Tag: 2011

  • PRESS RELEASE : Lord Hill responds to the ‘Yorkshire Post’ on free schools [February 2011]

    PRESS RELEASE : Lord Hill responds to the ‘Yorkshire Post’ on free schools [February 2011]

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 22 February 2011.

    Sir

    I am sorry that Fiona Millar constantly seeks to diminish the efforts of dedicated parents, teachers and charities who simply want to improve education for children in their area (Fiona Millar ‘Why free schools will cost our children and society dear’, Yorkshire Post 11 February 2011). Contrary to what she claims, free schools will not allow ‘covert selection’, cause a threat to community cohesion or receive preferential funding. They will follow the same legal admissions procedures as other schools, and will be monitored by Ofsted and the government.

    They will simply be state-funded schools established where there is local demand from parents for a good and new type of school for their children.

    The truth is that top-down solutions of the sort favoured by Fiona Millar have not worked, despite the best efforts of teachers and heads. By freeing up the system we are giving local groups of parents and teachers the opportunity to increase choice and raise standards. The fact that we have had such a strong response – over 250 proposals already shows that there is a great deal of enthusiasm for the idea of free schools. I am glad to be on the side of parents, charities and committed teachers who are trying to make things better and am sorry that the forces of conservatism represented by Fiona Millar want to snuff that diversity out.

    Lord Hill

    Schools Minister

  • PRESS RELEASE : Department for Education responds to criticisms of clauses within the Education Bill [February 2011]

    PRESS RELEASE : Department for Education responds to criticisms of clauses within the Education Bill [February 2011]

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 18 February 2011.

    Responding to a letter from the National Secular Society to the Secretary of State, shared with the media, about the protection of non-religious staff in faith schools, a Department for Education spokeswoman said:

    We are disappointed with the misleading claims from the National Secular Society (NSS). The clause highlighted by the NSS is in fact there to ensure that the statutory rights of staff are protected when a school converts to Academy status.

    The Education Bill does not reduce protections for teachers within faith schools that convert into Academies and we are confident that the Bill does not breach any domestic or European law.

    Additional background:

    A combination of provisions within the Bill, the Academies Act Commencement Order, Funding Agreements and the Equalities legislation provide protection for teachers when schools convert to academy status.

    If, as can only happen with the agreement of the Secretary of State, an academy later changes from a model similar to voluntary-controlled to voluntary-aided teachers will be protected through a transitional provision. There have been six such conversions in the since 2007.

    We consider that three main points are raised and our responses to these are as follows:

    Where a voluntary controlled or foundation school with religious character converts to Academy status, clause 58 of the Education Bill continues the protection of non-reserved teachers that existed before the conversion. The protection is afforded to such schools in the meantime by way of transitional provisions in the Academies Act 2010 (Commencement and Transitional Provisions) Order 2010. Therefore it is not right to say that teachers in such schools are not currently protected if their schools convert to Academy status. The position of future staff is also protected in the funding agreement.

    After conversion, it is possible for such an Academy to change its governance arrangements so that they reflect the maintained school voluntary aided model, in the same way that it is possible for a voluntary controlled or foundation school in the maintained sector to become a voluntary aided school. In practice this is rare – there have been 75 incidences of conversion from VC to VA model over the last 10 years.

    Just as that process requires consultation in the maintained sector, we would expect any Academy wishing to make such a change to set out their business case fully and ensure a wide and thorough consultation was carried out. The Secretary of State would only approve an amendment to the Funding Agreement or the Memorandum and Articles if he was satisfied that sufficient consultation had taken place in the case of such a change and that the responses to the consultation showed that such a change was supported. If the Secretary of State agreed to change the governance arrangements of an Academy a deed of variation would be needed to make these amendments.

    The Bill enables the Secretary of State to make an Order to disapply new section 124AA of the 1998 Act in the case of such a change, which would mean that section 124A of the 1998 Act would apply so that the school could lawfully discriminate in respect of up to 100% of its teachers on religious grounds. However, any Order made would include transitional provisions to continue the protection of existing non-reserved teachers. In the case of any change of category from voluntary controlled to voluntary aided in the maintained sector, it is secondary legislation that provides for the protection of non-reserved teachers, not primary legislation (The School Organisation (Prescribed Alterations) Regulations 2007, paragraph 55 of Schedule 3). Therefore, we do not see any need to put this on the face of primary legislation.

    The protections afforded to staff at community and secular voluntary and foundation maintained schools against discrimination on grounds of religious opinions etc. in current legislation are not applied to independent schools. Academies have existed since 2000 and we are not aware that this issue has been a problem in practice in this time. We are content to rely on the general Equality legislation in respect of such teachers.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Capita appointed to administer Teachers’ Pension Scheme [February 2011]

    PRESS RELEASE : Capita appointed to administer Teachers’ Pension Scheme [February 2011]

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 16 February 2011.

    The Department for Education has confirmed today that Capita Business Services Ltd has been selected as the preferred supplier to administer the Teachers’ Pension Scheme (TPS) from October 2011.

    The TPS is the second largest pension scheme in the country with 1.6 million members and has been administered by Capita since 1996. The new contract, worth £80 million, is for a period of seven years, with an option to extend by up to three further years.

    The contract was awarded after a fair and open competition, using the competitive dialogue procurement route, with other strong contenders involved throughout.

    Companies interested in administering the scheme had to demonstrate their ability to deliver a high quality, flexible, innovative and value for money administration service. The service requirement also supports the Coalition Government’s commitment to encourage saving for retirement and the implementation of changes to the TPS that might result from recommendations by Lord Hutton’s Independent Public Sector Pension Commission.

    Capita has offered a solution which will see the effective delivery of the services, with continuous improvement and innovation throughout the life of the contract to reflect the challenges associated with the pension environment. The Department will work with Capita to build on their achievements to date in delivering the requirements of this new contract.

    Further information

    1. The first administration outsourcing contract for seven years was awarded to Capita 1996 following a competitive procurement. In 2003 Capita Hartshead were re-appointed following another procurement competition. This contract was for seven years, with the option to extend by up to three year. In 2008, following the undertaking of an options exercise, the Department extended the contract by one year, to 30 September 2011.
    2. The Department placed a notice in the European Journal on 18 September 2009 inviting expressions of interest in the contract to administer the Teachers’ Pension Scheme.
    3. The appointment of Capita has been approved by a Project Board and the Department for Education’s Permanent Secretary, with Ministers being informed.
  • PRESS RELEASE : Schools Minister Nick Gibb responds to report on science and maths from the Royal Society [February 2011]

    PRESS RELEASE : Schools Minister Nick Gibb responds to report on science and maths from the Royal Society [February 2011]

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 15 February 2011.

    Responding the Royal Society’s report on science and maths education, Schools Minister Nick Gibb said:

    “We echo the concerns of the Royal Society about the need to improve the teaching and take-up of science and mathematics in our schools. As other countries make vast improvements in science and maths education, the UK continues to fall down international league tables and we now languish at 27th in the world for maths, and 16th for science – falling 19 and 14 places respectively in under 10 years.

    The Schools White Paper reflects the importance this Government attaches to these subjects by exploring ways in which to attract the best graduates in science and maths into the teaching profession as well as improving continued professional development for teachers of all subjects.

    We are also seeking the advice of universities and learned societies about how the Government can strengthen science and maths in the National Curriculum and restore rigour in GCSE and A Level exams. The English Baccalaureate includes mathematics and science which will drive up participation rates and attainment in these subjects pre and post-16. We are already committed to looking at new ways to encourage the take up of science qualifications, in particular physics, at all levels.”

  • PRESS RELEASE : Publication of the findings from the review of the Vetting and Barring Scheme [February 2011]

    PRESS RELEASE : Publication of the findings from the review of the Vetting and Barring Scheme [February 2011]

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 11 February 2011.

    The government has today published the findings from the review of the Vetting and Barring Scheme.

    Children’s Minister Tim Loughton said:

    “Protecting children and keeping them safe remains our top priority, but it’s also important that well-meaning adults are not put off working or volunteering with children.

    The new system will be less bureaucratic and less intimidating. It will empower organisations to ask the right questions and make all the appropriate pre-employment checks, and encourage everyone to be vigilant.

    This is a commonsense and proportionate approach which will ensure that children are properly protected without driving a wedge between them and adults.”

    The Vetting and Barring Scheme remodelling review: report and recommendations is available from the Home Office.

    A parallel Review of the criminal records regime led by Mrs Sunita Mason, the Government’s independent adviser on criminality information management, has also completed its first phase and the findings of that review are available online.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Henry Winkler receives honorary OBE for services to children with special educational needs and dyslexia [February 2011]

    PRESS RELEASE : Henry Winkler receives honorary OBE for services to children with special educational needs and dyslexia [February 2011]

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 11 February 2011.

    Michael Gove presents award for Winkler’s tireless campaigning to support the earlier identification of children with SEN or disabilities.

    Welcoming the award, Michael Gove, Secretary of State for Education said:

    I congratulate Henry Winkler on this much deserved award. As an accomplished actor, author and director he has not only shown people what it’s like to live with a disability, but more importantly he has inspired young people with disabilities to make their dreams a reality.

    Whilst many will remember Henry as ‘The Fonz’, in recent years he has devoted himself to improving opportunities for children and adults who have learning difficulties. He has been awarded the OBE for his tireless campaigning to support the earlier identification and better understanding of children who have a special educational need or disability (SEND). I give Henry my wholehearted thanks for the time he has spent in this country visiting schools, inspiring children and raising their aspirations.

    The Government is looking at a radical shake-up of the SEND system to give children with SEND and their parents a much bigger say in the type of support they need, and to make sure they achieve their full potential. It’s thanks to people like Henry that we can give children, parents and professionals a much greater understanding of how the system can work for them.

    Further information

    Henry Winkler was nominated for an honour by the editor of First News Nicky Cox MBE, the Dyslexia Trust and the Teaching Awards. The Department supported the nomination.

    Henry was diagnosed with severe dyslexia in his thirties. He has co-authored 17 books based on a child with dyslexia, Hank Zipzer.

    Last year he fronted the First News ‘My Way’ campaign to improve perceptions of children with special educational needs (SEN) and disabilities and raise their aspirations, and he worked with the Dyslexia Trust. This year, the National Teaching Awards presented a new SEN award with prize money donated by Henry.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Michael Gove responds to BSF judicial review [February 2011]

    PRESS RELEASE : Michael Gove responds to BSF judicial review [February 2011]

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 11 February 2011.

    The government has today responded to the judgment following judicial reviews from 6 local authorities on the Building Schools for the Future (BSF) programme.

    A Department for Education spokesperson said:

    “We are delighted that the judge did not call into question the decision to end the wasteful and bureaucratic Building Schools for the Future programme. On the substantive points he concluded that it was a rational decision and that the authorities involved had no expectation of being allowed to proceed with their projects.”

    Further information

    Mr Justice Holman today found that the Secretary of State’s decision to end the BSF programme was rational and the claimants had no legitimate expectation of receiving funding.

    The judge set out that the Secretary of State’s decision ‘is not open to legal challenge on the ground of irrationality, however that argument is developed or put’. He also said that further examination of the rationality of the decision would ‘be a grave and exorbitant usurpation… of the minister’s political role.’

    Mr Justice Holman also concluded that ‘there was no promise or expectation’ that any of the claimants’ projects would definitely proceed.
    The Secretary of State will now look again at his decision with regard to these authorities with an open mind, taking representations from them. The judge set out, however, that ‘the final decision on any project still rests with him and… no one should gain false hope from this decision’.

  • Tim Loughton – 2011 Speech at the Edith Kahn Memorial Lecture

    Tim Loughton – 2011 Speech at the Edith Kahn Memorial Lecture

    The speech made by Tim Loughton, the then Education Minister, on 9 February 2011.

    Can I start by saying how delighted and privileged I am to be asked to give the 20th Edith Kahn Memorial Lecture? My association with the excellent organisation that is CSV goes back to 2001 when I became a trustee, and whilst I regretfully and reluctantly had to give up that position after the election this year, that does not mean that my respect and association with the charity should be any less enthusiastic. And can I thank, on behalf of CSV, all the supporters – many of them represented here today – for all that you do to make the work of the CSV possible?

    This year we are in the House of Lords – a slightly ominous development given the not-entirely apocryphal anecdote about graffiti in one of our noble colleagues’ loos here which poses the question – ‘What do you call 2 MPs at the bottom of the ocean?’ – to which has been added the answer: – ‘a good start!’ It is gratifying, however, that politicians are still invited to address such august audiences after everything that has passed.

    It is a truth universally acknowledged that a voluntary organisation in possession of a good idea and in want of a meeting with a minister will use the buzz phrase ‘Big Society’ before breakfast, lunch and dinner – to open with a cacophonous car-crash of mixed misquotes. But it does seem that every time I receive a letter or email requesting a meeting, let alone the subsequent meeting itself, there is something of a target quota system operating to see how many times ‘Big Society’ can be inserted into the dialogue.

    The trouble is that most people don’t know what the Big Society really means, least of all the unfortunate ministers who have to articulate it. What actually is the Big Society, let alone is it good or not? Exactly how big is it now or is it going to be? Is it, in fact, Ann Widdecombe? Is it a very British thing? Or is it another American import?

    In America, the Big Society can, of course, mean something completely different, as a recent survey showed that one in three Americans weighs more than the other two put together – a statistic that gave rise to a recent Sun headline to an article on an environmental report that ‘Fatties cause global warning’.

    More appropriately, however, we perhaps heard early rumblings of what it meant when President Lyndon B. Johnson spoke in 1964 of America’s ‘opportunity to move not only towards the rich society and the powerful society, but upward to the great society’. His predecessor John Adams, however, the second president of the US, warned more ominously that ‘the happiness of society is the end of government’.

    On the other side of the Channel, Rousseau put it more desperately: ‘Nature makes man happy and good but society corrupts him and makes him miserable’.

    So is there anything more British about the Big Society? Well, of course Britishness is something of a movable feast these days. Being British these days is about driving in a German car to an Irish pub for a Belgian beer, then travelling home via an Indian restaurant or grabbing a Turkish kebab on the way, to enjoy a TV supper sitting on Swedish furniture, watching American shows on a Japanese television.

    Only in Britain can a pizza get to your house faster than an ambulance.
    Only in Britain do supermarkets make sick people walk all the way to the back of the shop to get their prescriptions while healthy people can buy cigarettes at the front.
    Only in Britain do people order double cheeseburgers, large fries and a diet coke.
    And only in Britain do banks leave both doors open and then chain the pens to the counters.
    Clearly then, to be born British is to be born into a world of contrast and contradiction, where eccentricity and manners, faith and cynicism, tradition and modernity, have all conflated to create this collective sense of identity that is framed far more by its ambiguities than its consistencies.

    And yet, through some quirk of anthropology, those same great ambiguities also combined to create one of most enduring, and famed, of all national characteristics -the British sense of fair play – with the nation both admired and mocked, in almost equal measure, for its strict codes of social conduct and propriety, which Sir Malcolm Bradbury once jokingly described as ‘the most rigid system of immorality in the world’.

    Now, in part, you could argue that that reputation was never much more than a fig leaf, conceived of on the playing fields of Eton. But in reality, the British sense of social justice and generosity goes far deeper than that, with an extraordinarily rich catalogue of great names and moments that have helped shape, and distinguish, our communities over the years. Whether that was the first time William Wilberforce stood up in the House of Commons to make the case for the abolition of slavery. Whether it was Mary Seacole setting sail from Jamaica to volunteer as a nurse during the Crimean War, or whether it was the RAC volunteers who gave up their cars to take men and women to hospital during the blitz, and the continued, unabated acts of charity by organisations like the British Red Cross, Barnardos and – of course – CSV. Each, in their own right, helping to define what it now means to be British.

    Increasingly however, volunteering and acts of charity have become a less and less visible feature of our national conscience, largely forgotten and bypassed by successive governments who have tended to ignore the good and focus on the bad when they design and institute policy. Which explains, perhaps, why we’ve seen so many governments attempt to muscle in on family and community life over the last 30 or so years – in a well intentioned but ultimately unsuccessful attempt to make up for the fact that families have become increasingly nuclear, and communities increasingly fragmented.

    Sadly, as we all know, this approach has largely failed – and many of the gravest problems we today associate with those social changes are, in fact, greater than ever, with the UK suffering from some of the highest levels of drug and alcohol abuse amongst young people anywhere in the world, having the highest teenage pregnancy rates in Europe, stubbornly high levels of child poverty, and more than a million young people suffering from some kind of mental health condition.

    So today I wanted to argue the case for a return to social policies that reinforce and support communities rather than supplant them. And a return to the kind of governance that promotes the work of organisations like the CSV, and its workers and volunteers, and helps families and local communities to tap into the spirit of generosity that’s such an important hallmark of British life. That is the starting point for the Big Society.

    Because the simple reality, as I see it, is that although our society has changed in many ways, our nature hasn’t. For as long as humans have stalked the Earth, we have been distinguished by our altruism and sense of community. When hunter gatherers emerged from the tree line some 12,000 years ago, dragging their knuckles behind them, they didn’t survive by bashing each other over the heads with their clubs; they survived because they offered each other support. Altruism was, to put it bluntly, crucial to their social cohesion – precisely because a cohesive group was more likely to survive in interactions with other groups.

    Even now, scientists argue over why that is – with many of the most eminent claiming it must be an evolutionary mistake and others, like Richard Dawkins, famously saying, ‘we have to teach generosity because we are born selfish’. But for the rest of us, it is, perhaps, simply enough to know that altruism does indeed exist. And that its benefits to our communities are vast, as, in fact, are its psychological and practical benefits to individuals. We know, for instance, that volunteering stimulates the reward centres in our brains. It helps people access social networks, provides opportunities for learning and developing skills, and gives us the satisfaction of making a contribution. In the case of CSV research, we notoriously know, of course, that 17 per cent of 18- to 24-year-old volunteers also claim that volunteering improves their sex lives.

    In short, not only is being nice good for others – it is also personally rewarding and likely to be reciprocated. Conversely, of course, being selfish or unpleasant is likely to reap its own rewards.

    A lesson was vividly highlighted to me on the train the other day by my private secretary, who told me a story about the late Alan Clark – who, although a wonderful politician and writer, had something of a reputation for his fiery personality. Apparently, whilst he was in government, one of his speechwriters decided to get his own back after a series of particularly bruising encounters – just before Clark was due to deliver an address at a major conference on employment law.

    The speechwriter presented Clark with the draft just before he went on stage. The first page said something like, ‘Good morning. I’m delighted to be here. Today I will run you through seventeen complex issues in employment law, which are in desperate need of reform’. On the second page, the speechwriter had simply scrawled the words, ‘You’re on your own now, you bastard…’

    I restocked the jelly babies I keep on my desk for officials almost immediately after hearing that story.

    The fact is, we are healthier, happier, safer, and more socially cohesive when we are at our most altruistic – a point that has long been recognised by many of our greatest leaders, both past and present – with Churchill once famously saying that, ‘we make a living by what we do but we make a life by what we give’, and Barack Obama making the point, when he launched his new age of responsibility in the States, that people who join together ‘do amazing things’.

    Nevertheless, I’ve heard the somewhat disingenuous arguments that the Big Society is either a way of providing public services through the back door or that it’s profoundly over-optimistic about the scale of change it can deliver.

    The first is, perhaps, the most important to counter, because it makes the tacit – and frankly rather discredited assumption – that public services are like a glorious medicine chest of potions, lotions and tablets that have the capacity to cure all social problems. The simple reality is that too much government frequently adds to problems rather than solve them – by stripping away individual accountability and responsibility. That is what Rousseau was talking about. And by supplanting the family and community support structures that give each and everyone one of us our mental resilience, adaptability and strength.

    As to the second charge against the Big Society, around the scale of its ambition, the answer is, I think, all around us. It’s in the work of great, great organisations like the CSV and its members. It’s in the continued commitment of the 22 million plus volunteers who support their communities. And it’s in the growing interest of business in corporate social responsibility – as we heard so strikingly from a previous Edith Kahn memorial lecturer, the Chief Executive of Timberland, who has been in the vanguard of corporate employee volunteering schemes. In short, no matter where you look, kindness, generosity and community activism are on display.

    The London Olympics, for example, has already attracted well over 100,000 volunteers who want to help out for those two weeks in 2012 – huge numbers of people who have put their names forward despite the fact that most of them know they’re not going to be handing Usain Bolt his tracksuit top or marshalling the Opening Ceremony, but are instead doing it because they know that volunteering is something special.

    In business there is a growing realisation amongst chief execs that the promotion of volunteering and social responsibility amongst staff has potentially huge benefits for both morale and balance sheets. I was at an event hosted by News International recently to mark its decision to allow each member of its staff to take up to four days off work for volunteering each year, which is then posted on their pay slip. Their scheme has been modelled on that of Timberland and I am delighted that it was CSV who helped broker that sharing of best practice.

    Perhaps this is really a new manifestation of older schemes and even older notions – philanthropy, particularly local philanthropy. When I think back to my own constituency and the town of Worthing, many of the municipal good works that marked a period of frenetic development in the early nineteenth century when we officially became a town were instigated not from central government but from local businessmen and community-minded residents. The theatre, assembly rooms, baths and circulating library all have their origins in this period, and later the town’s drainage system, as Worthing promoted itself in contrast to nearby Brighton as ‘a nice place for nice people’.

    Last week I joined a group of business leaders in Blackburn working with the founders of the Bolton Lads and Girls Club – the best youth club in the UK – to establish a network of similar youth facilities across the North West. Complimented by some seed corn public funds, they are looking to build state-of-the-art facilities for young people; help run and maintain them with volunteer time from their employees; develop them as hubs for other voluntary organisations, educational and other activities; and use them to train and bring on young people as potential recruits. This surely is a microcosm of what the Big Society is all about, with Government as enabler and supporter, and surely that contributes to a good society.

    Elsewhere in our communities there are countless thousands of smaller projects, organisations and volunteering opportunities in action – whether that is acting as a ‘toad warden’ and helping toads across the road, or whether it’s taking the simplest of civic responsibilities in your community. Just a few weeks ago, for example, I was at an event at Google headquarters in London, where the ‘Fix my Street’ website was mentioned, which if you haven’t seen it online already, basically gives people the opportunity to report anything and everything from broken street lights, to pot holes on their road. I’m told it is now so successful that there’s even an iPhone app for it, and an Australian spin-off called – in good old Aussie fashion – ‘It’s Buggered Mate’.

    The point is surely this: we’re all volunteers, even if we don’t realise it. It might not be the grandest gesture, or even a life-changing experience, but we all have that deeply ingrained understanding of the benefits of altruism and reciprocity.

    And, as one of my old opponents, the former Home Secretary and longstanding CSV supporter, David Blunkett, once pointed out, this spirit of generosity should be a cornerstone of any good government. Or, in his own words: ‘People coming together on a voluntary basis to achieve common aims is a key feature of a dynamic democracy … Volunteering empowers people … it strengthens the bonds between individuals which are the bedrock of strong civil society’.

    How right he was. And the Big Society is about harnessing this understanding and using the enormous pool of goodwill, sense of fair play and desire for social justice that we know exists in this country, to help create, as Matthew Parris has called it, a ‘big-hearted society’.

    Does that mean Government wriggles out of its responsibilities? Does it mean Whitehall has no role to play in family and community life? The simple answer is no, absolutely not. A Big Society remains a supported society, where government has a hugely important role to play.

    But I see our job as one of making it easier for the voluntary and community sector to step in – to provide that help – part of which is making sure organisations like CSV have the advice and support they need to develop and grow. Part of which is providing greater financial support and the policies to unlock volunteering and community action.
    The Big Society bank, for instance, which formed one of the main compacts in the Coalition Agreement, will unlock hundreds of millions of pounds worth of new finance, using unclaimed assets to finance and sustain the voluntary sector.

    We are also giving neighbourhoods the ability to take greater ownership of local projects. Whether that’s helping parents to open new schools so that they have greater control over their children’s education, or whether it’s giving communities the opportunity to take over local amenities such as parks and libraries that are under threat.

    However, I do also think there is a trade-off in the sense that the voluntary sector itself needs to become more savvy about the way it works – particularly where it is being supported by government money. And we in turn, need to think smarter about how we use the voluntary sector in local services.

    This is one of the reasons why we want to offer every young person in the country the opportunity to take part in an experience – through the National Citizen Service – that will help their personal development, strengthen their sense of identity, and give them the opportunity for community service. But provide it through civil society organisation rather than through an almost inevitably less effective, and less inventive, government programme.

    In addition, we are encouraging local councils in particular to consider how they might use outstanding voluntary and community organisations to provide services for young people in particular.

    We are providing neighbourhood grants for the UK’s poorest areas, with that money going to charities and social enterprises to work with new and existing groups in the most deprived and broken communities.

    And we are establishing national centres for community organising that will train thousands of independent community organisers who can then, in turn, help communities to tackle the individual social challenges they face – a project that has, I must add, already been hugely successful in US cities like Chicago.

    There is, though, another aspect to the Big Society because it is not just a one-way street where government withdraws and frees up local energy and talent and generosity to get on with it. Government – national and local – needs to do its bit too. Back in 1992 when I first stood for Parliament against David Blunkett in Sheffield and narrowly lost by 22,681 votes on the day, one innovation was the Citizen’s Charter and in particular, the Tenant’s Charter. Council tenants who did their bit and looked after their properties only to bang their head against a brick wall when it came to help from the Council with essential repairs, were empowered to have the work done privately and then send the bill to the Council. Yet even when tenants did join together and look after their own properties and even their neighbourhoods, there was no recognition of this and no two-way street when help was required.

    This was self-defeating and the Big Society must mean that good citizens who do their bit must be recognised, and the local authority must do its bit in return. When you play to the strengths of people we know that many of them will step forward and go beyond their responsibilities. It’s cheaper, quicker and just better. Many innovative housing associations, such as the Irwell Valley in Salford, have been practising this for years. Tenants who look after their properties, keep the environment tidy and discourage anti-social behaviour in their localities are rewarded with a gold card discount scheme, faster repairs and preferential tenancies for their children. The Big Society has much to learn from Irwell Valley and its counterparts.

    The point is, this is a new kind of governance that can adapt to the changes in society we have seen over the years, but takes as its starting point one of the most fundamental building blocks of our cultural development – altruism. Everyone can be part of it, although a bit of motivation and energy is preferable. Even those who might claim that they are not so much lazy but rather ‘blessed with a lack of ambition!’

    Our society was not made great by big government; it was made great by big communities and individuals – with people willing to share, trade, help, cooperate and support each other – whether that is a man like Wilberforce, a woman like Seacole, or an organisation like the CSV. History remembers those who have given back to their communities rather than those who have taken from them.

    So whilst it is true that the recession has made the case for radical reform greater and more urgent, the Big Society has never been an idea born of economic expediency. It is an idea based on optimism and on the example of great, great organisations like the CSV, its members and its volunteers. It is an idea based, at its most beautifully simple, on human nature.

    So maybe everything I have spent the last half an hour articulating was academic and unnecessary, occasionally boring and occasionally irreverent. Because surely one of the starkest manifestations of the Big Society is right in front of me – CSV. Led by what we can call a one-woman Big Society in the form of Dame Elisabeth Hoodless, who in the 45 years she has run this wonderful organisation has been ahead of the game in promoting, in practical terms, what the Big Society is all about – and surely that has been, and is, an undeniably good thing.

    Thank you.

     

  • Michael Gove – 2011 Speech to the National Conference of Directors of Children’s and Adult Services

    Michael Gove – 2011 Speech to the National Conference of Directors of Children’s and Adult Services

    The speech made by Michael Gove, the then Secretary of State for Education, on 9 February 2011.

    Thank you, Shireen, and thank you Marion, for your very kind introduction.

    It’s a special pleasure to be here in Manchester, home of one of our greatest football clubs (Manchester City), home of one of our most amazing schools (Manchester Academy), and home to one of the most striking examples of urban regeneration in the country – Manchester’s revived city centre. All of them evidence that when local people, local institutions and local government are given a broader canvas on which to operate, their ambitions can exceed anything imagined.

    I want to say a little bit today about the ambitious agenda the coalition government has for education – and children’s services. And in particular I want to outline how, working together, we can be more ambitious about what children and young people can achieve in Britain.

    A power shift and a horizon shift

    It’s been 6 months since the new coalition government was established as a partnership between two parties determined to work together in the national interest to resolve the big problems our country faces.

    Since the government was formed we’ve set to work to restore our finances, reduce the massive deficit we inherited and put public services on a sustainable footing. We have started to reform our political system to make it fairer, more accountable and more transparent; embarked on reforms of education, health and welfare to promote social justice; and taken steps to accelerate economic growth by improving vocational training, investing in science and lifting the bureaucratic burden on business.

    Our reform programme is driven by two principles shared across the coalition parties. We believe in shifting power down from central government to the lowest possible level – to local authorities, schools, mutuals and co-ops, GP consortia, community groups, families and individuals. And alongside this power shift, we believe in setting policy with a determined eye on the long-term. Whether it’s reforming higher education, taking radical action on energy efficiency or investing more in pre-school learning for our 2-year-olds, the government believes in a horizon shift where tough decisions are taken now so the country can enjoy a more sustainably prosperous future.

    It’s a challenging agenda. But then again it needs to be, because our country can’t afford – literally cannot afford – not to change radically.

    The economic mess we find ourselves in means we need to change.

    The huge numbers of talented young people who still do not achieve as they should means we need to change.

    And the new demands from the public that we deliver services much more efficiently means we need to change.

    Changing does not mean rejecting the gains we have already made as a society. It’s quite the opposite – unless we change we will not be able to generate the wealth and opportunities, we will not be able to provide the security and comfort, that we have grown used to expecting.

    I am an unreserved admirer of many of the advances we’ve made as a country over the last few decades. In the 80s we put the days of relative economic decline behind us. In the nineties we became a more tolerant, compassionate and open nation. And over the last decade there’s been a renewed emphasis on spreading opportunity more widely.

    Specifically, there’s been a growing sense that we must ensure our taxpayer-funded public services are as responsive to individual demands and as efficient in their operations as those private sector organisations that have benefitted from innovation and competition.

    Together, these forces and trends have driven progress. But even as we look back and see how far we’ve come, it is much more important that we look around us and see how fast others are going.

    Across the globe other nations are modernising their economies, reforming their ways of working, challenging vested interests, demanding better performance, transforming public service, and making power more accountable, government more transparent and opportunity more equal. And the pace of change is everywhere accelerating. In East Asia, millions more are being educated to a higher level than ever before every year. In Scandinavia, taxes are being cut and technological change is driving new business growth. In North America, new ways of providing public services are being pioneered which put the empowered citizen in control.

    We cannot ignore, or resist, these trends. It’s in the nature of our world that jobs, investment, innovation and growth will migrate to those jurisdictions with the best trained workers, the best educated citizens, the most efficient governments, the most responsive services, the most civilized public square. If we are to ensure our citizens enjoy a civilized future, with the economic growth which will sustain a prosperous and comfortable future for all, then we must accelerate reform here. We have to keep pace with the world’s innovation nations. And, sadly, at the moment we are falling behind.

    The fierce urgency of the need for education reform

    In the last ten years we have fallen behind other countries in the international league tables of school performance – falling from fourth in the world for science to fourteenth, seventh in the world for literacy to seventeenth, and eighth in the world for maths to twenty-fourth.

    If we are to raise attainment for all children, turn round underperforming schools where students have been poorly served for years, close the gap between rich and poor and make opportunity more equal, we need to work at every level to accelerate the pace of change.

    Local authorities have a central role to play. The services you provide are critical to our shared mission of giving every child, and young person, the best possible start in life. From the support given in the earliest years, through Sure Start and other settings, to the effective policing of admissions rules to guarantee fair access for all students; from the expertise required to support children with special educational needs to the challenge which underperforming schools require to improve, local authorities are our essential partners in the fight to extend every child’s opportunities.

    I am grateful for all the support, advice and encouragement I have received from colleagues in local government, councillors from all parties and officials at every level, and the Schools White Paper we plan to publish later this year will reflect the conversations I have had with local government colleagues as well as outline new and exciting ways of working together.

    Increased autonomy for local authorities

    I have been influenced by the growing sense among the most innovative leaders in the public sector that we will only secure the progress we need to make as a country if we continually drive responsibility and decision-making down to the lowest possible level.

    Progress depends on encouraging creativity, making services more responsive to individual citizens, allowing valid comparisons between different providers to be made and using transparency – not central direction – to drive value for money.

    There are huge opportunities here for local government.

    As we shift power downwards, there is massive potential for the creative use of greater autonomy on the part of those who lead both schools and local authorities.

    We propose to give local authorities progressively greater freedoms as they become strategic delivery partners. At the moment there are countless targets, onerous inspection regimes and a stultifying culture of compliance, with a proliferation of ring-fences, an overkill of regulations and a burgeoning thicket of guidance. All of these centrally-driven interventions have made government less local.

    That is why we are stripping them away. By removing comprehensive area assessment and ending local area agreements, we have begun to remove the bureaucratic burdens that have been applied by central government to local government.

    The space has been cleared for local authorities to be more daring and imaginative in how they provide services and deploy resources.

    Today I am going a step further to liberate local authorities by announcing the ending of statutory requirements on them to set and then police a whole range of externally imposed performance targets on schools and Early Years settings.

    Instead, local authorities will be able to develop their own plans to improve the quality of Early Years provision. And you will be free to develop new and innovative ways of supporting the vulnerable across your local areas. With the additional resources we are making available for the education of the poorest two-year olds, the schooling of all poorer children and early intervention to help those most in need, you will have the funding, and the freedom, to make a real difference.

    Sharper accountability for underperforming schools

    As well as granting local authorities greater autonomy, the Coalition Government is also making good its commitment to grant schools greater autonomy. I am grateful for the constructive way in which local authorities have worked to ensure we can offer all schools the promise of greater control over their destiny.

    We have extended the opportunity to all schools to move towards academy status, with outstanding schools leading the way. One new academy has been created every working day of this new school term.

    Those schools have used their new freedoms to help others. And all schools, whether or not they are making the journey towards academy status, are being given greater freedoms from central government.

    We have abolished the self-evaluation form, reduced the data collection burden and told Ofsted to slim down its inspection criteria. We will be slimming down the National Curriculum, making governance simpler and financial management less onerous. All of these steps will give school leaders more freedom to concentrate on their core responsibilities – teaching and learning.

    Different schools will go down different paths, at different paces. Some will want to move rapidly to academy status; others will follow, perhaps as part of a broader trust or federation. Yet others will want to maintain their current status.

    A partnership for good

    And because there will be a diversity of paths, so there will be a different role for local authorities with respect to schools.

    We want all local authorities to play a central role as guardians of social justice, ensuring admissions are fair.

    We expect all local authorities to discharge an essential role as providers of support for children with special educational needs.

    We will work with all local authorities to ensure there is sufficient high-quality alternative provision.

    And we will encourage all local authorities to be champions of educational excellence – challenging individual schools to improve, encouraging great schools to share their expertise, putting underperforming schools on notice if they are not improving.

    But we anticipate, and will welcome, a more diverse approach to the provision of school improvement services.

    The success of the work of National Leaders of Education, the National College of School Leadership, and trusts led by great school leaders such as Mike Wilkins or Barry Day, demonstrates that school-to-school improvement generates great results.

    I expect that local authorities will want to make more use of NLEs, and encourage the creation of more federations to drive improvement.

    If local authorities believe they can provide a strong school-improvement service themselves, they should be free to do so by offering their service to schools on a level playing field to other providers. That could mean some local authorities offer school-improvement services to schools beyond their own geographical borders. Greater diversity, and contestability, can only help drive up standards and I know that is our shared goal.

    Addressing disadvantage head on

    Because I know that all of you, like me, have as one of your top priorities turning round the performance of our most challenging schools.

    We all have a duty to ensure there are minimum standards of performance through the school system. It can’t be acceptable to have so many schools in which two-thirds of children fail to secure five good GCSEs.

    Minimum standards at GCSE have risen in recent years, in line with the increased aspirations of parents and communities. Those school leaders and local authorities who have driven the fastest improvements deserve special credit.

    But given the quickening pace of school improvement across the globe, I believe it’s now essential that we demonstrate that we are stepping up our reform programme.

    I will therefore be finalising details of new floor standards shortly, for inclusion in my forthcoming Schools White Paper. These will apply from January 2011, when we have the verified and final summer 2010 examination data.

    In setting new standards I want to be clear that we are determined to tackle underperformance, but I want to avoid the errors of the past which meant some felt unfairly stigmatised. That is why we will be offering support first. On top of the pupil premium, and in addition to other financial support for those in greatest need, I have announced the creation of a new education endowment fund worth £110 million. Local authorities should be among those bidding to use this additional money to raise attainment in our most challenging schools.

    We will identify the schools in the most challenging circumstances in the fairest and most rigorous way possible. The measures we use will recognise the need for schools to improve both their levels of attainment and the progress they make with their pupils.

    Academy sponsors and underperforming schools

    Central to our approach to school standards, especially in tackling the most significant areas of underperformance, will be our Academies programme.

    I am delighted that so many local authorities and school leaders have seen how academies can improve performance, with academies securing improvements at GCSE level twice as fast as other schools and the best academy chains doing much, much better than that.

    I want to expand the programme in three important areas.

    First, we should be looking to spread the experience of academies to tackle underperformance in the primary sector, which is why we will have clear floor standards for primaries.

    Second, the central role of some academies in federations of schools and more extended networks is demonstrating the potential for academies developed through clusters of schools within a local area.

    And most important of all, too many underperforming schools that were above the minimum threshold we inherited have not received sufficient attention and support.

    I want the Department to work with sponsors and local authorities to consider solutions to a wider range of underperforming schools. I have been encouraged by my conversations with many local authorities, which have confirmed the potential for further progress. I would like local authorities to consider more schools for academy status, where both attainment and pupil progression are low and where schools lack the capacity to improve themselves.

    In particular, I want to focus our shared attention on how to improve schools where:

    • attainment is low and pupils progress poorly
    • the most recent Ofsted judgement is that the school is eligible for intervention or is merely satisfactory (the latter is included to reflect wider issues in the school such as its capacity to improve, or in key areas such as leadership and governance)
    • there is a record of low attainment over time – whether or not the most recent results have crossed a minimum threshold, we should be looking at whether the previous results indicate those increases are sustainable
    • and pupils in secondary schools achieve poorly compared to schools with similar intakes.

    The minimum standards on attainment and progression will be set out in the white paper. But these should be regarded as guidelines, not rigid criteria. Where schools fall outside these benchmarks but local authorities consider that schools would still benefit from the involvement of sponsors, I would encourage you to make proposals for the conversion of those schools.

    However, where schools are facing challenges across the board, decisive action is clearly needed.

    Some of the most successful academy sponsors have been deepening their relationships with local authorities and with groups of schools, to consider how they might bring new solutions to other underperforming schools without the initial involvement of the Department.

    I have actively encouraged sponsors to work directly with local authorities in this way.

    Equally, we are seeing an increasing number of local authorities proposing the development of new academies and making links directly with sponsors, which I also very much welcome. Officials from the Department will continue to support and facilitate the brokering of new academies between schools, local authorities and sponsors. I see this as a continuation of the collaborative approach that has been fostered over the years to secure the replacement of such schools with academies. I very much want that partnership approach to continue.

    For some years, we have also had powers on the statute book for the Secretary of State to intervene directly in failing schools. The new Academies Act enables me to make an Academy Order in respect of any school that is eligible for intervention. This includes, specifically, schools that Ofsted has judged to require special measures or significant improvement or which have failed to respond to a valid warning notice.

    I will be ready to use this power in the months ahead where I judge that academy status is in the best interests of an eligible school and its pupils, and where it has not been possible to reach agreement on a way ahead with the local authority, the school or both. Of course, I would hope that I do not need to use these powers extensively as I fully expect local authorities to use their own extensive intervention powers to bring about change in poorly performing schools that are failing to improve. But where there is a lack of decisive action or a reluctance to consider the necessary academy solution, then I will not hesitate to act.

    Officials in the Department will be talking both to local authorities and to sponsors, to identify the best opportunities for progress.

    Children at the heart of everything we do

    Because publication of our Schools White Paper is imminent, I have concentrated so far today on the work we can do together to improve education.

    But I am critically aware that your responsibilities extend far beyond the school gate.

    From reforming child protection to protecting child and adolescent mental health services, from safeguarding the provision of play facilities to enhancing youth services, from supporting Sure Start to improving careers advice for school leavers, your responsibilities are also my priorities.

    And the same principles, and vision, which drive our approach to schools guide us in all these areas.

    We believe in trusting professionals more, just as much when they are social workers as when they are teachers, which is why we have commissioned Eileen Munro to review how we can better support social work professionals.

    We believe in opening up the provision of services to new providers with new ideas and anticipate we can improve support for the vulnerably by harnessing the dynamism of civil society.

    We believe transparency aids good government and makes decision-making better, which is why we have asked for serious case reviews to be published.

    We believe that nothing is more important than overcoming barriers to social mobility, which is why we are investing more in getting Early Years education right.

    And we are convinced that young people deserve to have their horizons broadened and aspirations raised beyond the expectations of previous generations, which is why we will reform careers advice and guidance.

    I appreciate this is change at a pace and across a range of policies which is nothing if not demanding.

    But I believe that the world in which we live means we have no option but to embrace change and take control of the future. If we do not shape global forces they will shape us.

    And it is, above all, my desire to grant individuals the right to shape their own future, which drives me. Education is, for me, about freeing people from imposed constraints, liberating them from the accidents of birth, allowing them to acquire the knowledge, skills and qualifications which allow them to choose the satisfying job they have always aspired to and the rich inner life which brings true fulfilment.

    Everything we are arguing for, and all the changes we hope to make, are about giving more children and young people the power to decide their own fates, to become authors of their own life stories.

    I know you all share that ambition, and every time we meet I am continually impressed by the energy, ambition and idealism you bring to the mission of improving all our children’s lives – which is why it is such a pleasure to work with all of you and to be with you today.

  • PRESS RELEASE : New Ofsted chairman appointed [September 2011]

    PRESS RELEASE : New Ofsted chairman appointed [September 2011]

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 8 February 2011.

    Baroness Morgan of Huyton was today named the new chairman of Ofsted.

    Education Secretary Michael Gove, who made the appointment, said Baroness Morgan would play a key role in ensuring Ofsted met Government priorities of focusing on pupil attainment, teaching and learning, leadership, and behaviour and safety.

    Michael Gove said:

    I am delighted to appoint Baroness Morgan to this high-profile and vital post.

    Sally is a hugely talented individual whose passion is improving education. She will ensure Ofsted focuses on improving our schools so we can match the world’s best, and will help us make opportunity more equal for the poorest.

    Baroness Morgan said:

    I am delighted to be taking up this post. Ofsted has a crucial role to play in the drive to raise standards, especially for disadvantaged students. Teachers, parents, pupils, the local community and government all need to be able to rely on the assessment of a school’s performance. Above all, they want to be confident about the quality of teaching and leadership – the bedrock of all successful schools.

    The previous chairman of Ofsted was Zenna Atkins, whose term ended on 31 August 2010. John Roberts, an existing board member, was appointed interim chairman from 1 September for up to six months.

    Baroness Morgan of Huyton has been an adviser to the global board of ARK, a children’s charity, since 2005. She serves on a number of public bodies including the advisory committee of the Institute of Education, and is chairman of the Morgan Inquiry to encourage 18- to 24-year-olds to volunteer. She is a school governor, has a PGCE from London University and an MA in Comparative Education from the Institute of Education, and she has worked as a secondary school teacher. She was previously political secretary to Tony Blair, director of government relations at 10 Downing Street and a minster of state for equalities at the Cabinet Office. She was created a life peer in 2001.

    The baroness is due to start at Ofsted on 1 March.