Tag: 2012

  • Jo Swinson – 2012 Comments on Midata

    Jo Swinson – 2012 Comments on Midata

    The comments made by Jo Swinson, the then Employment and Consumer Affairs Minister, on 19 November 2012.

    ‘midata’ is all about putting power into the hands of consumers. Many businesses reap huge commercial benefits from the information they gather from consumers’ daily spending patterns. Why shouldn’t consumers also benefit from this by having access to their own data to enable them to make better choices?

    It’s great when your energy provider tells you how much gas or electricity you’re using at any point in the year or when phone companies tell you which one of their tariffs suits you best. But it’s even better when consumers can use that information to get better value for money deals or adjust their lifestyles.

    This is just one of many ways ‘midata’ can help, as businesses increasingly recognise sharing data as a means to deliver a better service for their customers.

  • Jo Swinson – 2012 Comments on Women in Business

    Jo Swinson – 2012 Comments on Women in Business

    The comments made by Jo Swinson, the then Women and Equalities Minister, on 31 October 2012.

    What women need is confidence, not quotas. So rather than telling companies what to do, we’re encouraging them to see the real business benefits of taking voluntary action. Our approach is beginning to pay off. We have already seen the biggest ever jump in the number of women on boards and it doesn’t stop there. Many of the UK’s leading companies are now reporting on gender equality throughout their workforces under our Think, Act Report scheme and the Women’s Business Council is investigating how to help remove barriers to female success. This ongoing work will help even more women rise to the top and give the economy a real boost.

  • Ed Vaizey – 2014 Comments on Lake District Being Nominated for World Heritage Status

    Ed Vaizey – 2014 Comments on Lake District Being Nominated for World Heritage Status

    The comments made by Ed Vaizey, the then Culture Secretary, on 9 January 2014.

    The UK’s heritage is world renowned and the Lake District, England’s largest National Park is one of our heritage jewels. The UNESCO nomination process can be very demanding and success is not guaranteed but I believe the Lake District deserves to be recognised and inscribed as a World Heritage Site and I wish all involved the very best.

  • Cheryl Gillan – 2012 Speech to the National Assembly for Wales

    Cheryl Gillan – 2012 Speech to the National Assembly for Wales

    The speech made by Cheryl Gillan, the then Secretary of State for Wales, at the Assembly on 23 May 2012.

    Diolch Llywydd. Thank you Presiding Officer. I am delighted to be here today in the National Assembly for Wales to discuss the government’s second legislative programme.

    Let me begin by paying tribute to our armed forces, who do such sterling work at home and, especially, overseas. I take great pride in the valuable contribution Wales makes to Britain’s armed forces, and pay tribute to those who have died in Afghanistan and elsewhere since we last met.

    It is almost 2 years since I first attended the assembly as Secretary of State for Wales, shortly after the coalition government was established, to talk about the government’s first legislative programme – a programme based on the principles of freedom, fairness and responsibility. The government has achieved a great deal since then, 32 Acts brought forward by the government have received Royal Assent, and we have reduced the deficit, capped welfare, scrapped ID cards, binned the jobs tax, raised personal allowance – allowing 95,000 people in Wales to be lifted out of tax altogether – and made much needed political and constitutional reforms.

    I have fulfilled all 3 of the commitments relating specifically to Wales in the coalition agreement. I took forward the Housing LCO, and enabled the referendum under which the assembly has assumed primary legislative powers in the twenty devolved areas. I have also established the Silk Commission, with the support of all four party leaders in the Assembly, to look at how the financial accountability of the Assembly can be improved and any modifications that may be needed to the boundary of the devolution settlement.

    The Legislative Programme

    Our second legislative programme builds on our coalition agreement. We will bring forward 15 bills and 4 draft bills over the next twelve months based on three key themes: economic growth, justice and constitutional reform.

    We are making the tough, long term decisions to restore our country to strength – dealing with the deficit, rebalancing the economy and building a society that rewards people who work hard and do the right thing. That, Presiding Officer, is what the Queen’s Speech is about.

    The government’s key focus must remain the reduction of the deficit and restoring economic stability. We do not shirk our responsibilities when it comes to getting Britain’s economy back on track, and we are keeping a steady hand on the tiller as we chart a course through the global economic storm.

    We will introduce a Banking Reform Bill, to strengthen further regulation of the financial services sector to make it more stable and resilient and, crucially, protect the savings of hard working families and small business from the sorts of activity that led to the recession.

    We will extend opportunity in the economy, and build on Britain’s global reputation as a great place to do business with the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill. This will establish in statute the Green Investment Bank to accelerate the transition to a green economy, improving the way competition is enforced to make it more effective, encouraging workplace disputes to be settled earlier, improving the employment tribunal system – including introducing financial penalties to encourage employer compliance with employment rights – and giving shareholders a bigger say over directors’ pay.

    We will also ensure a fairer justice system by bringing forward legislation to reduce and prevent crime. We have introduced a Defamation Bill to protect freedom of speech and will bring forward a Justice and Security Bill to allow the courts to hear a greater range of evidence in national security cases. The Crime and Courts Bill establishes a National Crime Agency to tackle the most serious and organised crime, make judicial appointments more transparent and flexible and deliver a more open and effective court and tribunal system. It will also make so called ‘drug driving’ a new offence, a move I feel sure we will all welcome.

    Our legislative programme takes forward further constitutional reform, including an Electoral Registration and Administration Bill, to reduce electoral fraud by introducing individual electoral registration, and a Bill to reform the House of Lords. Also for Wales, is the Green Paper on future electoral arrangements for the assembly which I published on Monday, and I would like to encourage you and anyone who may have an interest in the future make-up of the assembly to contribute to the consultation which will be open for the next 12 weeks.

    Benefits to Wales

    There is much in this programme to benefit Wales. Establishing an independent Groceries Code Adjudicator is excellent news for small business across Wales and for Welsh farmers, who I know are being hard hit by these tough economic times and by our Welsh weather! Those who supply the big supermarkets will be protected by ensuring that large retailers treat them fairly and lawfully. The Small Donations Bill will boost the income of Welsh charities, especially smaller charities, by removing the need to collect Gift Aid declarations on their small donations.

    The Energy Bill, published for pre-legislative scrutiny yesterday, will reform the electricity market to ensure secure, affordable and low-carbon electricity into the future. Without reform, we will not attract the £110 billion in investment that Britain needs over the next decade to keep the lights on. The Bill will create the right regulatory environment to create jobs and help keep energy bills low. Crucially, as we work to secure the future of Wylfa, the Bill will create a new Office for Nuclear Regulation, as an industry-financed regulator to maintain public confidence in nuclear power and ensure the UK is an attractive place for nuclear consortia to invest.

    We will publish a Water Bill in draft, reforming the industry to allow businesses to switch their water and sewerage supplier and encourage new entrants into the market. This draft Bill will provide a lot of opportunities for Wales, and the complexity of the devolution settlement when it comes to water and the distinctiveness of the water industry in Wales mean that we will need to work very closely with the Welsh government to find solutions that work effectively on both sides of the border.

    I know how difficult it is for hard working families in these tough economic times. That is why our programme rewards people who work hard, those who make a positive contribution to our society. We will bring forward a Children and Families Bill which will include measures to make parental leave more flexible and reform the family justice system to speed up care proceedings. The Bill will also contain England-only measures to cut the time ethnic minority children wait to be adopted and the Welsh government and the assembly may want to consider whether these measures could be usefully extended to Wales.

    To make devolution work well it is important that engagement and debate result in constructive outcomes. So we will publish a Care and Support Bill in draft to modernise adult care and support in England and I am delighted that agreement has already been reached in principle with all three devolved administrations to ensure that internal borders within the UK do not impede the effective delivery of residential care.

    Last, but by no means least, this government will deliver pensions reform. The Pensions Bill will modernise the pensions system, providing a £140 basic state pension that will reduce means testing and reward those who work hard and save hard all their lives. The Public Service Pensions Bill will reform public service pensions in line with the recommendations of the independent Public Service Pensions Commission.

    Working Cooperatively

    We have made a good start to implementing the programme and have introduced 5 Bills in Parliament so far – including some with important consequences for Wales, such as the Groceries Code Adjudicator Bill.

    The government wants to continue to work co-operatively with the Welsh government as we deliver our programme. Some Bills have particular relevance to Wales, whilst for others I have mentioned, like the draft Water Bill, we will need detailed work to get through the complexities of the devolution settlement. I also hope we can learn from each other as we take respective policies forward on either side of the devolution settlement – adoption is just one such area I have touched on today.

    I hope that spirit of co-operation can also extend to other aspects of our work, so that we work together for the good of Wales. I have just returned from a diplomatic and trade visit to Thailand, Cambodia and Singapore on behalf of the UK, where I was delighted by the interest in doing business with Wales. I believe strongly that Wales would benefit from our common endeavour to attract more inward investment despite the obvious political differences between our two governments. Common purpose should bring out the best in politics across the political divide, particularly as we share the same ambitions for Wales.

    Conclusion

    I am a strong believer in the Union; a belief I know is shared by many Members here today and, more importantly, by the people of Wales. I want to see an inspired, confident and vibrant Wales, standing proudly alongside the other parts of our United Kingdom. What Wales needs to prosper is not independence; it is inter-dependence of the four nations of the Union to provide economic growth, investment, prosperity and security in these difficult times. So, this is a legislative programme to help rebuild Wales and rebuild the UK as a whole, and I commend it to you today.

    Finally, in her diamond jubilee year, I would like to pay tribute to Her Majesty the Queen, who has given such tireless service to the people of this country. I feel sure both in Wales, and in the United Kingdom as a whole, people are looking forward to the diamond jubilee celebrations in just a few weeks time.

    I look forward to answering Members’ questions, and listening to what I am sure will be a stimulating and interesting debate.

    Thank you Llywydd.

  • Edward Timpson – 2012 Speech on the Catalysation of Childhood

    Below is the text of the speech made by Edward Timpson, the then Children’s Minister, on 17 October 2012.

    Thanks for that kind introduction Mark. It’s a pleasure to be here.

    This morning I want to concentrate on some of the big challenges facing parents, politicians and industry leaders in making sure advertising and media doesn’t catalyse children into adults too quickly.

    Some of these challenges are still very new to us. We don’t know what impact they’ll have on children in the years ahead. Others are far more familiar. These are the age-old issues that parents have been fretting over for decades and continue to fret over today.

    So on the one hand we have the march of weird and wonderful – sometimes frankly bizarre – technologies that are transforming the way our children access information and socialise. I read an article in The Telegraph the other day about a puffer jacket that automatically expands to give you a hug when someone likes your Facebook status. I’ve resisted the temptation to buy one…

    On the other hand, we have what might be classified as the ‘bad penny’ challenges. The ones that keep on turning up over the years. Issues over the messages young people are exposed to in the home or in the street. Swearing, violence, sex or inappropriate imagery.

    Neither challenge – whether originating in the 21st century or 20th – is remotely simple to deal with.

    So I’d like to offer my real appreciation to the Advertising Association, and its members, for their thoughtful, positive engagement with Government on the Bailey Review over the last year.

    It is very difficult for those not directly involved – and I have to include myself here – to appreciate fully the very fine judgements involved in regulating advertising and media.

    Arbitrating over matters of public taste and decency is not remotely straightforward: particularly when opinion varies so subtly between the regions, sexes and generations – even between parents. One person’s supreme indifference can easily be another’s grave concern.

    In this context, I must applaud the industry as a whole – including major brands and retailers – for their intelligent approach over the last year in tackling the commercialisation and sexualisation of childhood.

    Thanks to your leadership, we are now making steady progress against most of Reg Bailey’s major recommendations. Better than that, we are making swift progress.

    In the space of a few short months, you have made it simpler for parents to navigate media regulation with the launch of Parent Port. Only a year after its launch, a good proportion of parents already know about it. A great achievement.

    On top of this, the ASA has issued new guidelines on outdoor ads: aimed at reducing children’s exposure to provocative on-street advertising.

    Internet Service Providers are making it easier for parents to police the material their children see online.

    The Advertising Association has been working with Media Smart to develop the excellent new Digital Adwise Parent Pack – which is being previewed today ahead of its public launch later this month – to give parents invaluable guidance on digital advertising.

    And the industry is meeting parents’ expectations better when it comes to pre-watershed TV, with new guidelines issued for TV and radio.

    These achievements deserve considerable fanfare and fireworks. So my thanks again for your positive engagement with government – and my congratulations.

    Over the last year, we have seen that advertising in the UK has some of the most rigorous protections for children in the world. It is exceptionally well regulated. It is responsive. It is effective. It is regarded globally as the gold-standard for all others to follow.

    From a personal perspective, I have no desire at all to rock this particular boat. I am firmly of the belief that heavy handed and unnecessary government regulation of the ad industry is to be avoided.

    But looking ahead, it’s vitally important that advertisers and the wider business community continue to contribute towards, and lead, this debate. I’m very keen on the ‘work together’ approach espoused by today’s conference.

    So it is encouraging to see so many major brands here, alongside advertising agencies and the media. And to see them put pen to paper on improved ways of working.

    The industry’s pledge, led by the Advertising Association, on reducing commercial pressures on children – restricting the recruitment of under-16s as brand ambassadors or peer-to-peer marketers – is a case in point: embraced by global brands like Coca-Cola, Microsoft and Unilever.

    On top of this, it is refreshing to see so many of the UK’s leading high street chains drawing up their code of good practice – through the British Retail Consortium – on appropriate retailing to children, including the design, materials and display of children’s clothes.

  • William Hague – 2012 Speech at Somali Diaspora Reception

    Below is the text of the speech made by William Hague, the then Foreign Secretary, at the Somali Diaspora reception in London on 23 February 2012.

    It is a great pleasure to welcome you to Lancaster House ahead of the London Somalia Conference. I know many of you have travelled a long way to be here. I have just met the delegation from Wales – they are particularly welcome, as my wife is keen for me to note – but also from all over the United Kingdom and from Somalia itself. Wherever you have come from, you are very welcome.

    Tomorrow the largest gathering of countries and organisations ever to come together to discuss Somalia will meet in this very room. The conference will include the President and Prime Minister of Somalia, the President of Somaliland, seven Somali delegations, leaders from across Africa, the Secretary General of the Union Nations, and many Foreign Ministers from around the world. Our Prime Minister initiated this conference because Somalia matters greatly to the United Kingdom; and the involvement of all these nations and organisations confirms that Somalia’s stability and security matter to the whole world.

    And there are just three things that I want to tell about tomorrow’s conference.

    The first is that it is not about imposing a solution on the people of Somalia. Only they can determine their future and we cannot make their decisions for them. As the Prime Minister said this week, the aim of the conference is to try “to get the whole of the world behind the efforts of the Somali people who are building a stronger, safer and more prosperous country”. Somalis in Somalia and around the world are at the forefront of our minds as we host this conference. They have endured twenty years of conflict, suffering, deprivation, violence and hunger – but show the most remarkable resilience, courage and love for their country in their determination to rebuild Somalia. I met some of them when I visited Mogadishu three weeks ago, and I pay tribute to them and to all of you here tonight who support Somalia in many different ways. As I pointed out to the House of Commons when we debated this issue ten days ago, the amount of money that Somali people around the world send back to their country is greater than all the international aid from all the countries of the world that the country receives each year, which is a striking illustration of that bond and that commitment. And I believe that, if a country’s greatest asset it its people, then Somalia can consider itself rich indeed.

    You are all here tonight as representatives of the Somali people, and we have done our utmost to speak to members of the Somalia diaspora here in Britain and overseas as we prepared the strategy that we will discuss tomorrow. From Cape Town, where I was last week, and in Nairobi before that to Birmingham and Bristol we have held events for British Ministers to meet Somali community groups, and on Monday the Prime Minister hosted a gathering in Number Ten Downing Street for the same purpose. I thank Chatham House and the Council of Somali Organisations for their part in supporting these discussions, which really have made a contribution to our thinking and our policy.

    The second thing I want to tell you is that we believe it really is a historic moment of opportunity for Somalia – and we hope you share the same sense of optimism, despite the immense challenges that are still ahead. The fact that I was able to be the first British Foreign Secretary to visit Somalia in twenty years was because of the success African Union Forces and Somali leaders have had in regaining control of Mogadishu and restoring authority in different parts of Somalia. There is an opportunity this summer to forge a more representative political process for the people of Somalia, and to provide more of the development and regional support that the country needs. Now really is the time for us to seize that moment of opportunity and to coordinate international assistance in meaningful ways behind Somali efforts, and that is what I believe all the countries gathered here in London are determined to do.

    And I hope that what we have done will give you confidence. I was proud when I visited Mogadishu to do so with our new Ambassador to Somalia for twenty years. And I dug for myself the first hole in the ground where our new Embassy will stand.

    And my third message to you is that this really is an important priority for our Government. We know that what happens in Somalia has consequences for the entire region and the whole world. Hundreds of thousands of refugees remain encamped in neighbouring countries. Two decades of chronic insecurity have created in some places a breeding ground for piracy and terrorism which has a direct impact on our own national security here. Sailors from around the world have been kidnapped from the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean. Citizens from Europe and North America have been taken from Kenyan territory and held to ransom. And the terrorist tactics of Al Shabaab are a direct threat to our own security and to many other people around the world, as well as a source of suffering for Somalis.

    We are serious about working with others to help Somalia get back onto its feet, and we will maintain that commitment over the coming years. We are also joined this evening by a large number of British Members of Parliament from all Parties including members of the All Party Parliamentary Group and the Foreign Affairs Select Committee, who I thank for their longstanding interest in this area. They are proof of the fact that the people of Somalia have a strong friend in the United Kingdom, and many people who have supported it through thick and thin and will continue to do so in the future.

    So tomorrow we hope to agree with our partners a more coherent, and better coordinated, international strategy for Somalia: including action to support the political process, to help eradicate piracy, to support human rights, justice and development and to help the recovery of Somalia.

  • Tim Loughton – 2012 Speech at Sexual Assault Referral Centre

    Below is the text of the speech made by Tim Loughton in Manchester on 23 February 2012.

    As you all know, tackling child sexual exploitation is an issue we have put at the very top of the Government agenda – and I am grateful to St Mary’s for the invitation to come along and speak about our plans for the year ahead.

    From the Prime Minister down, we are absolutely committed to reducing the number of young people who fall victim to abuse, and we are working closely with the sector to progress last November’s child sexual exploitation plan.

    Thanks to the thoughtful and expert contributions of organisations like St Mary’s, we’ve managed to create and implement real reforms. So let me begin by offering my thanks to Bernie and Catherine, as well as Gail, Claire and Naomi for the invaluable work they do as independent sexual violence advisors. I must also thank Lynne for her work as child advocate and, of course, the wider team for their support. I know thousands of victims each year are grateful beyond words for the belief, support and respect they find in St Mary’s – and I thank you for the work you are doing to raise awareness around sexual violence.

    For too long, child sexual exploitation has been a hidden issue, with many local areas completely failing to collate any information, facts or figures on the extent of the problem in their communities. We are now gathering better intelligence on the scale of abuse and it’s clear there are no grounds for complacency. CEOP did a major assessment in 2011 and reported practitioners telling them: “If you lift the stone, you’ll find it.”

    A young victim quoted in Sue Jago’s University of Bedfordshire paper said, heartbreakingly: “It’s not hidden – you just aren’t looking.” And Barnardo’s released its excellent ‘Puppet on a String’ report last year, after which Anne Marie Carrie, the charity’s chief executive, described sexual violence against children over 10 as “the most pressing child protection issue”.

    My strong sense is that this country is waking up to the fact young people are being sexually exploited not in the dozens or the hundreds, but very probably the thousands – and at this point, I must pay thanks to all the Local Safeguarding Children Board chairs who are now knocking at our doors to help tackle this challenge. Slowly but surely, we are making real progress. But there is there is always room, and reason, for improvement and as lead minister, I am personally determined that everything that can be done, is done, to make our children safer.

    We took a big step forward by releasing the action plan in November with the close support of the sector – and I want to pay particular thanks to organisations like the Safe and Sound Project in Derby, CEOP, the Home Office, the Department for Health, Barnardo’s, CROP and many others for sharing their expertise with our department.

    As many here will know, the plan looks at different aspects of sexual exploitation from the perspective of the young person and their journey, analysing what can go wrong and what should happen at every step.

    Together, we identified four key stages where we needed better intervention.

    First, raising awareness of this issue with young people, parents and professionals.

    Second, taking effective multi-agency action against exploitation and helping children who are victims to get out of it.

    Third, securing robust prosecutions and improving court processes to reinforce the fact this is a serious crime that demands serious punishment.

    And fourth, helping children and families who are caught up in sexual exploitation to get their lives back on track.

    On awareness raising, the plan sets out the need for government to work with ACPO, health professional bodies and the Social Work Reform Board to make sure exploitation is covered in training and guidance for professionals. And we are going to see how we can improve the way young people are taught about sexual consent and relationships.

    On multi-agency action, we are working with LSCBs to help them treat child sexual exploitation as a far greater problem than it has been seen in the past. And we are going to continue to help organisations like St Mary’s, with funding already committed to support 87 independent sexual violence advisor posts over the next four years.

    On bringing abusers to justice, we are working with police, the CPS, judges and magistrates to ensure young witnesses and victims are fully supported through the legal process. And we are working hard to increase the use of special measures in courts so we can ease the stress and anxiety of criminal proceedings on young people.

    Finally, on supporting survivors, (a function St Mary’s performs so expertly) the action plan outlines the need for councils to share their knowledge of what works more widely, so we can spread high quality counselling and support services out across the country.

    The big challenge we face this year is to turn the action plan into action, and we will be working to make sure all the different work strands in child protection are brought together cohesively.

    In particular, we want to make sure Professor Munro’s review of child protection, our work on adoption and fostering and the child sexual exploitation plan are properly synchronised. There are already some very positive signs that we are on the right track – and we had an encouraging meeting last month with sector representatives to talk about progress so far.

    Amongst other things, we are talking to Ofsted about the best way of supporting their inspectors so they can check local authorities are responding appropriately in cases where sexual exploitation has been identified. We have set up a task and finish group, which includes several LSCB chairs among its membership. The group is identifying the barriers facing LSCBs in tackling sexual abuse involving young people, and it is also looking at what can be done to get high quality advice and guidance circulating around the country, as well as best practice.

    On top of all this, we are working hard to raise awareness among young people of the potential dangers. Children must be able to make informed choices. They must be able to recognise and manage risk, and they must have the awareness to make safe decisions. This is why sex and relationship education is a key constituent of the wider personal, social, health and economic education review we are undertaking.

    At the same time, we are working to raise awareness among practitioners – and I have asked both the Social Work Reform Board, and the College of Social Work, to think about how child sexual exploitation can best be addressed in social work training. We expect to be able to say more about all this in the Spring in the implementation update report we will be publishing.

    Finally, I must mention the progress we are making with Sheila Taylor, chair of the National Working Group for Sexually Exploited Children and Young People, to share best practice more effectively. The working group, for those not in the know, is a charity that provides advice and support to 500 members. Sheila has a direct line into 37 different police forces and advises a number of LSCB chairs on how they can tackle exploitation effectively.

    There are some authorities out there doing robust and reliable risk assessments of the nature and extent of the issue in their areas – with some examples of good practice in working together to identify abuse and respond to it. But we need every LSCB to treat exploitation as a top priority – not just some. The 2009 statutory guidance contained many valuable lessons yet all too often they have not been acted on. It’s good guidance, it should be used, and every LSCB should be proactively talking about it.

    I do not, however, want anyone to leave here under the impression that tackling child sexual exploitation ‘belongs’ to the Department for Education alone. A huge amount of work is underway right across government and it is vital that this is seen for what it is: a complete package of wraparound support for vulnerable young people – not a series of individual, disparate or disconnected offers.

    At the Home Office, Lynne Featherstone and her team have set up a working group to address the very specific issues around violence against women and girls in gangs. At the Department for Health, Anne Milton hosted a summit in November with colleagues from the Royal Colleges, NHS and the voluntary sector to discuss the role of health professionals in supporting young victims of sexual exploitation. This group is set to meet a further three times over the coming months. Topics on the table will include how to help health professionals recognise the indicators of sexual abuse in children; how to make sure staff are in a position to ask questions sensitively; and how to help them make the right referrals to local services.

    Last but definitely not least, there is substantial progress being made at the Attorney General’s Office and the Ministry of Justice. At the end of last year, we announced that anyone convicted of a second serious sexual or violent offence, including serious child sex offences, will receive a mandatory life sentence – a long overdue, and long awaited amendment to the law I think you’ll agree.

    On top of this, we are very clear that courts must improve prosecution procedures, particularly in supporting child victims to act as witnesses. I have heard horror stories of survivors being cross-examined by multiple defence barristers, and this must stop. There are a number of special measures courts can take when vulnerable witnesses are involved – we want to see them used to the full.

    Our challenge in the months ahead, is to bring all this work together and make sure it is focused, completely, on the perspective of the victim and their families. The experience of young people who engage with the child protection system and, as I just mentioned, the courts, is still too mixed. Survivors complain about the unsympathetic, grey culture of ticking boxes. They worry they will not be believed; and they are anxious about a system that can describe a 13-year-old girl having sex with a 35-year-old man as ‘consensual’.

    Ultimately, this is why so many young people are scared of talking about their experience of abuse. According to figures from St Mary’s, 72 per cent of children do not tell anyone about their ordeal at the time it happens. 31 per cent do not reveal their secret until adulthood.

    We must make it easier for children to come forward. We must make it easier for professionals to spot the danger signals. And we must equip parents with the information and guidance they need.

    Mothers and fathers have a big role to play in helping youngsters make healthy, informed choices about relationships and sexual health – equipping them, in turn, to avoid situations that put them at risk of exploitation.

    I am anxious that too many parents are sleepwalking into danger by failing to recognise the signals or warning signs, and I was chilled by the words of Emma Jackson in the Independent about her experience of abusers, saying (and I quote), that “they’ll have anybody – doctors’ children, lawyers’ children – anybody”.

    This is an important point. All the evidence indicates that child sexual exploitation can affect any family – and I can’t over emphasise that the fact it takes place in a particular family does not mean that the family is a ‘bad’ one, or that the parents have failed. Before coming here today, I watched a sobering video in which a father from St Mary’s likened the shock of discovering that his child had been abused to “having your own heart ripped out” – and we should never forget that victims, and their families, often require long term support and counselling.

    The Whitney Dean case in Eastenders touched on many of these issues and I applaud the BBC for its sensible, sensitive and insightful treatment of the storyline. On top of this, I know St Mary’s has worked with the producers of Hollyoaks to provide expert advice on the presentation of issues around sexual violence – and I commend you for it. We cannot do too much to raise awareness of child exploitation or to educate those involved of its dangers.

    Let me finish with a final thank you to St Mary’s and its staff for hosting today’s conference. I labour this point in every speech I make because it is an important one. But I must repeat my message that the vast majority of children in this country grow up safe from harm. The work you are doing is vital to ensuring this remains the case and I hope our action plan shows we are heading in the right direction.

    Thank you.

  • Andrew Sawford – 2012 Maiden Speech in the House of Commons

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Andrew Sawford, the Labour MP for Corby, in the House of Commons on 22 November 2012.

    I am very proud to speak in the Chamber for the first time as the Member of Parliament for Corby. Locally, we know the constituency as Corby and east Northamptonshire, comprising as it does both Corby town itself and the surrounding villages, the four towns of Raunds, Irthlingborough, Thrapston and Oundle, and many villages across east Northamptonshire.

    I will start by paying tribute to my predecessor. Louise Mensch served as Corby’s MP in her own unique style. She was proud to be a vocal woman MP, speaking up for women in public life. She played an important role on the Select Committee on Culture, Media and Sport, particularly on matters concerning the role of the media, in which she took a great interest. She championed the local media, such as in her debate earlier this year in which she praised our excellent local newspaper, the Corby Telegraph. She was also known as an advocate of social media. As I know already, combining family life with the demands of being an MP is challenging, but in my predecessor’s case there was also the matter of an ocean between those two parts of her life. I wish her and her family well in the future.

    Louise had a tough act to follow. Her immediate predecessor, the Labour and Co-operative MP, Phil Hope, served for 13 years and was well known as a very hard-working local MP who was concerned with his constituents. He was instrumental in the opening of a new railway station in Corby, the opening of children’s centres across the area, major health service improvements and the building of new schools. He also served with distinction as a Minister.

    Like Phil Hope, I am a co-operator, and I am proud to be a member of the Co-operative group of MPs, which this week has reached record numbers. The first ever Co-operative MP in the country was elected to represent my constituency, on its earlier boundaries, in 1918. The driving force behind Alf Waterson’s selection was the blastfurnacemen’s union in Corby. Although Northamptonshire had once been a stronghold of the Liberals, in the early 20th century, a more radical culture emerged from the chapels and the boot and shoe industry, in which past generations of my family were employed. Local co-operatives in towns across the constituency became a vital part of the local economy, and still feature strongly today. I believe that co-operative approaches, such as mutual housing and new energy co-ops, can play a big role in my constituency’s future.

    The towns of Raunds and Irthlingborough are known for their co-operative heritage, and as boot and shoe towns. Raunds’s place in history is assured by the events ​of the Raunds strike of 1905, during which a party of boot operatives marched to London to demand fair wages. The Times reported:

    “Their arrival was awaited in Parliament by a large number of people in Parliament Square, from where a deputation of ten proceeded into Parliament to meet with MPs. Afterwards, the men were admitted to the Strangers Gallery, and a slight disturbance was created.”

    Although I urge no disturbance in the Strangers Gallery today, I assure the descendants of those Raunds marchers that I will continue their campaign for fair wages.

    All those years ago the War Office agreed to the demands of Raunds workers and committed to a minimum rate of pay that people could live on. Today, I urge all parts of the public sector in Corby and east Northamptonshire, and the private sector, to consider the case for a living wage of £7.45 an hour. Too many people in my constituency are being squeezed by rising food and fuel prices, and by other factors such as the role of employment agencies in our local labour market. Too many people are on zero-hours contracts where no work is guaranteed. When they do work they are paid low wages with agencies taking a cut of their earnings, and sometimes workers are poorly treated. I am also concerned about the way in which some agencies have set up offices overseas to facilitate employment in my constituency; I want them to make a much more determined effort to ensure that local people are given employment opportunities. I have raised that point with my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition, and I am grateful that he has listened and said that he will take action.

    In these tough economic times, many people in my constituency are unable to find work at all. Independent studies show that Corby is the most difficult place in the country to be a young unemployed person looking for work. Corby is, and must be, a working town. It is particularly well known as a steel town. Corby provided the steel for Operation Pluto—the famous pipeline under the ocean—which provided the fuel for allied forces invading Normandy in world war two. My granddad was there on D-day as a Royal Marine commando, and my other granddad, who worked in farming, helped to feed that Army and the country. Both would later become Corby steelworkers.

    Today Corby’s steel tubes can be found at the Olympic park, and seen on everything from the Wembley arch to the millennium wheel across the river from this House. Tata is still a major local employer and I support its call for a level playing field on energy prices—which it tells me are much cheaper in continental Europe—and, crucially, for investment in infrastructure to boost demand. These are key issues for manufacturing industry in the UK. I want to see more action to create jobs, such as a one-off tax on bankers’ bonuses to pay for a real jobs guarantee for young people, and to help our small firms with a one-year national insurance tax break if they take on extra workers. I will also work locally with businesses, councils, schools and colleges. Skills matching is a particular issue, helping people to gain the skills they need for the jobs that will be created.

    I was struck by the experience of a local man I met recently. He had started his working life as an apprentice toolmaker, carrying out a high-quality apprenticeship and being mentored by an older toolmaker who was in his last few years before retirement. I want such experiences to be much more widely available to support ​our young people to develop great skills and careers in the manufacturing industries—the important subject of today’s debate.

    Corby is very proud of its Scottish connections and has a large population of Scottish descent. The Highland gathering is a big event, as are the Burns suppers. Generations of Scots and other people coming to the town have blended with Northamptonshire people to create a distinctive, incredibly strong and proud community that it really is a privilege to represent. There has not always been such co-operation between the Scots and the English in my constituency. Today Fotheringhay is one of our many beautiful villages, but it has a more gory past as the place where Mary Queen of Scots was beheaded. I assure the House that today there is a more harmonious spirit and we believe that England and Scotland are definitely better together.

    That spirit has enabled Corby to survive at times of great hardship. In the 1980s. 10,000 people were made redundant at the steelworks—my own dad was one of them—and that experience shaped my childhood. My dad went to Ruskin college to study, while my mum worked in a leather goods factory to pay the bills. My dad, who is here today, went on to become the Member of Parliament for Kettering from 1997 to 2005, and I am very proud to continue my family’s record of public service.

    I look forward to raising other issues that matter a great deal to my constituents, such as the future of vital local services, including our schools, local policing and health services. I am particularly concerned about the threat of serious cuts to Kettering general hospital. It is where my own children were born, and it serves people across my constituency. I will do everything I can to protect our hospital services. I will speak up, too, for our more vulnerable residents: the families affected by cuts to special needs services; those who rely on disability benefit who feel unfairly treated by these Atos reviews; and the pensioners, who want to know that their MP is on their side.

    Thank you for the warm welcome, Mr Deputy Speaker, from the staff of the House and MPs on both sides, and from my right hon. Friend the Opposition Chief Whip—[Laughter.] I intend to work hard here in Parliament and in my constituency for all the residents in all the towns and villages. I very much look forward to the honour of representing Corby and east Northamptonshire in the years ahead.

  • Michael Gove – 2012 Speech on Adoption

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    Below is the text of the speech made by Michael Gove, the then Secretary of State for Education, on 23 February 2012.

    When I was a news editor at The Times I recognised that each branch of journalism had its own favourite phrases: cliches to some, comforting and reassuring prose landmarks to others.

    Footballers would always have “intelligent” (or “cultured”) left feet. Restaurant reviewers would sooner or later find a pudding – but never any other course – “toothsome”. No political correspondent ever quotes a “junior” backbencher, ever refers to the 1922 Committee without reminding us that it is “influential”; or ever fails to remind readers, uncertain about which issue decides elections, that “It’s the economy, stupid”.

    For TV reviewers the one genuinely indispensable favourite phrase is the praise offered to those rare television programmes which are “worth the licence fee alone”.

    Considering that a boxed-set of Borgen sets you back just thirty pounds and the licence fee is four times that amount, it’s a rare programme which actually deserves that praise.

    But this month we’ve been privileged to see one series which undeniably does.

    The BBC’s three documentaries – Protecting Our Children – recently screened on BBC2 are in the very highest traditions of public service broadcasting.

    They show, unsparingly, and without fuss, the reality of life for social workers and their clients in Bristol. Thought-provoking, unsentimental and humane, they are gripping yet uncomfortable viewing.

    They also remind us that public service broadcasting is at its best when it reminds us of what those in public service are doing for all of us.

    And no-one watching this series can be anything other than impressed with the calmness, patience, compassion, good judgement, professionalism and nobility of those in social work.

    By giving an honest account of the fantastic job social workers do, the BBC is helping to bring a little balance to the media conversation about social work. A conversation which has been dominated for far too long by caricature, finger-pointing, recrimination and misjudgement.

    The reality of Social Work

    We ask social workers to operate in conditions most of us know nothing about; to engage with people in desperate need; to make extremely finely balanced ethical and practical judgements; to retain the trust of adults while thinking always of the best interests of children; to navigate bureaucracy and cope with heavy workloads. All the while knowing that if a mistake does occur then their career, indeed their professional status, may be ruined for ever.

    So I am very glad that, today, Andrew Christie – one of the finest social workers in the country – has given me the opportunity to place on the record my gratitude to his profession and my admiration for the vital and under-appreciated work social workers do.

    I’d like to think, and I’m sure I’ll be told if I’m wrong, that we are now moving towards a more mature relationship between social workers and central Government.

    Building on foundations laid by my predecessor, Ed Balls, we now have a new College of Social Work, we have a prestigious new route into the profession for career-changers who’ve been successful in other fields, we’ve had superb work by Moira Gibb on how to improve support and training for the profession and ground-breaking reports from Professor Eileen Munro, which pave the way for progress to a more thoughtful development of improved practice.

    Shortly we’ll be publishing the job specification for the role of Chief Social Worker – a new role which, like the Chief Medical Officer, will help bring balance and authority to the national debate on the profession does its job.

    And we remain committed to publishing serious case reviews to encourage an informed debate when something goes wrong – as it inevitably will. A debate which will demonstrate that, if there is fault, it will very often reside not with social workers but with others – whether police, lawyers or whoever – and that far more important than any allocation of responsibility is a commitment to learn from the past so we can all do better in the future.

    And it’s about learning from the past that I want to talk today.

    Specifically, learning from the experience of those who have tried over the years to improve our child protection and adoption systems.

    The relationship between care and disadvantage
    One of those I have learnt most from is Martin Narey – Chief Executive of Barnardo’s for five years – a dedicated professional with a very special combination of moral courage and intellectual rigour.

    Martin has come under fire for making one argument in particular.

    He has been frank in acknowledging that earlier in his career he believed having children in care was a sign of failure. And believed that being in care condemned children, more often than not, to failure in the future.

    But he has explained that, over time, he came to realise that the poor outcomes faced by looked after children were not a consequence of them being in care – they were a consequence of what had happened to them before they were taken into care.

    It was the abuse or neglect they may have witnessed or endured in their earliest years which will have blighted their future. Neglect will have arrested their cognitive development; abuse will have made it more difficult for them to form secure relationships; the fatal mix of the two will have harmed them emotionally, intellectually, socially and personally.

    Children and young people do not encounter disadvantage because they have been in care. They are in care because they have had to be rescued from disadvantage.

    Martin also came to realise something else. Taking a child into care is not a failure on the part of social workers – but leaving children at risk of neglect or abuse is something none of us should wish to encourage.

    Understandably, social workers do everything they can to keep families together. And, understandably, they fear being branded child-snatchers, do-gooders or anti-family if they initiate care proceedings.

    But it is far better if social workers follow their instincts to intervene and rescue rather than acquiesce in abusive or neglectful parenting in the hope things will improve.

    Because we know just how much damage is done to a child every day it spends in a home where there is no security, safety and certainty of affection.

    Better to take children into care than allow them to be abused
    So let me underline this. We in Government will back social workers who take children into care. We believe Martin Narey’s diagnosis of the problem is correct – and we know there are far too many children spending too long in homes where they are not receiving the care they need.

    We do not regard more children being taken into care as a problem with social work which the profession must address. It is a problem with parenting, which our whole society must address.

    My overriding approach to Government is to leave well alone when things are going well: to leave good schools, good parents, good companies to get on with it when they are doing a proper job. But when things go wrong – when cartels frustrate consumer choice, when schools fail their students and, most of all, when adults are neglecting, or abusing, children – then we should intervene, early and energetically, to put things right.

    There is strong evidence that, in recent years, there has been too much reluctance to remove a child from circumstances of consistent and outright abuse and neglect – or to return them to those circumstances later.

    Harriet Ward’s research into at-risk infants last year provided some horrifying examples of children left unprotected in dangerous and damaging environments:

    – a baby whose parents so persistently forgot to feed her that she ceased to cry;

    – a two-year-old left to forage in the waste bin for food;

    – a three-year-old who could accurately demonstrate how heroin is prepared.

    All these children remained with their birth parents for many months without being taken into care. Who knows how much damage they suffered, and how many children like them all over the country are suffering still?

    This cannot be allowed to continue. The welfare of a neglected or abused child is more important than the rights of their parents, more important than the schedules of the courts, more important than ticking boxes on forms and much more important than the old saw that blood is thicker than water.

    It is emphatically not the case that care is worse than a neglectful or abusive home. On the contrary, the research is undeniable: care is not perfect but, for some children, it can make life an awful lot happier. And, for some of the most vulnerable children, the sooner they are taken into care, the better.

    A study by DEMOS in 2010, commissioned by Barnardo’s, showed conclusively that care improves the lives of many vulnerable children and young people. But those children whose entry to care is delayed by indecision or drift, risk longer exposure to damage and neglect; increased emotional and behavioural problems; and more placement disruption and instability.

    Nor should we assume that returning a looked after child to their family is necessarily in that child’s best interests. A recent University of York study found that maltreated children who remained in care did better than those who were sent home to their families.

    Research by Professor Elaine Farmer looking at children taken into care and then returned to their parents found that, two years after the children had been sent home, 59 per cent of them had been abused or neglected again.

    We cannot let children down in this way.

    I want social workers to feel confident that they can challenge parents in homes where there is alcohol or drug dependency, where there is no proper interaction between adults and children, where there is domestic violence, where boundaries between adult behaviour and children’s conduct are not properly policed.

    And I want social workers to feel empowered to use robust measures with those parents who won’t shape up. Including, when an adult is not providing the home a child needs, making sure that child is removed to a place of greater safety.

    Adoption and other permanent solutions

    But where should that place be?

    Well the most important thing is to find adults equipped to care, in circumstances that provide stability.

    Sometimes that will mean fostering – and if there are one group of people who rival social workers in their unselfish commitment to helping our most vulnerable young people then they are foster carers…

    But more and more often it should – must – mean adoption.

    Because adoption provides what abused and neglected children need most – stability, certainty, security, love.

    Of course I’m parti pris.

    I was adopted at the age of just four months – given the stability, security and love which allowed me to enjoy limitless opportunities.

    My experience of adoption has shown me how – whatever your start in life – being brought up by adults who love you, who are now your parents, is transformative.

    Adoption is – in every sense of the word – for good. And the readiness of adults to make such a firm and unselfish commitment for a child they cannot know is, to my mind, an inspirational example of humanity at its best.

    Adoption does not finish at the child’s 16th or 18th birthday, any more than biological parenthood does.

    My adoptive parents are just as much my parents now that I’m a grown-up with my own children, as when I was a child myself.

    And of all the possible permanent solutions, adoptions are the most likely to last. A study in 2010 by the University of York, called “Belonging and Permanence”, found that just 11 per cent of adoptions were disrupted after 3 or more years – compared to 28 per cent of fostering placements. When a child is adopted quickly, before their first birthday, the breakdown figure is only about 2 or 3 per cent.

    Adoption gives a vulnerable child a home, and a family, for life.

    Adoption rates have fallen

    That is why it troubles me – more, angers me – that so few children today are benefiting from that generosity and humanity.

    The decline in the number of children being adopted means a cruel rationing of human love for those most in need.

    Adoptions have fallen by 17 per cent over the last decade.

    The number of children adopted in England last year was the lowest since 2001. Only 3,050 children found new homes by adoption last year, just 2 per cent of them under the age of one.

    These figures are even more remarkable when the number of children finding permanent routes out of care has actually increased. And we need to be careful that alternative solutions like special guardianship or residence orders are not used as a substitute for adoption when it would be the best option for a particular child.

    As I pointed out earlier, the fact that more children are now being taken into care is not a problem we should lay at the door of social workers – but it is a problem if children in care are not found a proper home quickly.

    I was lucky enough to be with my adoptive mother within four months of my birth. But many of those children available for adoption today have complex and challenging needs – and the average time between a child entering the care system and being adopted is now over two-and-a-half years.

    What’s more, this average hides huge variations across different regions. Last year, five local authorities placed every single child within 12 months of their adoption decision.

    But another four local authorities placed fewer than half its children in need of adoption over the same timescale.

    We need a system that works for all children, regardless of where they live. A system which is quick, effective and robust.

    Making sure the whole system works and improves for children
    When a child can’t stay with their birth family, then the longer they wait for a permanent adoptive place, the more damage they will suffer – and the harder it will be to form a bond with a new family.

    That is why it is so important to tackle delay throughout the system. We need to speed up care decisions, and work with local authorities to ensure they speed up their processes too.

    In October last year we published new performance tables and we’re currently working hard to make this data more valuable for local authorities in identifying best practice and areas of weakness.

    As we are here in the Isaac Newton Centre, I must pay tribute to the work that Andrew Christie, as Executive Director of Children’s Services for the three boroughs of Hammersmith & Fulham, Westminster and Kensington & Chelsea, has been doing with us to work out how local authorities can speed up decisions for the child at every stage.

    As we develop our proposals further, I look forward to seeing similar leadership from every Director of Children’s Services, every Lead Member for Children, and every Family Court Judge.

    Finding and assessing adoptive parents

    Happily, there are now clear signs that more children are moving through local authority and court processes and being placed for adoption.

    And I am sure that the reforms which will follow David Norgrove’s report into the Family Justice System will encourage that trend.

    But as a consequence, we have an immediate and pressing challenge. We need radically to increase the supply of adoptive parents who are ready to give these children the love and stability they need.

    I entirely reject the argument that there are too few people willing to adopt. I think there could be a vast supply: parents with their own children; couples – heterosexual and homosexual – unable to have children of their own; single individuals, both men or women.

    But the barrier which looms between these prospective parents and their potential children is a process of recruitment and assessment which turns enthusiasm into exhaustion and optimism into despair.

    Too many examples of the assessment process going wrong
    We have been overwhelmed by stories from adopters and prospective adopters, telling us that the current system actively drives them away.

    Let me mention a few examples:

    Like the woman who made her first inquiry about adoption three and a half years ago. After meeting a social worker in her home and spending four days on a preparation course, she applied to adopt. It was another seven months before the assessment process even began – a process which took 15 months to complete. She was eventually approved to adopt, but that was well over a year ago – and she is still waiting to be matched with a child.

    Or the white couple in London who knew that there were lots of black children in care and that those children have to wait 50% longer on average to be adopted. The assessment process dragged on for months, their files were lost, then they were told that the idea of their adopting a black child could not be countenanced.

    Or the couple who had already adopted a daughter from abroad, and who wanted to add another child to their family. Eighteen months after their first enquiry, they are only now attending their first preparatory meetings. In the interim, hearing nothing, they chased up repeatedly only to discover that their address had been lost, and no effort made to find it. Despite repeated enquiries, they have been told nothing about how the assessment is decided, nor what particular qualities are sought in prospective adopters. In their own words, they feel that the “assessment of prospective adopters is based on the subjective opinion of a small group of people and…success is wholly dependent upon conformity to whichever set of political or social values happen to be flavour of the month”.

    Or the couple wanting to adopt a child whom they already knew and loved, but who were turned down because one of them had not yet given up smoking for a long enough period.

    Or the remarkable adopters of five disabled children who, just a few months ago, when they were ready to adopt a sixth, were turned away by nine local authorities because their previous assessments were out of date. When they persuaded the tenth local authority to give them a fast track re-assessment, they were told that a further adoption could not take place until they bought a new electric kettle with a shorter lead.

    I could go on.

    But I can’t continue without asking one fundamental question.

    When so many children are in such desperate need of a loving home, and are waiting for months and years to find one, how can we treat would-be adopters this way?

    The flaws in the assessment system

    The current system of assessment has become bloated. Assessments regularly run to over 100 pages. They include huge areas of repetition and an astonishing amount of trivial detail, which seems to bear dubious relevance to adults’ capacity to be loving parents.

    Highly trained social workers spend hours asking questions like whether there is a non-slip mat in the shower, whether the prospective adopters have a trampoline in the garden and, if so, whether it has a safety net.

    A three page pet assessment form has been extended by one voluntary organisation to include a six page dog assessment – nine pages of forms to manage the risk of an adopted child living with a pet.

    The quantity of material gathered has been confused with the quality of analysis – and there is no direct correlation between the two.

    Understandably afraid of something going wrong, successive governments have tried to eliminate risk by maximizing form-filling.

    But while they were right that risk has to be managed – adoption is too profound a step for us not to take care – we cannot eradicate risk with excessive bureaucracy. We must instead take steps to manage it, proportionately and sensibly.

    I would like to take this opportunity to state that if something does go wrong (which we all know is bound to happen at some point) I have no intention of condemning social workers for decisions and recommendations which were sensible and sensitive at the time.

    No system can be perfect – and it would be utter nonsense to pretend otherwise.

    The Action Plan on Adoption

    But we can do much better. That’s why, next month, we will be bringing out an Action Plan on Adoption.

    We know that more bureaucracy is not the way to secure better outcomes for vulnerable children. And we know that the current system is leaving many children waiting for years to be adopted, and many would-be adopters disheartened and discouraged.

    We need a system which helps professionals to assess prospective adopters, with better analysis and less form-filling;

    We need a procedure which can be completed at speed, and which will not drive so many would-be adopters away;

    We need to slim down pre-adoption assessment, and beef up adoption support;

    And we need performance indicators which can help local authorities to measure how they’re performing against each other and improve.

    As Jonathan Pearce, Chief Executive of Adoption UK, has pointed out, “it is rare to find an agency that is failing across the board”.

    Equally, even the best performers always have scope for improvement.

    I know that demanding a process which can be completed more speedily will mean that I run the risk of being called cavalier.

    But I don’t mind. What I believe would be cavalier would be to allow the continuation of an adoption process which is so slow, so inefficient, that we condemn thousands of children to a life without parents.

    A group of sector experts (including the CVAA, ADCS and BAAF) is already working hard on redesigning the assessment process to achieve this radical ambition, and we look forward to working with them over the coming weeks and months.

    Matching children with adoptive parents

    Another area which will need particularly close scrutiny is how to meet the challenge of matching children with adoptive parents.

    This can be the most vital stage of the whole process. But all too often, it fails.

    Many children waiting for adoption never get adopted. Many parents cleared to adopt never get the chance. And even when a successful match is made, parents and children have still had to endure an agonizing wait because the process just takes too long.

    However conscientious they may be, practitioners who wait too long for any particular child, holding out for a perfect parental match, are not acting in that child’s best interests.

    And we must bear in mind that matching a child to parents cannot be simply an intellectual process. We need to be more flexible and encourage would-be adopters to be flexible. The child they might go on to love and cherish may not be the child they first imagined – and I welcome the experimental adoption parties which BAAF has recently introduced to give potential parents and children the chance to meet.

    The task of finding the right adoptive family is all the more important for children with challenging needs. Most often, the children who wait the longest to be adopted are siblings (including about 75 groups of three or more), children with disabilities or children from ethnic minorities.

    These children are the most difficult to place – and that’s why it’s all the more important to welcome with open arms prospective adopters who are ready and eager to give them a home.

    The Consortium of Voluntary Adoption Agencies is already developing a proposal for a Social Impact Bond focused on finding adopters and providing adoption support for hard to place children.

    Innovative initiatives like this could achieve real improvements for the most vulnerable children, and we look forward to seeing how these plans develop.

    One particularly sensitive element of the matching process is, as you all know, matching by ethnicity. Which is much more complex than simply race.

    I won’t deny that an ethnic match between adopters and child can be a bonus. But it is outrageous to deny a child the chance of adoption because of a misguided belief that race is more important than any other factor. And it is simply disgraceful that a black child is three times less likely to be adopted from care than a white child.

    I heard, recently, of a foster carer whose local authority refused to let her adopt her foster child. The child was happy, and contented – she loved him, and he loved her. But she was white, and he was black. And the local authority insisted that he would have to be moved to black adoptive parents.

    Eventually, when no black adopters could be found, common sense prevailed and the adoption went ahead. But only after the mother had endured a nightmare lasting two and half years – during which, as she said, “each morning I thought my son would be removed because another family had been found”.

    This mother is by no means the only adopter told that she cannot adopt a child with a different skin colour to her own.

    And although the new guidance I issued to local authorities last year explicitly addressed this issue, evidence suggests that too many have failed to change their practice.

    If there is a loving family, ready and able to adopt a child, issues of ethnicity must not stand in the way.

    I won’t say too much now, in advance of the action plan – but I can promise you that I will not look away when the futures of black children in care continue to be damaged.

    Conclusion

    Adoption transforms the lives of some of the most neglected children in our country. It is a generous act – and it can achieve incredible results.

    I know this from the advice of experts, the statements of parents, the stories of children and from my own experience.

    That’s why we are determined that adoption should happen more often and should happen more speedily.

    By changing our attitude towards adoption, reducing the unnecessary bureaucracy of the assessment process and freeing up professionals to rely on their own judgement, I feel confident that we will be able to create a more efficient and effective adoption system.

    I know that some supporters of adoption will have heard this before, and will be sceptical.

    But I can assure you that I will not settle for a modest, temporary uplift in adoption numbers, nor a short-lived acceleration in the process. Nothing less than a significant and sustained improvement will do.

    The most neglected, the most abused, the most damaged children in our care deserve nothing less.

  • Queen Elizabeth II – 2012 Queen’s Speech

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    Below is the text of the speech made by HM Queen Elizabeth II in the House of Lords on 9 May 2012.

    My Lords and Members of the House of Commons, my Government’s legislative programme will focus on economic growth, justice and constitutional reform.

    My Ministers’ first priority will be to reduce the deficit and restore economic stability.

    Legislation will be introduced to reduce burdens on business by repealing unnecessary legislation and to limit state inspection of businesses.

    My Government will introduce legislation to reform competition law to promote enterprise and fair markets.

    My Government will introduce legislation to establish a Green Investment Bank.

    Measures will be brought forward to further strengthen regulation of the financial services sector and implement the recommendations of the Independent Commission on Banking.

    My Government will introduce legislation to establish an independent adjudicator to ensure supermarkets deal fairly and lawfully with suppliers.

    A Bill will be introduced to reduce burdens on charities, enabling them to claim additional payments on small donations.

    My Government will propose reform of the electricity market to deliver secure, clean and affordable electricity and ensure prices are fair.

    A draft Bill will be published to reform the water industry in England and Wales.

    My Government will bring forward measures to modernise the pension system and reform the state pension, creating a fair, simple and sustainable foundation for private saving.

    Legislation will be introduced to reform public service pensions in line with the recommendations of the independent commission on public service pensions.

    A draft Bill will be published setting out measures to close the Audit Commission and establish new arrangements for the audit of local public bodies.

    My Government will strive to improve the lives of children and families.

    My Government will propose measures to improve provision for disabled children and children with special educational needs. New arrangements will be proposed to support children involved in family law cases, reform court processes for children in care and strengthen the role of the Children’s Commissioner.

    Measures will be proposed to make parental leave more flexible so both parents may share parenting responsibilities and balance work and family commitments.

    A draft Bill will be published to modernise adult care and support in England.

    My Government will continue to work with the fifteen other Commonwealth Realms to take forward reform of the rules governing succession to the Crown.

    Legislation will be brought forward which will introduce individual registration of electors and improve the administration of elections.

    A Bill will be brought forward to reform the composition of the House of Lords.

    My Government will continue to work constructively and co-operatively with the devolved institutions.

    Members of the House of Commons, estimates for the public services will be laid before you.

    My Lords and Members of the House of Commons, my Government is committed to reducing and preventing crime. A Bill will be introduced to establish the National Crime Agency to tackle the most serious and organised crime and strengthen border security. The courts and tribunals service will be reformed to increase efficiency, transparency and judicial diversity.

    Legislation will be introduced to protect freedom of speech and reform the law of defamation.

    My Government will introduce legislation to strengthen oversight of the security and intelligence agencies. This will also allow courts, through the limited use of closed proceedings, to hear a greater range of evidence in national security cases.

    My Government intends to bring forward measures to maintain the ability of the law enforcement and intelligence agencies to access vital communications data under strict safeguards to protect the public, subject to scrutiny of draft clauses.

    My Government will seek the approval of Parliament relating to the agreed financial stability mechanism within the euro area.

    My Government will seek the approval of Parliament on the anticipated accession of Croatia to the European Union.

    My Government will work to support a secure and stable Afghanistan, to reduce the threat of nuclear proliferation, including in Iran, and to bring greater stability to the Horn of Africa.

    In the Middle East and North Africa, my Government will support the extension of political and economic freedom in countries in transition.

    My Government has set out firm plans to spend nought point seven per cent of gross national income as official development assistance from 2013. This will be the first time the United Kingdom has met this agreed international commitment.

    My Government will build strategic partnerships with the emerging powers.

    The United Kingdom will assume the Presidency of the G8 in 2013: my Government will use this opportunity to promote international security and prosperity.

    In the year of the Diamond Jubilee, Prince Philip and I will continue to take part in celebrations across the United Kingdom. The Prince of Wales and other members of my family are travelling widely to take part in festivities throughout the Commonwealth.

    Prince Philip and I look forward to the London Olympic and Paralympic Games and to welcoming visitors from around the world to London and venues throughout the country.

    Other measures will be laid before you.

    My Lords and Members of the House of Commons, I pray that the blessing of Almighty God may rest upon your counsels.