good that people who are online will choose to use them.

    Digital strategy

    In November I published a new Government Digital Strategy – an action plan for making us digital by default in everything we do, and departments have since published their own digital strategies setting out how they will transform their services.

    This process is being kicked off by the seven main transactional departments – DfT, HMRC, Defra, DWP, BIS, Home Office and MoJ – who handle around 90% of all central government transactions.

    Between them they will start work on transforming over 20 exemplar services by April this year, and the new digital services will be fully implemented by March 2015.  By the end of the next Spending Review period (2018), we expect all government services handling over 100,000 transactions a year to be digital by default.

    The first wave of services going digital include:

    – a new and, for the first time, entirely online tax self-assessment service to make it easier for people doing tax returns

    – to make it easier for people to volunteer we are planning a more straightforward online applications process for Disclosure and Barring Service (DBS) checks

    – candidates for the National Apprenticeship Service will be able to search more easily for vacancies and apply online, while employers will be able to advertise vacancies and identify suitable candidates

    – and entrepreneurs and businesses of all sizes will be able to register, track and manage patents and trade-marks and designs more swiftly and straightforwardly online with the Intellectual Property Office

    These plans and many more are showcased today – what links each one is that these services are being redesigned around what users need to get done, not around the ways government want them to do it.

    The government’s new single web domain, GOV.UK, which was launched last year, has led the way on this. GOV.UK is simpler, clearer and faster for users looking for government services and information. And it costs taxpayers at least £50 million less per year than the services it replaces.

    The Government Digital Service will also be publishing a Digital by Default service standard that will describe what the new digital services must achieve. This will be released in April and from 2014 any service which fails to meet the standard will not be launched.

    There is no expectation that this overhaul of the way we work and the services we deliver will be easy – but there are huge benefits. We estimate that by shifting the transactional services offered by central government departments from offline to digital channels we can make £1.2 billion of potential annual savings from now until 2015 and £1.7 billion a year beyond 2015.

    Open government

    On top of these savings, redesigning our services to be digital by default is also an opportunity to secure greater value for government, by changing how we commission and run our services.

    In the past, government’s IT projects were too big, lengthy, risky and complex – plagued by budget overruns, delays and failures. Contracts were consistently awarded to a limited number of very large suppliers on long-term, exclusive contracts.

    The result was huge amounts of money spent on government IT – as much as £20 billion a year based on some estimates – but a failure to deliver more digital, cost-effective, user-focused services.

    Meanwhile, the UK’s burgeoning digital technology sector and its wide range of highly skilled and innovative companies, including many SMEs, were being shut out of the government procurement market; thanks to the high barriers to entry and complex, expensive and time-consuming bidding processes.

    This is changing. We are moving away from legacy IT and our reliance on a few large system integrators. And introducing smaller contracts; shorter terms; a more diverse supplier community that is welcoming to SMEs; open standards; open source; and more use of commodity.

    For example, government’s CloudStore, which allows public sector organisations to purchase a range of the best IT services off the shelf on a “pay-as-you-go” basis, rather than having to develop their own systems.

    To date, there have been over £4m in sales of IT services through the CloudStore and, encouragingly, 60% of this spend, over £2m, has been with SMEs.

    The Digital Strategy further sets out that the Cabinet Office will build on existing procurement reform to develop new commissioning arrangements for digital projects, to encourage a wider range of bidders, including SMEs, and a more competitive marketplace.

    Civil service reform

    Clearly, momentum is building on this agenda – but we have a lot further to go, and success hinges on us really bringing about a culture change in every corner of Whitehall.

    Strong leadership will be essential. Every other industry which has transformed itself to survive and prosper in a digital age, from BA to Barclays, Amazon to M&S, has done so with innovative, entrepreneurial leadership driving those businesses.

    I’m pleased to say all departments are now committed to establishing a digital leader with board-level clout to oversee their respective digital transformations. These leaders will need to be bold, pioneering and ready to challenge the status quo.

    We are also recruiting skilled, experienced service managers – a new role in the civil service – who will be responsible for the new digital services, and they will be supported by specialist training from GDS.

    But we realise we can’t just rely on a few people with specialist digital skills. We need to embed digital skills and awareness and enthusiasm at every level of the Civil Service.

    This was a key priority set out in the Civil Service Reform Plan published last summer, and a number of actions are now being taken forward with some individual departments leading the way.

    For example, MOJ have established a Digital Services Division to provide services such as strategic advice and specialist design and delivery skills. While BIS is conducting a full audit of departmental digital capability to ensure it has the skills required across the department and its agencies.

    We are looking at incorporating digital skills into competencies and personal development plans for civil servants; building digital opportunities into future leaders’ and fast streamers’ development and developing a Civil Service-wide digital awareness programme.

    And we are also considering options for digital apprentice schemes to support entry level digital skills within government.

    These reforms, once implemented, will all help to build an exceptional 21st century civil service – capable of delivering the 21st century services that this country deserves.

    Conclusion

    For too long, the public sector lagged behind the private sector when it came to exploiting the opportunities of a Digital Age. Money was pumped into government IT – but this investment failed to deliver more efficient, user-friendly services.

    Instead, government IT developed a reputation for big, costly failures.

    The good news, as I’ve outlined today, is that this is changing. Thanks to the work of many individuals – including the government’s Digital Advisors from the business world, our UK Digital Champion Martha Lane Fox, and innovative Digital Leaders and civil servants within departments.

    We are not where we need to be yet, but we will be – we are opening up to new technologies, innovative ideas and diverse business models for delivering better services for less money.

    And, eventually, we are aiming to set a worldwide standard for digital delivery that other governments around the world will aspire to.

    That’s our challenge – it will be difficult but it will be worth it. And I want to urge everyone working in government to get on board – be radical, pioneering and ambitious – as we build a digital revolution within Whitehall.

  • Esther McVey – 2013 Speech on Measuring Child Poverty

    The below speech was made by the Minister for Disabled People, Esther McVey, at a Child Poverty Consultation Event in Liverpool on 14th January 2013.

    Thank you all for coming today to feed into the Government’s consultation on measuring child poverty.

    As MP for Wirral West, I know the passion and expertise with which your organisations work with children in poverty in the North West. I share that passion with you, and today is your chance to be the voice of our local children on a national stage.

    I’ll ensure that your views are heard in Westminster and taken into account. The Government knows that the knowledge needed to tackle child poverty doesn’t lie in Whitehall, it lies with people like you.

    This is why it’s great to be here at Our Place today. Youth centres like this play a big role in improving the lives and life chances of our children and young people. With 32 per cent of Knowsley’s children living in poverty, these services really are invaluable.

    As Minister for Disabled People, I’m particularly impressed by the services offered here to young people with disabilities, allowing them to integrate more fully into the youth community here.

    The child poverty consultation was launched on 15 November 2012 by Work and Pensions Secretary, Iain Duncan Smith, and Schools Minister, David Laws.

    It’s a real example of the coalition commitment to thinking seriously about child poverty. Two years on, the coalition remains strong, determined and driven to improve children’s lives.

    Here in Merseyside, 27 per cent of children live in families with below 60 per cent of median income.

    Of course, income matters.

    But in my work with children and young people, I’ve seen time and time again that poverty isn’t simply about income. As frontline workers and advocates for children in poverty, you know this even better than me.

    But last year, statistics showed that 300,000 children in the UK were moved out of poverty. This wasn’t because of improvements in their standard of living or life chances. Instead, it was due to a fall in national median income which pushed the poverty line down.

    Those children who moved over the poverty line had no more experiences, no improved opportunities, and no better lives than they did before.

    This shows that we need a better measure of child poverty, one that won’t change simply because of the state of the economy.

    This consultation is about addressing the real drivers of child poverty.

    The income-focussed measures in the Child Poverty Act can’t capture the experience of growing up in poverty, or the barriers to escaping this poverty. A better measure will widen our perspective to show what life is really like for children in poverty today.

    Through this we can try to make changes that really transform children’s lives. We need to look at what causes poverty, and so help people find a way out of that poverty.

    Worklessness is one of these causes.

    The coalition is united on the importance of work. Work is central to wellbeing. It’s one of the best ways to increase independence and self-esteem, and is central to someone’s identity.

    As Minister for Disabled People, I’ve seen how innovative schemes enabling vulnerable groups to re-enter the workforce can have a real effect on people’s lives.

    This is echoed throughout the Government. Getting people back to work and helping them live independent lives really is a coalition priority.

    A record number of people are in work and one million private-sector jobs have been created since the Election. The number of people out of work has also fallen by 82,000 in the last quarter. We know times are tough and there’s still more to be done, but we are making progress.

    Not everyone, of course, is well equipped to find work. That’s why areas like parental skill level are included in this consultation.

    Some parents, keen as they are to work, are constrained by a lack of qualifications or experience.

    Children need their parents to be role models if they are to get these qualifications and experiences themselves.

    And small businesses need these qualifications and experiences to function.

    If we can address low parental skill level then we can better tackle poverty for the whole family, both parents and children.

    Of course, families matter in other ways as well.

    The family stability dimension of this consultation shows just how big an impact family breakdown can have on some children’s lives It’s not just economic – where some children are drawn into parental conflict they’re more likely to suffer poor outcomes, doing less well at school and being more likely to run away from home. There’s the issue of role models too.

    Similarly, high levels of unmanageable debt can be a burden on the whole family. A family trapped in spiralling debt may not have the money left to meet their basic needs, but this is something that the current child poverty measure doesn’t take into consideration.

    Then there’s education. Children whose hopes and dreams are stifled by a failing school simply don’t have the same chances as children who are supported every step of the way by inspirational teachers and role models.

    These role models can come from school, but they’re also found all over.  Employers, the family, the local community – they’re all fundamental in our children’s lives. And that’s why places like OurPlace are just so important.

    Whether it’s worklessness, debt, ill health, family instability or educational failure, across the Coalition we’re taking action to address the barriers that hold children back.

    A better measure of child poverty will enable us to better address the causes and consequences of poverty and lead to real transformative change.

    Of course, money matters, and no measure of child poverty will overlook this. But other things matter too, and this is what the Coalition is hoping to illustrate in its new measure of child poverty.

    Thank you.

  • Patrick McLoughlin – 2013 Speech on Rail Privatisation

    Patrick McLoughlin
    Patrick McLoughlin

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Transport, Patrick McLoughlin, on rail privatisation. The speech was made on 12th November 2013 at the European Rail Congress.

    Thanks for that introduction.

    It’s a pleasure to join you today.

    This is an industry with an increasingly international – indeed global – outlook.

    So it’s great to welcome delegates and speakers from across Europe to London for this inaugural European Rail Congress.

    It is fitting that the subject of my speech this afternoon is “rail growth through competition.”

    Because the UK railway was privatised almost exactly 20 years ago.

    In fact the Railways Act came into effect on November 5 1993, breaking up the state-run British Rail, and transforming the face of our railway for ever.

    Nobody back then could have predicted the extraordinary changes that have taken place over the subsequent 2 decades.

    So today I want to reflect on the UK’s experience of privatisation.

    On the many benefits that it’s brought to us as a country.

    But I also want to talk about the challenges we’ve faced.

    And the lessons we’ve learnt along the way.

    Let me start by taking you back to the late 1980s.

    I was a junior transport minister in Margaret Thatcher’s last government.

    And I remember what our railway was like under a single, publicly-owned operator.

    Rail was an industry in decline.

    In fact it had been declining since the motorways were built in the 1950s and ‘60s.

    The infrastructure was in need of urgent attention.

    Reliability was poor.

    And like other monolithic state institutions, British Rail had a culture that hampered rather than encouraged innovation.

    It’s true that public subsidy under British Rail was comparatively low, but that reflected underinvestment in tracks and trains, rather than an efficient and sustainable business model.

    We knew things could be better.

    Because we’d already successfully sold off other utilities, like British Aerospace, British Gas, and Rolls-Royce.

    Introducing competition.

    Improving performance.

    Widening share-holding.

    And reducing the burden on the taxpayer.

    It was against this background that we privatised the railway.

    But expectations weren’t high.

    Rail travel had dwindled to such an extent that most people thought the private train operators would manage a decline in both passenger and freight traffic.

    How wrong they were.

    Privatisation sparked a railway renaissance.

    Since 1993, passenger journeys have doubled in the UK to a level not seen since the 1920s.

    On a network roughly the same size as 15 years ago, today our railway is running 4,000 more services a day.

    And rail freight has grown by 60%.

    Revenue is up more than £3 billion since privatisation, almost all of it due to higher passenger numbers rather than fare rises

    Safety levels are at an all time high.

    Punctuality is at near record levels.

    And passenger satisfaction is up by 10% over the past decade.

    None of this would have happened without privatisation.

    Without competition.

    Without franchises investing in better services.

    Without an industry structure promoting accountability and incentivising growth.

    Yet the job is far from over.

    We still face some considerable challenges – challenges that must be met if we’re to build on the achievements of the past 20 years.

    The first is: how to meet rising demand.

    Because we didn’t just inherit a record public deficit in 2010 – we also inherited an infrastructure deficit.

    Our main intercity network was built to serve a Victorian economy, not a 21st century one.

    Historic underinvestment left the railway ill-prepared to meet soaring demand – which was triggered not just by privatisation, but also by 15 years of subsequent economic growth.

    By 2010, the railway was in need of urgent investment, both in the short term, and in the longer term, to achieve a step change in capacity.

    We therefore embarked on an unprecedented rail modernisation programme.

    Between 2014 and 2019, infrastructure operator Network Rail will spend over £38 billion running and expanding our railway.

    Improvements include an extra 140,000 seats on peak services by the end of the decade.

    A major electrification programme.

    A multi-billion pound deal to replace intercity rolling stock.

    And a new high capacity railway for London and the south east called Crossrail.

    But even this ambitious package of improvements will not provide us with the space we need to grow.

    Major routes like the West Coast line will be overwhelmed by 2025 if we fail to act.

    So we are currently taking a Bill through Parliament to deliver HS2 – a new high speed rail network for the UK.

    With construction due to start in 2017, HS2 will connect London with Birmingham, Manchester and Leeds.

    It will boost capacity by almost 20,000 seats an hour.

    And it will slash journey times between 8 of our 10 biggest cities.

    HS2 will free up space on the existing network for more commuter services and freight.

    It will give customers more choice about how to travel.

    And it will make our railway more competitive.

    And that brings me onto the second major challenge.

    Getting down costs.

    By 2010, our railway was the most expensive in Europe.

    At a time when we faced the largest public deficit in UK history, and when we made a commitment to tackle waste and profligacy across government, reducing the cost of the railway became an urgent priority.

    We’ve made good progress.

    The rail subsidy for England and Wales fell from £4 billion in 2009 to 2010 to £3.2 billion in 2011 to 2012.

    We’ve tasked the industry to make savings of £3.5 billion a year.

    And we’ve put a lid on expensive fare rises.

    This is just the start.

    There is still a long way to go before we hit our cost saving targets, and before we can achieve our goal of ending above-inflation fare increases.

    Turning round the performance of such a huge industry is a big job.

    But it’s one we are determined to finish.

    The final big challenge is modernising the railway for the customer.

    Fares and ticketing, for example, is still complex and impenetrable.

    So we’ve recently completed a major review of the fares and ticketing system.

    By making it simpler and more user-friendly, more people will travel by rail, and they’ll also have a much better experience.

    So we’re trialling a flexible ticketing system which will meet the needs of individual travellers.

    Ultimately, we would like to see passengers use smartcards for use across the network, and on different types of transport.

    Operators are investing in better stations, better trains and better facilities.

    But to improve the railway for passengers, we’re also encouraging them to collaborate more closely with Network Rail.

    One operator, South West Trains, has joined with Network Rail to create a single management team responsible for both trains and track.

    This kind of joined-up working isn’t bad for competition.

    Neither is it an end to the market.

    It’s an example of how to make things work.

    And how to respond to the needs of passengers.

    There are enormous gains to be made from aligning objectives, so that different parts of the industry do what they do best for the benefit of passengers – whether it’s selling tickets, running signals or fixing track.

    So 20 years on, what have we learnt from privatisation?

    Well, we’ve learnt that it can transform the fortunes of the railway.

    Turning decline into growth.

    Boosting revenue, and passenger satisfaction.

    But we’ve also learnt that growth must be managed in a sustainable and responsible way.

    We failed as a country to plan for growth.

    To look beyond our immediate needs and build for the future.

    And to keep a close control of costs.

    Now we’re sorting out these problems, our railway is in a better position than it has been for decades.

    Franchising might still be criticised by those who want to turn backwards.

    Who haven’t learnt any lessons from the past.

    But now we’ve got a structure that’s working.

    Encouraging innovation through competition.

    Allowing the private sector to do what it does best.

    But also collaborating for the benefit of the customer.

    And building the capacity we need to grow.

    Rail privatisation has made Britain a better country.

    But if we heed the lessons I’ve talked about today, then we can look forward to an even brighter future.

    Thank you.

  • Hilary Benn – 2013 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Hilary Benn, the Shadow Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, to the 2013 Labour Party conference in Brighton.

    I want to begin by thanking David Sparks and all our Labour councillors, including the 291 newly elected last May, for the terrific job they do standing up for our communities and flying the flag for Labour values.

    We may not be in government nationally, but we are increasingly in government locally and in exceptionally tough times our councillors are leading the way.

    I would also like to thank my great team in the Commons and the Lords for holding this awful Government to account.

    Three years on, we now know exactly whose side they’re on. And what they think.

    Do you know what, Michael Gove actually said recently that the reason people have to go to food banks – I know it’s hard to believe it – is because they can’t “manage their finances.”

    No, Mr Gove, that’s not why they swallow their pride and ask for help. It’s because they haven’t got any money, and they haven’t got any food. And instead of you patronising them, we should be helping them.

    And what about Eric Pickles? He told us he was protecting people from council tax rises, but what did he actually do in April? He imposed a hefty increase in council tax on over two million of the very poorest households.

    Nearly half a million already in arrears. Thousands of summonses issued. People facing fines and even the threat of jail. Mr Pickles, you should be ashamed of your new Tory poll tax.

    And then there’s Iain Duncan Smith, the man who came up with the hated bedroom tax. Hated because it hits families, and widows, and disabled people. Hated because it’s unfair, immoral and doesn’t work. And who helped him do it?

    Forget all those troubled consciences you saw paraded around Glasgow last week. It was the Liberal Democrats who helped him to do it and they should be ashamed of themselves too.

    Well, I’ll tell you what we’ll do. The next Labour government led by Ed Miliband will stop taxing the bedrooms we have and start building the homes we need.

    Conference, our housing system is broken. Parents and grandparents worry. “Where are our children and grandchildren going to be able to afford to live?”

    Young couples unable to buy their first home. Families forced to pay spiralling rents and wondering if they’ll still be in the same home next year when their tenancy ends.

    This is the reality of the cost of living crisis for many people.

    And what’s the Government done? Cut the affordable housing budget cut by 60 per cent.

    And when the IMF said to the Chancellor that Britain should be investing £10 billion in infrastructure – that would build 400,000 affordable homes – what did the Government do? Nothing.

    No wonder housing completions are at their lowest peacetime level since the 1920’s.

    But there is hope. Labour councils. Labour councils building council houses.

    In Liverpool and Leeds, Stevenage and Southwark, Manchester, York, Exeter, Nottingham, Ipswich and in many other Labour areas our councillors are building social homes on a scale we haven’t seen for a generation. Tackling the cost of living crisis by building homes that families can afford.

    And, Conference, that’s why a Labour government will help councils to build more affordable homes by reforming the Housing Revenue Account.

    And for the 8.5 million people who now rent privately, we will tackle the unfair fees charged by lettings agents. We’ll introduce a national register of private landlords. And we’ll fight for longer tenancies and predictable rents so that families can put down roots.

    And for the millions of people who dream of owning their own home, Labour will get Britain building again. We’re just not building enough homes and yet, in the last few years, the profits of the big housebuilders have soared.

    Land is too expensive. Too often developers hang on to it hoping for the price to rise. And communities feel powerless.

    Today Ed Miliband will pledge to change that.

    So what will a Labour Government do?

    First, we must admit that we can’t carry on saying on the one hand “where are the homes for the next generation?” and on the other “please don’t build them near me”.

    Nor will we get more homes by top-down targets. Councils and communities must take that responsibility but they need more power to be able to do so.

    Communities should know where land is available. That’s why we will ensure developers register the land they own or have options on.

    And where land is not brought forward for homes, communities should be able to do something about it.

    And when communities have given planning permission they should be able to say to developers: we’ve given you the go ahead so please get on and build the homes you said you would. And if you don’t then we’ll charge you and, if you still don’t, we’ll sell the land on to someone else who will.

    Secondly, there are areas in the country where councils and communities see the need for more homes but there just isn’t the land to build them on. So the next Labour government will give those communities a new ‘Right to Grow’, allowing them – if they want – to expand and ensuring that neighbouring areas work with them to do so.

    Thirdly, conference, it’s time to build new communities – new towns and new garden cities. That’s what the great Attlee Government did as they started to rebuild Britain and we need that same spirit again. So we will invite local authorities to come forward, and in return, we will make sure that they get the powers and the incentives they need to acquire land, put in the infrastructure and build. Build those new communities.

    Getting Britain building, with communities taking the lead. People deciding where the new homes will go and what land they want to preserve.

    Passing down power is the answer to many of the great challenges we face as a nation.

    With an ageing population we need Andy Burnham’s revolution in whole person care with local government and the NHS working together.

    We need more school places. That’s why Stephen Twigg will get rid of Michael Gove’s absurd ban on local councils opening their own schools for their own children in their own area.

    Too many people can’t find jobs, including nearly one million young people. So, Liam Byrne wants councils to take a lead in helping people to find work, get skills and deliver Labour’s jobs guarantee.

    We need to get the country moving. So why do we tolerate the endless journey back and forth to Whitehall so that ministers can decide on local transport schemes when we all know – as Maria Eagle says – that local government could do it faster and better?

    Now, what about fairness. This Government has imposed the deepest cuts on our most deprived communities and they have the nerve to give David Cameron’s council an increase.

    It’s just not fair and a Labour Government will change it. Money should go to meet need.

    And why do we need to do all this? Because of what Ed calls the new politics.

    We have reached a defining moment for our country.

    A fork in the road.

    A moment of huge danger but also of great opportunity.

    The financial crisis rocked the foundations of our banking system and our economy. But it did far more than that.

    It undermined people’s sense of hope and their confidence in a better future.

    It damaged the faith in politics to make a difference.

    It has left a generation unsure that their children’s lives will be better than the life they have enjoyed.

    And that’s why these days there is so much despair.

    I get that, but despair didn’t inspire the previous generations who first brought gas, electricity and clean water to our homes. The schools that teach our children, the parks in which they play, the hospitals that treat us when we’re sick and the libraries that transform lives.

    And it won’t help us – our generation – to build the homes we need. To care for our Mums and Dads as they get older. To bring fast broadband to every city and village. To kick out the local sharks and bring in the credit unions. To generate our own energy to keep down the bills.

    Our task is to turn despair into hope.

    For with hope comes confidence. And with confidence comes trust.

    And if we, as Labour, are going to win people’s trust, then we must trust the people. We must be the movement that helps people to change their own lives.

    Money may be short, but in every community – every village, every town, every city – there is an inexhaustible supply of energy and of ideas.

    That’s how we helped to change the country for the better before.

    And that’s how we will make our country One Nation again.

  • Theresa May – 2013 Speech on Modern Slavery

    theresamay

    Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Home Secretary, to the Thomsons Reuters Conference on 4th December 2013.

    I would like to thank the Thomson Reuters Foundation and International New York Times for organising and hosting the Trust Women Conference.

    It is a great honour to be invited to speak to such a distinguished international gathering of women and men, all working together to forge ideas, strategies and commitments to empower women, and to defend their rights across the world.

    Can I first say I am proud of the effort being made by the Foreign Secretary to give prominence to women’s rights in foreign policy: from their inclusion in peace processes to his ground-breaking initiative to end warzone rape and sexual violence.

    With this initiative, he has shown how it is possible to use the UK’s influence to rally almost the entire world to tackle a problem that it has been unwilling to confront. This campaign has the potential to make a real difference to the lives of millions of men, women and children.

    That is what this conference is all about: ‘taking action’. This conference motto does strike a deep chord with me; never has action been more urgently needed to tackle modern slavery.

    We will have all read, and been appalled by, the news referenced earlier of three women had been kept imprisoned for 30 years in horrific conditions, in London in the 21st century.

    And, last week, seventeen, seventeen – people were rescued in Leeds, in the North of England. They were forced to live in poor housing conditions, with no access to local support services, and little, if any, income to exist on. And we all know that there are countless more examples of this hidden crime at this very second, in this very country.

    So, taking your motto to heart, I want to talk today about the UK government’s efforts to wipe out modern slavery; a specific form of abuse of women’s rights and denial of their liberty. This horrific crime is a key priority for me personally and is also a priority for ministers across government.

    Modern slavery is a brutal crime which knows no boundaries and does not discriminate on gender, age, creed, culture or race. Traffickers and slave masters exploit whatever means they have at their disposal to coerce, deceive and force individuals into a life of abuse, servitude and inhumane treatment.

    Hidden crime

    It is impossible to know the true scale of modern slavery in the UK, and indeed the rest of the world. It is a hidden crime and many victims suffer in silence. We do know that last year nearly 1,200 potential victims of human trafficking were referred to the UK’s central body for the collection of this information, the National Referral Mechanism – a number 25% higher than 2011 and set to increase.

    We also know that in two-thirds of cases, the victims were women, often abused physically and sexually in the course of their enslavement. This is simply unacceptable in modern day Britain. We will not and cannot let this continue.

    I am determined to do more. That is why I have committed to introducing a Modern Slavery Bill to strengthen our response and reduce the number of victims of this abhorrent crime. This flagship Bill will be the first of its kind in Europe, it sends a strong message, both domestically and internationally, that the UK is determined to put an end to modern slavery.

    The Bill will clarify legislation, increase sentences for slave drivers and enable the courts to restrict activity that puts others at risk. This will mean that more traffickers are identified, disrupted and brought to justice. It will also create an important new role – an Anti-Slavery Commissioner – who will galvanise our collective response to these terrible crimes.

    We will need to make sure that the Bill will have the impact we want, and I am keen to hear from the front-line workers who see the reality of trafficking everyday. They know what will really help victims and stop traffickers and that’s why I have asked Frank Field, a highly respected Parliamentarian, to lead a series of evidence sessions over the course of the autumn to hear from experts, on how we can make this Bill really work.

    National Crime Agency

    In addition to the Bill, earlier this autumn, I launched the National Crime Agency. Organised criminals are often behind modern slavery, and the National Crime Agency has created a strengthened central focus for the UK’s response to this disgusting crime.

    Utilising its enhanced intelligence capabilities, the National Crime Agency will be able to identify the routes and the methods used by human traffickers. Working across law enforcement agencies – in the UK and internationally – the National Crime Agency will relentlessly pursue these organised criminal gangs. The new agency will also improve our international response to human trafficking, which is critical to stopping this horrific trade in human beings.

    Working collaboratively

    If we are to fight individuals who wish to enslave others, we have to work collaboratively across law enforcement agencies, and with the international community.

    These measures focus on improving the law enforcement response to modern slavery, and, this is being done with the victims very much in mind. Indeed, at the Home Office, I have set up a Modern Slavery Unit, who will be dedicated to strengthening our efforts on this important issue.

    The new Unit will include police officers, as I believe that by pursuing organised crime gangs we will be: stopping them at their source, controlling the routes that traffickers use, and tackling the demand for these illegal services. The result of which will be: more arrests, more prosecutions, but most importantly, more people released from slavery and more prevented from ever entering it in the first place.

    Legislation is only one way of combating this. So, beyond the Bill I want to emphasise the importance of training, of awareness and of other non-legislative actions which will make a fundamental difference to how we tackle human trafficking and modern day slavery, and help those victims so desperately in need of our help.

    We will be expanding our prevention efforts in source countries to alert potential victims and to disrupt the monsters who exploit them. We will work with foreign governments to strengthen their knowledge and understanding of modern slavery and empower them to stop it.

    And, we will be lobbying for changes in countries’ laws and practices that allow this crime to flourish. There is much we can do internationally. I have asked Anthony Steen, CEO of the Human Trafficking Foundation, to report back to me following a series of international visits on how we can work multi-laterally to strengthen the global response to Modern Slavery.

    I hope that you can see that my government is seriously committed to developing a comprehensive approach and response to tackle this growing evil. However, this is not an easy task. Addressing human trafficking and modern slavery brings with it great complexities and challenges and I believe it is important to be honest about these.

    But at the heart of everything we do, we must remind ourselves of the vulnerable men, women and children who are being enslaved against their will.

    Being a victim of this heinous crime is unique. Perversely, victims do not always recognise that they are victims or that they have been trafficked. Victims are bought and sold as commodities, kept in servitude and they have little chance of escape. Because they are often forced into a life of crime, they fear not just their traffickers but the people who should be there to help them – the police and the authorities.

    When victims are identified, we have found that there are a number of issues that often need to be addressed. Most have been subject to horrendous psychological, physical or sexual abuse. They may have been betrayed by their family or friends who were involved in their enslavement. And in some cases, they may be worried that their family or friends will be in danger if they speak to the authorities. This can lead to victims missing out on vital support that is available to them.

    The needs and interests of the victim

    That is why at the heart of tackling this heinous crime, must be the needs and interest of the victim. What choices the victim can make and what we can do to support them.

    The National Referral Mechanism, or the NRM, which I mentioned earlier, is a key to this. It was set up to ensure that victims of human trafficking and modern slavery are identified and given the support they need. I want to make sure that the NRM is operating as effectively and as supportively as possible. That is why I will be reviewing the operation of the NRM, including its structure and decision making process.

    If an adult is identified as a potential victim of human trafficking or modern slavery, they are given access to tailored government-funded support and assistance which is coordinated by The Salvation Army. A victim is required to have a minimum of 30 days of this. However, we are funding an additional 15 days on top of that. But of course, we need to keep looking at the right length of time for this. At the end of this time, a final decision – known as a conclusive decision – is made on their victim status. Since this government came into power, more victims have received support than ever before, helping them to recover from their terrible ordeal. Where the victim is a child, local authorities have well-established child support arrangements and a statutory duty under the Children Act 2004 to safeguard and promote the welfare of all children in need of protection, including trafficked children.

    We have put in place a major programme of reform to transform the care system. We want to see: stable permanent placements; high quality education and health support; and better support to care leavers as they make the transition to adulthood. We will ensure that as we implement these programmes we take account of the particular needs of trafficked children.

    We will also be doing more to help victims return home to ensure they resettle in the best way possible, and in a way that mitigates the risk of re-trafficking.

    What more can we do together?

    This is what the UK government has committed to do. What more can we do together?

    We want the private sector to play its part. Companies must be confident that they do not conduct business with suppliers involved in trafficking. The Home Office will work with businesses and the Gangmasters Licensing Authority to prevent the exploitation of workers. But I would also like companies to take the initiative themselves. Household names such as Ford, Coco-Cola, Microsoft and Hilton are already doing so. And, I would like this list of businesses to grow and grow. I do not think any of us want to rely on legislation. We would all like to see immediate action. We would like a commitment from each and every business in this room to look into their supply chain and make sure that there are no instances of labour exploitation.

    The travel industry also has a role to play. With the help of Virgin Atlantic and Thomas Cook, we have developed a human trafficking training package for flight attendants, who will be more empowered to report unusual behaviour and I would strongly encourage others in the travel industry to follow the excellent example set by these two companies.

    We urge the voluntary sector to play their part too. It is absolutely vital that we are all joined-up, that means that third-sector organisations must look at how best to share intelligence with the police, for the sake of current victims, for the sake of future victims and for the sake of justice.

    This is why it is absolutely vital that there is an Anti-Slavery Commissioner to ensure that everyone is doing as much as they can to cut Modern Slavery. We need a more cohesive and joined-up approach, leading to better outcomes thanks to the efforts of the private sector, charity sector, but also to frontline staff in law enforcement, health and local government. This will ensure all who are involved in combating this evil are doing all they can to reduce the number of victims.

    Serious and Organised Crime Strategy

    A few weeks ago the Home Office published its Serious and Organised Crime Strategy, in which tackling human trafficking was a key component. However, given the importance of the issue and to demonstrate my commitment and the commitment of this government, I can announce today that I will be publishing a new strategic action plan in the spring that sets out what we are doing across government to address this issue.

    The steps we are taking will help this country reach the point where we never ignore this evil, never allow slave masters and those who look to exploit other women, men and children to think that the UK is a safe space for them to operate in and never allow the needs of victims to go ignored.

    We have the tenacity and focus to get us where we want to be. I urge all who are involved in combating modern slavery to continue doing the excellent work you are doing, but to also work more closely with Government, and law enforcement agencies. Because together we can do so much more.

    I know there are people here from all over the world and as I said earlier, no-one is immune from this disease. But we in the UK are working on a cure and I’d urge you all to go back to your countries and call upon your governments to do the same. I am in this for the long term. Each step that we take contributes to the eventual eradication of slavery from our country.

    Together, we’re going to shine a light on slavery and its evil. And the world is going to be a better place for it.

    Thank you.

  • Theresa May – 2013 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    theresamay

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Home Secretary, Theresa May, to the 2013 Conservative Party Conference in October 2013.

    Just over a week ago, we were given another terrible reminder of the threat we face from international terrorism.  The attack on a shopping centre in Nairobi might have happened thousands of miles away, but at least 61 people died, six of whom were British nationals.

    In May, terrorists attacked here, in Britain, when Drummer Lee Rigby was killed in Woolwich.  His suspected murderers said they wanted to “start a war in London”.  They failed – our memories of that day are not just of the terrible loss suffered by Lee Rigby’s family but of acts of bravery by members of the public and the resolve of the British people not to turn one against one another.

    The same motive – to provoke violence and conflict across Britain – appears to have been behind a series of terrorist attacks in the West Midlands earlier this year.  In April, Mohammed Saleem, an elderly British Muslim from Birmingham, was stabbed to death on his way home from prayers.  His death was followed by bomb plots against mosques in Walsall, Wolverhampton and Tipton.  But again, the terrorist failed – the response from British Muslims was a quiet resolve not to be provoked.

    We must not for one second underestimate the threat we face from terrorism and the challenges we must meet in confronting extremism.  But let the message go out from this hall today that whatever the race, religion and beliefs of a terrorist, whatever the race, religion and beliefs of their victims, this is Britain and we are all British – we stand united against terrorism and we will never succumb to violence.

    It’s because of the terrorist threat that this Government has taken a tough new approach.  A new strategy to confront all forms of extremism, not just violent extremism.  More foreign hate preachers excluded than ever before.  And foreign terror suspects – including Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada – removed from Britain for good.

    I was told a story by one of our immigration officials who was there when Qatada finally got on the plane.  As the official signed off the last of the paperwork, Qatada looked at him and asked, “is Crazy May flying with me?”  I admit I was crazy – crazy with the European Court of Human Rights – and I know I wasn’t the only one.  Here was a foreign terror suspect, wanted for the most serious crimes in his home country, and we were told time and again – thanks to human rights law – we couldn’t deport him.

    Despite the seriousness of the case against him, despite assurances from Jordan, and despite our own courts saying he should be deported, the European Court moved the goalposts and blocked his deportation on entirely unprecedented grounds.

    So we went back to the drawing board, and – after months of negotiations – we agreed the treaty that finally secured Qatada’s deportation.  I would like everyone here to show their appreciation to James Brokenshire – the Security Minister – for his role in getting that treaty.

    Deporting foreign criminals

    But it’s ridiculous that the British Government should have to go to such lengths to get rid of dangerous foreigners.  That’s why the next Conservative manifesto will promise to scrap the Human Rights Act. It’s why Chris Grayling is leading a review of our relationship with the European Court.  And it’s why the Conservative position is clear – if leaving the European Convention is what it takes to fix our human rights laws, that is what we should do.

    Those are issues for the general election, when Labour and the Lib Dems will have to explain why they value the rights of terrorists and criminals more than the rights of the rest of us.  In the meantime, we need to do all we can now to limit the damage.

    The Government will soon publish the Immigration Bill, which will make it easier to get rid of people with no right to be here.

    First, we’re going to cut the number of appeal rights.  At the moment, the system is like a never-ending game of snakes and ladders, with almost 70,000 appeals heard every year.  The winners are foreign criminals and immigration lawyers – while the losers are the victims of these crimes and the public.  So we’re going to cut the number of appeal rights from seventeen to four, and in doing so cut the total number of appeals by more than half.

    Last year, human rights were cited in almost 10,000 immigration appeal cases.  So the second thing we will do is extend the number of non-suspensive appeals.  This means that where there is no risk of serious and irreversible harm, we should deport foreign criminals first and hear their appeal later.

    And third, the Immigration Bill will sort out the abuse of Article Eight – the right to a family life – once and for all.  This is used by thousands of people to stay in Britain every year.  The trouble is, while the European Convention makes clear that a right to a family life is not absolute, judges often treat it as an unqualified right.

    That’s why I published new Immigration Rules stating that foreign criminals and illegal immigrants should ordinarily be deported despite their claim to a family life.  Those Rules were debated in the House of Commons, and they were approved unanimously.  But some judges chose to ignore Parliament and go on putting the law on the side of foreign criminals instead of the public.  So I am sending a very clear message to those judges – Parliament wants the law on the people’s side, the public wants the law on the people’s side, and Conservatives in government will put the law on the people’s side once and for all.

    Cutting immigration

    It is a simple question of fairness.  Because it’s not the rich who lose out when immigration is out of control, it’s people who work hard for a modest wage.

    They’re the people who live in communities that struggle to deal with sudden social changes, who rely on public services that can’t cope with demand, who lose out on jobs and have their wages forced down when immigration is too high.

    That’s why we’re cutting immigration across the board.  Work visas are down by seven per cent.  Family visas are down by a third.  And student visas – which were abused on an industrial scale under Labour – are also down by a third.  Many of these people weren’t students at all – such was the scale of abuse under Labour, we’ve cut the number of student visas issued each year by more than 115,000.

    Immigration is down by almost a fifth since 2010 and net migration is down by a third.  And that means hardworking people are getting a fairer crack of the whip.  Under Labour, in the five years to December 2008, more than ninety per cent of the increase in employment was accounted for by foreign nationals.  But under this Government, two thirds of the increase in employment is accounted for by British people.

    That’s an achievement to be proud of.  But I want to tell you about an even bigger achievement.  Yes, our drive to cut immigration has been so successful, even the Liberal Democrats are boasting about it in their campaign handbook.  I don’t remember their enthusiasm for cutting immigration when we worked on the policies – so I’m going to take this with me next time they try to block our reforms.

    The latest policy they’re fighting is immigration bonds.  It’s a simple idea – the government should be able to take a £3,000 deposit from temporary migrants and return it when they leave.  If they overstay their visa, they’ll lose their money.

    Bonds were in our manifesto at the last election.  But the Lib Dems suddenly announced that it was their idea.  Then they said they were against them.  Then they said they were for them – but only to help more immigrants to come here.  Now they say they’re against them after all.  They were for them, then they were against them… then they were for them, and now they’re against them.

    Confused?  Don’t be – the simple conclusion is you can only trust the Conservatives on immigration.

    And let me be clear – if the price of Lib Dem support for bonds is more immigration, I will scrap the scheme altogether.

    Let’s not forget about Labour.  In just thirteen years, up to four million people settled in Britain.  But they still won’t admit they let immigration get out of control.  In fact, in June, Chuka Umunna let slip they’re considering a target to increase immigration.  I suppose at least this time they’re being honest about it.  But I’ve got news for you, Ed: the British people don’t want it, they’ll never vote for it, and that means they’re never going to vote for you.

    So let’s pay tribute to the Conservative Immigration Ministers – first Damian Green and now Mark Harper – for getting immigration down.  And let’s get out there and shout about it.  The British people want less immigration – and that’s exactly what this Government is delivering.

    Reforming the police and cutting crime

    The people want controlled immigration and a tough approach to law and order too.  Most victims of crime don’t live in the plush suburbs, where you find advocates of liberal drug laws, touchy feely policing and soft prison sentences.  People who live in poorer communities are more likely to be the victims of crime, and they, like us, want the police to be no-nonsense crime fighters.  That’s why we’ve undertaken the most comprehensive police reforms in generations.

    There’s another reason, too.  Because of Labour’s deficit, we’ve had to cut police spending by twenty per cent in four years.  When we announced that decision, Labour were adamant: crime would go up.  But under this Government, crime is down by more than ten per cent.

    Let’s pay tribute to the Conservative Police Ministers – first Nick Herbert, and now Damian Green – for delivering those police reforms.  And, let’s get out there and shout about our record.  We’ve had to cut spending, but police reform is working and crime is falling.

    This Government backs the police.  That’s why many of our reforms give officers the freedom to use their professional judgement.  We also recognise that being a police officer brings with it risks that we don’t face.  Ten days ago, PC Andrew Duncan was knocked down by a speeding car he was trying to pull over.  He died two days later.  Yesterday, at the National Police Memorial Day, I paid tribute to PC Duncan and all the other officers who have lost their lives in the line of duty.

    And let us today say thank you to all those police officers who day in, day out put themselves at risk to keep us safe.

    We ask the police to confront dangerous people on our behalf.  We ask them to take risks with their safety so we don’t have to. And sometimes police officers are targeted by criminals because they represent the rule of law.

    That’s why this Government will change the law so the starting point for anybody convicted of murdering a police officer is a whole life tariff.  My position is clear: life should mean life.

    So we support our police.  But that support must not be unconditional.  Where officers abuse their power, or break the law themselves, we must be ruthless in purging wrongdoing from the ranks.  Recently, we’ve had allegations of misconduct by undercover officers, of attempts to infiltrate the family of Stephen Lawrence, and of attempts by police officers to smear the victims of the Hillsborough disaster.

    The vast majority of police officers are driven by the best possible motives and they do fantastic work.  But I’m not prepared to allow a minority to erode public trust in the police.  So we’re creating a national register of officers who’ve been struck off, we’re making sure officers can’t avoid disciplinary hearings by retiring early, and we’re beefing up the Complaints Commission so that, for serious cases, the police will no longer investigate themselves.

    There’s one way in particular that I want to make sure the police are using their powers fairly.  Stop and search is crucial in the daily fight against crime.  As long as I’m Home Secretary, the police will keep that power.

    But we cannot ignore public concern about whether it’s used fairly.  There are more than a million stop-and-searches recorded every year, but only about nine per cent result in an arrest.  If you’re black or from an ethnic minority, you’re up to seven times more likely to be stopped and searched than if you’re white.  And according to the Inspectorate of Constabulary, more than a quarter of stop and searches might be carried out illegally.

    I’m concerned about this for two reasons.  When stop and search is misused, it wastes police time.  And when it’s used unfairly, it does enormous damage to public trust in the police.

    We’ve just completed a public consultation into stop and search, and I will announce changes in policy by the end of this year.  But today, I want the message to go out from this hall that nobody should ever be stopped just on the basis of the colour of their skin.

    Fairness means we should be equal before the law and equal before the police.  It also means – from minor offences to the most serious – that nobody should live in fear of crime.

    But too many people live in just that way.  Too many people live in estates controlled not by the law-abiding majority or the police, but by the yobs responsible for persistent anti-social behaviour and crime.

    Labour talk as though ASBOs ended anti-social behaviour overnight.  They need to get out of Westminster and talk to the people who live on those estates dominated by gangs.  They say that ASBOs were a depressing failure.  The majority are breached and – surprise, surprise – when the perpetrator realises there is no consequence, they’re breached again and again.

    So in legislation about to be taken on by the excellent Lord Taylor of Holbeach, we’re scrapping CRASBOs, ASBOs, ASBIs, ISOs, DPPOs, DBOs, DCOs and the rest of Labour’s gimmicks.  We’re replacing them with powers that have real teeth and putting the people in charge.  We’re giving the public the power to demand a response when the authorities fail to act, and we’re giving them a say in how the perpetrators are punished.

    It’s not just anti-social behaviour that causes decent people to live in fear.  For too long, organised crime has been hidden in plain sight.  It costs our economy more than £20 billion every year.  And it’s behind crimes taking place in towns and cities every day like drug dealing, the supply of guns and illegal immigration.

    Here in Manchester, a little more than a year ago, we saw the grim reality of organised crime when Dale Cregan murdered Police Constables Fiona Bone and Nicola Hughes in an unprovoked attack in broad daylight.  Cregan killed those brave officers – and two other people – but he didn’t act alone.  He was part of a criminal network linked to one of Manchester’s most notorious families.

    Since those murders, Greater Manchester Police have done impressive work in dismantling elements of the city’s organised criminal gangs, and they brought Cregan to justice.  But organised crime doesn’t respect local, regional or national boundaries.  That’s why, from next month, the Government is creating the National Crime Agency.

    For the first time, Britain will have a single national agency capable of compiling and harnessing intelligence, fighting crime with its own warranted officers, and leading officers from other law enforcement agencies.  The NCA will mean – at long last – that if you’re a fraudster, a drug baron, a human trafficker or a paedophile, there will be no hiding place.  The National Crime Agency will be coming after you.

    Ending modern slavery

    I want the NCA to take the fight to criminals of every sort.  We’ll be hearing soon from Nicola Blackwood, about her campaign against the sexual exploitation of children, and from Damian Green, who has been leading the Government’s work in this area.  But I want to talk now about the exploitation of men, women and children by organised criminal gangs.  This appalling crime is known as human trafficking, but we should call it what it is – modern slavery.

    That might sound like an exaggeration.  But there is increasing evidence – as we’ve seen in Newport recently – that thousands of people in Britain are exploited through forced labour, being pushed into crime and being made to work in the sex industry.  They are bought and sold as commodities, they are kept in servitude and they have little chance of escape.  Because they are often forced into a life of crime, they fear not just their traffickers but the people who should be there to help them – the police and the authorities.

    So modern slavery is taking place in Britain.  And its victims are not always foreign nationals brought here by gangs.  This year, in Luton, British criminals were sentenced for kidnapping homeless people and forcing them to work in dreadful conditions for no pay.  They were beaten if they even talked about escape.  They were British people, working for British gangmasters, in Britain – and they were being kept as slaves.

    We cannot ignore this evil in our midst.  And that is why the Government will soon publish a Modern Slavery Bill.  That Bill will bring into a single Act the confusing array of human trafficking offences.  It will give the authorities the powers they need to investigate, prosecute and lock up the slave drivers.  And it will make sure that there are proper punishments for the perpetrators of these appalling crimes.

    The Bill will send the clearest possible message.  If you’re involved in this disgusting trade in human beings, you will be arrested, you will be prosecuted – and you will be thrown behind bars.

    You can only trust the Conservatives to be fair.

    So, under David Cameron, this Government is doing serious work and achieving great things.  In the Home Office, we’re playing our part in dealing with the deficit by reducing spending.  But we’re proving – through reform – it is possible to deliver more with less.  Crime is down.  Immigration is down.  Abu Qatada is gone – and we are changing the law to get rid of other foreign terrorists and criminals.  We are proving that you can only trust the Conservatives to be fair for the hard-working, law-abiding majority.

    Labour failed to deport Abu Qatada.  They deliberately let immigration get out of control.  They passed the Human Rights Act and put the law on the side of criminals.  They took black and ethnic minority voters for granted and did nothing about stop and search.  They spent billions on policing but failed to make sure we got value for money.  They never got to grips with anti-social behaviour and turned a blind eye to organised crime.

    Only the Conservatives can be trusted to control immigration.

    Only the Conservatives can be trusted to get tough on crime.

    And only the Conservatives can be trusted to be fair for the hard-working, law-abiding majority.

    So let’s be proud of our Prime Minister and our achievements in government.  Let’s keep striving to win that majority so we can carry on the job.  Let’s offer the country an optimistic vision for what we can achieve in the years ahead.  Let’s remember that we share the values of the British people.  And let’s show every hardworking person which party is on their side – our party, the Conservative Party.

  • Theresa May – 2013 Speech to the National Conservative Convention

    theresamay

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Home Secretary, Theresa May, to the 2013 National Conservative Convention on 19th March 2013.

    It’s just 47 days until the local elections.

    Many of you in this room will be on the ballot paper on 2 May…

    …Others will be knocking on doors and delivering leaflets for those who are.

    After 2009, when these councils were last up for election, the map of county councils was a sea of blue.

    We won Lancashire and Derbyshire for the first time in 28 years.

    Staffordshire for the first time in 32.

    And Somerset and Devon from the Lib Dems.

    In 47 days’ time, we’ll be defending those councils and the great work they’ve done.

    This time, we’re in government, and taking the tough choices needed to turn our economy around.

    But we’re on the right course.

    The deficit is down by a quarter.

    Benefits have been capped.

    And businesses have created over a million new jobs.

    So there’s a clear choice on 2 May…

    …the Labour Party, led by Ed Miliband, who got us into this mess – and whose answer to the debt crisis is more spending, more borrowing and more debt…

    …or the Conservatives, led by David Cameron, who are dealing with the deficit so we pay our way in the world, and supporting aspiration – so people who work hard can get on in life.

    We are delivering on crime

    Those tough choices aren’t stopping us from delivering on the things that matter.

    At the Home Office, we are cutting spending by 23 per cent.

    That’s involved some hard decisions.

    But we’ve also cut the thing that really matters – crime.

    Since the election, recorded crime is down by more than 10 per cent.

    Under the Crime Survey for England and Wales, it’s at its lowest ever level.

    And I want it to keep falling.

    When I became Home Secretary, I told the police I was scrapping all the national targets Labour used to give them, and setting the police just one objective – to cut crime.

    They’re doing precisely that.

    And rather than watching over their shoulder from Whitehall, we’ve introduced Police and Crime Commissioners – a single, local figure who you can hold to account.

    For the first time ever, people in England and Wales have a local law and order champion – one person who sets the budgets and the priorities, and brings people together to get things done.

    To help people measure how well they’re doing, we’ve brought in street-level crime maps.

    The Police.uk website went live two years ago. Since then, it has received over 548 million hits.

    At the click of a mouse, it has given you the information you need to hold your local force to account and ensure that crime continues to be driven down.

    Recently, we’ve added a new ‘draw your own area’ function allowing you to create your own crime map.

    So rather than trawl through meaningless statistics, you can now check the safety of your village, estate, or route to work…

    …Or even your county council division.

    One of the crimes we’re tackling is the growing problem of metal theft.

    It’s a crime which blights communities across the country, delaying commuters on their way to work, and desecrating cherished buildings like churches, village halls and war memorials.

    We’re acting to stamp it out.

    We’ve stopped the ‘no questions asked’ cash payments which allowed unscrupulous traders to evade checks.

    We’ve increased the financial penalties for illegal traders – who now face fines of up to £5,000.

    And we’re creating a tougher, locally administered licence regime.

    But there’s more.

    Two weeks ago, the Scrap Metal Dealers Act became law.

    It was introduced by a Conservative MP – Richard Ottaway – and backed by the Government.

    For the first time, it will allow local councils to suspend or revoke metal trader licences where they suspect illegal activity.

    Thanks to this Conservative law, the metal thieves who blight our communities won’t be able to profit from their ill-gotten loot.

    So thank you, Richard.

    Just as PCCs are working hard to fight crime at a local level, so we’re making sure that our police can rise to the national – and international – challenges we face.

    We’ve set up the College of Policing.

    It will help to forge a police force fit for the 21st century…

    …building on the professionalism of our police officers and ensuring that our police remain the envy of the world.

    We are also creating the National Crime Agency.

    I’m afraid that Labour neglected the problem of organised crime.

    For too long, large numbers of organised criminals have been able to get away with it.

    That’s something the National Crime Agency is going to change.

    More than 30,000 people and 5,000 gangs are involved in organised crime in the UK. They cost our economy up to £40 billion every year.

    Ours is the first Government to have an organised crime strategy. It will enable us to bring to bear the full power of the state against organised criminals.

    We’re already recovering more criminal assets than ever before. And later this year, the National Crime Agency will take on the organised criminal gangs directly.

    So: whether it’s the petty criminals who make life a misery in your neighbourhood…

    …or the gangs arranging crime on a global scale, we are on their case – and we are delivering.

    We are delivering on immigration

    We are also delivering on one of the issues that matters most to voters: immigration.

    It’s an issue I hear about on the doorstep too.

    Between 1997 and 2010, net migration to Britain – the difference between people coming and people leaving – totalled more than 2.2 million.

    That’s more than twice the population of Birmingham.

    When we came to power, we made a clear promise to the British public…

    …After thirteen years of uncontrolled mass immigration, this government would reduce and control immigration.

    Since then, we’ve taken action across the board.

    We’ve capped economic migration, reformed family visas, and cut out the widespread abuse of the student route into the country.

    And the results show that our policies are working.

    The most recent set of official statistics were published just over a fortnight ago.

    They showed that annual net migration is down to 163,000.

    That’s down by almost a third since the election

    I see that Yvette Cooper has tried to rubbish that achievement.

    She claimed that the recent falls are due to British people leaving the country.

    But the facts don’t fit.

    The Office for National Statistics made clear that net migration is down because the number of people coming to Britain is ‘significantly lower’ than the year before.

    So Yvette needs to check her facts.

    But I’m not surprised she doesn’t want to believe them – because Labour still won’t back our policy of reducing the level of net immigration from the hundreds of thousands to the tens of thousands.

    And they’ve opposed all the measures we’ve taken to do it.

    So there’s a clear choice. The Labour Party, who let immigration get out of control, and who still haven’t learned…

    …or the Conservatives, who want to get net migration down to the tens of thousands, and who’ve already cut it by a third.

    There was more good news in the recent immigration statistics.

    The number of people in work is up by well over half a million compared to last year…

    …And in sharp contrast with what happened under the last government, 88 per cent of that increase was ccounted for by British-born workers.

    We want to make sure that our immigration system works in the national interest.

    We have always been clear that we want Britain to attract the brightest and best talent from around the world…

    …the top academics, the brightest students, the best businessmen, investors, skilled workers and entrepreneurs

    who will contribute to our society, our economy and our way of life.

    But that is not what the system we inherited from Labour did.

    They claimed they had introduced a points-based system that would only let in highly-skilled workers.

    We looked into some of those people.

    A short investigation revealed that thirty per cent of people here on a visa supposedly reserved for the ‘highly killed’ were working as shop assistants, security guards, supermarket cashiers and care assistants.

    One was working as the duty manager at a fried chicken restaurant.

    Those are all valid jobs – but they’re not highly-skilled, and we have people here already who could do them.

    That’s why we replaced Labour’s system with a simple requirement…

    …for a work visa now, you need a proper job offer with a minimum salary.

    Our reforms to economic migration have a clear message: If you have skills we need, and a company is willing to give you a job, come to Britain.

    If you have an investment to make, do it in Britain.

    And if you have a great business idea, bring it to Britain.

    But Britain doesn’t need any more unskilled immigration. And our reforms to the immigration system have already reduced it very significantly.

    We’ve taken the same approach to student visas. Again, the system we inherited from Labour was a mess.

    Students were coming to Britain not to study but to work. Many colleges were selling not an education but immigration.

    And students, supposedly temporary visitors, were staying here permanently.

    When we came to government, we found ‘students’ turning up at Heathrow unable to answer basic questions in

    English or even give simple details about their course.

    These students weren’t the best and the brightest, they weren’t coming to Britain to study, and they weren’t making a meaningful contribution to our economy.

    So we clamped down on that abuse.

    We required any institution that wanted to bring foreign students to Britain to pass inspection checks to prove they were selling education, not immigration.

    We changed the immigration rules to make clear that if you want to study here, you have to be able to speak English, support yourself financially without working, and prove that you’re studying a legitimate course at a genuine college or university.

    And to prevent people switching courses – a tactic that kept some students here for years – we set maximum time limits for study.

    But while our reforms have been stripping out abuse, we are making sure that Britain remains open to the brightest and the best.

    So while the overall number of student visas has fallen, there has been an increase in applications to the university sector.

    Because we have always been clear that in cutting out the abuse of student visas, we want the best minds in the world to come to study in Britain, and we want our world-class universities to thrive.

    Just like our changes to economic immigration, our changes to student visas strike a balance, and send a clear message…

    …If you can speak English, and you can get a place on a legitimate course at a genuine university, you can come to study in Britain…

    …But student visas are not a backdoor route into working in Britain, and we will not tolerate the kind of abuse we saw under Labour.

    I know a lot of people are concerned about the ending of transitional controls on Romania and Bulgaria at the end of this year.

    From January, people from those two countries will be able to exercise their right to free movement – just as Britons can travel freely across the EU.

    Back in 2004, when Poland and other Eastern European countries joined the EU, we campaigned for transitional controls – but Labour refused, allowing more than a million workers into the country.

    Labour left us exposed – and we all saw the results.

    This time round, we have had restrictions – Romania and Bulgaria joined the EU in 2007 – but we’ve extended them for as long as we can.

    And it’s important to remember that we won’t be the only country relaxing them at the end of the year.

    Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands and Spain will all be lifting them by the end of this year.

    But we’re not simply sitting back and waiting like Labour did.

    The last Government spent their time trying to predict how many people might come to the UK – and got their guesswork horribly wrong.

    We’re spending our time tightening up the ‘pull factors’ which attract people to Britain for the wrong reasons.

    We’re making sure our benefits system sends the message that Britain is not a soft touch for low-skilled or unemployed migrants.

    We’re making clear that the NHS is a national – not an international – health service.

    We’re pushing local authorities to publish the number of people from overseas who are taking social housing ahead of those who have waited a long time in the queue.

    And we’re working with other European governments to cut out the abuse of free movement and other scams such as sham marriages.

    So when the transitional controls are lifted at the end of this year, we will have a clear message to Romania and Bulgaria, as to the rest of the world:

    Britain is an aspiration nation – a place where those who work hard can get on in life – but we are not a soft touch.

    And we will not tolerate abuse of our immigration system.

    When Labour were in Government, they let immigration get out of control and ignored people’s concerns.

    Now that the Conservatives are in Government, we are getting a grip on immigration and answering those concerns.

    We listened. We promised to cut immigration. And the figures show that we are delivering.

    So as you return to that sea of blue councils – whether you’re battling to defend a seat, or fighting to gain it – take pride in that record.

    Crime cut by 10 per cent.

    Net migration down by a third.

    And a quarter of the deficit already cleared.

    That’s a record to be proud of.

    A record of delivery.

    And one worth fighting for in May.