Tag: 2010

  • PRESS RELEASE : New endowment fund to turn around weakest schools and raise standards for disadvantaged pupils

    PRESS RELEASE : New endowment fund to turn around weakest schools and raise standards for disadvantaged pupils

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 3 November 2010.

    The Secretary of State for Education has today allocated £110 million to establish an education endowment fund (EEF) designed to raise standards in underperforming schools.

    The EEF will distribute money to local authorities, academy sponsors, charities and other groups that bring forward innovative proposals to improve performance in our most challenging schools. Those bidding for funds from the EEF will have to outline how their proposals will raise attainment. Bidders must also demonstrate how they will be held accountable for the success of their proposals.

    The announcement comes as Mr Gove hosts a visit from Arne Duncan, US Secretary of Education. Mr Duncan is here to exchange ideas with the UK Government. On both sides of the Atlantic, reforming Governments are implementing ambitious plans to transform state education. Secretary Duncan has helped introduce charter schools, the equivalent of our Free Schools and academies, to help raise the attainment of disadvantaged students. He has also made funds available to improve teacher recruitment and training.

    The EEF draws on President Barack Obama and Secretary Duncan’s ‘Race to the Top’ programme, which invites states to apply for funding to trailblaze bold and innovative approaches in schools across the country.

    By inviting bids from those who wish to turn round our weakest schools, the Government is also building on the transformative potential of the new pupil premium. Our most challenging schools are overwhelmingly concentrated in our areas of greatest deprivation.

    The pupil premium will result in more money being allocated to support the education of all of our poorest children, adding £2.5 billion to school funding by the end of the CSR period. The EEF will allow many of the schools that educate our poorest children to do even more, and the innovative practice it encourages should drive improvement across the school system.

    The EEF will be administered at arm’s length from ministers. The team administering the fund will be appointed following an open competition.

    Funding for projects will come from returns on the EEF’s investment and fund managers will be able to draw down some of the capital from the total sum each year. The independent organisation that runs the EEF will also be expected to attract additional contributions from other organisations and philanthropists to add to the fund.

    This fund is being established from the money that was set aside when the Government took the decision not to increase the number of free school meals. The establishment of the fund fulfils the Government’s pledge to better use this money to improve the attainment of disadvantaged pupils.

    Secretary of State for Education, Michael Gove, said:

    The international evidence shows that we’re falling behind other countries educationally, and we have one of the most unequal school systems in the developed world. That’s why we need to press ahead with reforms which will raise standards for all children.

    This new fund builds on the success of President Obama’s ‘Race to the Top’ scheme. It will make schools and local authorities compete to help the poorest. Combined with our pupil premium, the expansion of the Academy programme, more rigorous exams and tough action to improve discipline, it adds up to a comprehensive package of school improvement.

    Each project will have to meet tough criteria in order to be awarded funding, and bidders must prove their innovative, bold and rigorous approaches will support school improvement. Projects can be run by schools, charities, teachers, local authorities, national leaders of education, or successful academy sponsors and principals.

    The EEF is just one part of the Government’s strategy for narrowing the attainment gap between the richest and poorest pupils and raising standards in underperforming schools. The Department’s detailed strategy for tackling the weakest schools will be laid out in the forthcoming schools white paper.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Education Secretary commits £110m to weakest schools

    PRESS RELEASE : Education Secretary commits £110m to weakest schools

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 3 November 2010.

    The Secretary of State for Education has today allocated £110 million to establish an education endowment fund (EEF) designed to raise standards in underperforming schools.

    The EEF will distribute money to local authorities, academy sponsors, charities and other groups that bring forward innovative proposals to improve performance in our most challenging schools. Those bidding for funds from the EEF will have to outline how their proposals will raise attainment.

    The announcement comes as Mr Gove hosts a visit from Arne Duncan, US Secretary of Education. Mr Duncan is here to exchange ideas with the UK Government.

    Secretary of State for Education, Michael Gove, said:

    The international evidence shows that we’re falling behind other countries educationally, and we have one of the most unequal school systems in the developed world. That’s why we need to press ahead with reforms which will raise standards for all children.

    This new fund builds on the success of President Obama’s ‘Race to the Top’ scheme. It will make schools and local authorities compete to help the poorest. Combined with our pupil premium, the expansion of the Academy programme, more rigorous exams and tough action to improve discipline, it adds up to a comprehensive package of school improvement.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Michael Gove responds to Chief Schools Adjudicator report

    PRESS RELEASE : Michael Gove responds to Chief Schools Adjudicator report

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 1 November 2010.

    Education Secretary Michael Gove said:

    I would like to thank Dr Ian Craig, the Chief Schools Adjudicator, for his annual report, which raises a number of important issues.

    It is absolutely right that every parent should want their child to go to an excellent school, so school admissions will continue to be a controversial and sensitive issue as long as there are too few good school places.

    I am committed to driving up educational standards so all parents have that choice of high-quality schools close to home, which is why we are encouraging providers to set up new schools and turning round under-performing schools. And so no child is disadvantaged because of their background, I am introducing the pupil premium.

    I also intend to make the school admissions framework, including the School Admissions Code, simpler and fairer, and I have asked my officials to start speaking with key stakeholders.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Michael Gove on the abolition of the School Support Staff Negotiating Body (SSSNB)

    PRESS RELEASE : Michael Gove on the abolition of the School Support Staff Negotiating Body (SSSNB)

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 28 October 2010.

    The Department has today confirmed that the School Support Staff Negotiating Body (SSSNB) will be abolished.

    The Government has conducted a review of the future policy direction for determining school support staff pay and conditions, including the role of the SSSNB, and has concluded that the SSSNB does not fit well with the Government’s priorities for greater deregulation of the pay and conditions arrangements for the school workforce.

    The SSSNB was established by the previous Government to develop a national pay and conditions framework for school support staff working in maintained schools in England. The Government has conducted a review of the future policy direction for determining school support staff pay and conditions, including the role of the SSSNB, and has concluded that the SSSNB does not fit well with the Government’s priorities for greater deregulation of the pay and conditions arrangements for the school workforce. I therefore propose to introduce legislation to abolish the SSSNB at the earliest opportunity.

    This decision means that school support staff will continue to have their pay and conditions determined in accordance with existing arrangements whereby decisions are taken at a local level by employers.

    In reaching this decision the Government has considered very carefully the views of the SSSNB Trade Union and Employer member organisations, and the SSSNB Independent Chair. I will be writing today to the Independent Chair and lead representatives of the SSSNB member organisations to notify them of the Government’s decision.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce on 26 October 2010.

    Good afternoon everyone. Thank you for coming.

    The Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce, is probably the most appropriate setting possible for my speech today.

    The RSA is a body founded on the ideal of progress, exemplified in James Barry’s series of paintings in the Great Hall.

    The RSA is also a body that has, right from the start, rejected artificial distinctions between art and craft, while upholding the particular value of each.

    Over more than 250 years, from mounting Britain’s first contemporary art show to organising the Great Exhibition, the event in our history that, more than any other, astonished the world with the beauty of British craftsmanship, the RSA has insisted that art needs craft, and vice versa.

    And it continues to remind us the joylessness of attempting to separate one from the other.

    Indeed, the more pleasure we take in our work, manual or mental, the more of ourselves we invest in it, the more we to get from it in return, financially perhaps, but most importantly aesthetically. What we do is what we are.

    Matthew B Crawford’s book, Shop Class as Soulcraft: an inquiry into the value of work, published in America last year, underlines this. Actually it is one of the things that inspired me to give this speech.

    The book describes how Professor Crawford, an academic political scientist and a former executive director of a think-tank, in Washington DC, discovered that his greatest satisfaction lay not in abstract political thought but in the practical skills needed to mend motorbikes.

    The argument he makes is not anti-intellectual – the author has not given up scholarship. But he charts the route to personal fulfilment found by combining his academic career with running a small motorcycle repair business.

    There are precedents for this sort of approach. I recall in particular a large painting by the Victorian artist Daniel Maclise, which can be seen in Royal Holloway College’s administrative buildings at Egham.

    Maclise’s work adorns the Palace of Westminster – notably two enormous representations of Waterloo and Trafalgar, which I return to admire time and time again. But the particular painting at Royal Holloway recalls Tsar Peter the Great’s visit to Britain in 1698.

    Peter of course has a good claim to be the founder of modern Russia.

    He built from nothing its first Western type city, St Petersburg.

    He founded Russia’s first university and its first formal civil institutions.

    He created its first modern army and its first-ever navy, conquered much of its present-day territory, sowed the seeds of its first industries.

    The inspiration for much of what he went on to achieve came from his Grand Embassy to the West, much of which was spent, not in political negotiations, but working as an apprentice shipwright in the dockyards of Amsterdam and Deptford.

    Maclise’s painting shows King William III visiting Peter at work at Deptford.

    The dapper king looks on in astonishment as the Tsar, in shirt sleeves, saws away contentedly at a lump of timber alongside other workers, helping to build one of the first ships of the new Russian navy.

    In fact, throughout his life Peter’s greatest pride lay in acquiring and using practical skills. Besides shipbuilding, he was highly-skilled at turning wood on his lathe.

    He also made rather less successful forays into dentistry and even surgery, much to the anguish of his courtiers.

    Of course, Peter was by no means alone in combining success in public life with pride in practical skill.

    Closer to our own time, Winston Churchill was both a skilled amateur artist and an accomplished bricklayer.

    Last month, I had the pleasure of attending a speech by my old friend and new colleague at the Department for Education, Michael Gove.

    On that occasion, Michael spoke persuasively about the urgency of reforming and revaluing practical education in this country, starting in schools.

    It’s true, as Michael said, that for decades practical learning for children has been seen by the educational establishment as a poor second-best to academic study.

    In recent times, lip-service has been paid to it with the creation of new school qualifications which seem useful but too often prove to be anything but when a youngster goes from school into the harsher realities of the job market.

    The growing availability of apprenticeships for young people has been of much more value, but again, the route towards high-level skills to which they point has all to frequently stopped short, at Level 2, rather than taking a person forward to Level 3 and beyond.

    .Of course, it’s a Level 3 that qualifications really start to have a big effect on a person’s future prospects and earning potential.

    I went from school to university and from there into a job. For people of my generation, this was the modern equivalent of the Roman cursus honorum. And to an extent it still is, even though over the last three years graduates in some subjects perceived by employers as soft have felt the chill blast of recession.

    And I don’t believe, as some seem to, that Britain, once the workshop of the world, is doomed to dwindle to a race of pseudo celebrities and merchant bankers.

    On the contrary, I believe that it is British manufacturing and the practical skills that underpin it that must lead us into renewed economic growth.

    For decades, people have been calling for greater parity of esteem between academic and vocational qualifications.

    Those calls have invariably fallen on deaf ears. As Instead, we’ve seen a dilution both.

    Too many things that are fundamentally practical have been given an academic veneer. Not because it’s needed to produce a better craftsman, but simply because it seems to legitimise craft for those who are fundamentally nsecure about practical learning.

    Ironically, many such people have done academic study no favours. But regardless, the academic route continues to enjoy greater esteem.

    Parents and grandparents will proudly display photographs of their offspring in graduation garb, whatever has been studied, wherever. Such is the power of the degree brand.

    Of course, university qualifications have an unbroken European history of nearly a thousand years. The Bachelor-Master-Doctor structure is relatively familiar to most people. And, even in an age of 45 per cent participation, they retain an aura of intellectual and social exclusivity.

    But the same can be said of few practical qualifications, because many come and go with alarming frequency and certainly before even employers in the sector concerned can work out exactly what they mean..

    Of course, that’s not universally true. Yesterday evening, I attended a reception to celebrate the City & Guilds Institute, which was established in the 19th century by a consortium of 16 City of London guilds and which remains a notable exception to that rule.

    But even so I think it’s impoverishes our culture that even apprenticeships, which have been around as a form of training for at least twice as long as universities, do not confer a particular title.

    That’s just one reason of many that things need to change. People speak of the intellectual beauty of a mathematical theorem. But there is beauty, too, in the economy and certainty of movement of a master craftsmen.

    I believe that both kinds of beauty must be recognised on their own terms.

    And that implies not that the stock of academe must fall, but that the stock of craft must rise.

    Change of the kind I seek would colour our national life in the three ways.

    The first is economic.

    The comparative orthodox esteem in which vocational and academic qualifications seems to have relatively little to do with earning potential. Indeed, at times like these with many traditional graduate recruiters cutting back, a practical skill may often be more marketable.

    The essence of the value of a skill lies in the fact that not everyone has it, assuming a skill has a market value. Which is why people like me, make an embarrassed judgement about what it’s worth to hire a man with the tools and know-how needed to do what we cannot.

    The same process applies, though with less embarrassment, when a factory-owner is willing to pay qualified machine-operators more than unskilled labourers.

    The higher and more sophisticated the skill, the more value it is likely to add to a product.

    And, as Lord Leitch and others have argued, the higher the skills levels available in an economy, the more they add to the value of products and services, the more profitable the economy as a whole is likely to become, the more jobs it will support and the more business we will win from other countries.

    And raising skills levels brings social as well as economic benefits, like better public health, lower crime-rates and more intensive engagement by individuals in the sorts of voluntary and community activities that fuel the common good and power the national interest.

    Where there is disagreement about this it tends not to be about the principle of needing to build a high-skill economy, but about how the cost of developing the skills in question should be shared between individuals, employers and the State.

    The second area where elevating the status of craft would bring benefits is social.

    Sadly few these days are described – or describe themselves – as a master-craftsman.

    In part, that is the consequence of social change.

    Within living memory, the butcher, the baker and the candlestick-maker enjoyed significant social status, alongside the bank manager, the lawyer and the schoolteacher.

    But these days, in most of Britain, the hard-won skill of individuals has been subsumed by brutal, impersonal ubiquity. Butchers, bakers and others reduced to anonymous shop assistants in soulless megastores.

    But history shows us that there is an alternative.

    When industrialisation was reaching its zenith here, it provoked a

    reaction which eventually became known as the Arts and Crafts movement.

    This movement, too, recognised the unbreakable link between satisfaction in work and quality of life. Its proponents considered the dehumanising effects of mass production in their own time and sought to recreate what they saw as a happier period for working people. A period when their skills were recognised, valued and freed to produce great art.

    One of the leaders of the movement, William Morris, wrote that:

    “the Middle Ages was a period of greatness in the art of the common people. The treasures in our museums now are only the common utensils used in households of that age, when hundreds of medieval churches – each one a masterpiece – were built by unsophisticated peasants”.

    Of course, nowadays much of the chattering class would to mock such idealistic attitudes.

    Those of us who’ve been watching Michael Wood’s current series of programmes on BBC2 know that life in the Middle Ages for many people was nasty, brutish and short. And that the world from which the Peasants’ Revolt sprang much less pleasant for the lower classes than Morris’ novel about the period, A Dream of John Ball, suggests.

    Even the great craft guilds, which people like Morris lauded as the guardians of skills and the upholders of standards of craftsmanship, were not always wholly positive forces. There was sometimes a thin line between upholding traditions and imposing what were once referred to darkly as “Spanish practices”.

    That very duality is found in the most famous 19th-century celebration of the guilds, if not of Merrie England then at least of Merrie Bavaria, Wagner’s Die Meistersinger von Nurnberg.

    Nevertheless on some points especially, I think that such a romantic view of an earlier age has much of value to teach us.

    The world that past fiction characteristics is one in which membership of a craft guild, and consequently the skills required to qualify, was something to which ordinary people aspired.

    It’s a world in which bakers and builders are proud to be what they are, and to be admired as such by others.

    And it’s a world in which people can realise the satisfaction that practicing a skill of proficiently can give.

    In our age that satisfaction can, in principle, be available to anyone. It should be available to more.

    Such a spirit inspired the teaching institutions that sprang from Arts and Crafts – like the Guild of Handicraft, the schools in Newlyn, Keswick and Chipping Camden and several colleges that are now numbered among our universities.

    The benefits to individuals of acquiring new skills, whether for work or for private satisfaction, are reflected throughout society.

    I certainly don’t mean to idealise hard work. Let’s be clear that there’s nothing necessarily dignified about some jobs. Jobs that are physically hard and dirty or just boring and repetitive.

    But neither should we underestimate the dignity of labour – the satisfaction of a job well done. For to do so is to undervalue those who labour.

    It’s a dignity we must rejuvenate, because many, though not all, practical skills are undervalued in our society.

    Yet interestingly that does not mean that, as a society, we necessarily look down on skill. After all the 150 applicants for each BT apprenticeship place certainly don’t. And think of the popular fascination with skills of celebrity chefs and professional dancers or the popularity of T.V and radio shows about architecture, engineering or fashion design.

    The instinctive value we feel for craft must be reflected by our education system.

    The third area where we need change is cultural.

    The men who built and beautified the cathedrals were not by and large academic. Even now, they challenge our prejudices about what culture is and who creates it.

    The same could be said of many of the great artists.

    Giotto, according to Vasari’s Lives of the Artists, started life as a shepherd-boy.

    The name of the master who painted the Wilton Diptych was not even thought to be worth recording.

    Their art and their craft beautifies the world still.

    The craftsmen who built Georgian and, especially, Victorian London were both numerous and anonymous. But they, too, created an environment where the effects of craft enriched ordinary people’s lives. All that we build should add quality, as the Victorians knew.

    That celebration of life in a Victorian terraced house, Noel Coward’s This Happy Breed, celebrated something else, too. The bonds of neighbourliness, friendship and shared experience that held working-class communities together. The social glue that helped them to weather hard times in the 1920s and 1930s.

    Craft skill also beautified our public spaces. Of course, much of that beauty has been swept away, partly by the Luftwaffe, but mainly by much more ruthless urban planners. And our lives are poorer for it.

    So let one example stand for all. The Euston Road has its brighter points. Above all, the high Victorian fantasy of St Pancras, itself so nearly lost to the wrecker’s ball.

    It also has its low points. Notably leaking warehouse set amid the crumbling concrete that is Euston Station.

    But it wasn’t always thus. The gaping entrance to the station and its depressing bus station was once guarded by a vast Doric arch, built of stone in 1837. Its size and neoclassical simplicity were a powerful symbol of national confidence at the dawn of the railway age and the start of Queen Victoria’s reign.

    A Conservative Government approved its demolition in 1961. The stones which had brought pleasure to the lives of millions were taken away and dumped in a river.

    Those who ordered that deed should never be forgiven. Because it wasn’t just a symptom of environmental brutalism. It was a symptom of post-war contempt for the skills and craftsmanship of the people who built it.

    In my view, the skills of a bricklayer are in no way less admirable and certainly no less hard-won than those of a stockbroker. And admired is what they should be. For each feel value, all feel valued.

    So let me digress for a moment to wish the Euston Arch Trust well in its efforts to persuade the Mayor of London to rebuild it.

    When we look at something beautiful, it’s not just the object that we admire, but the skill that went into producing it. That’s why Maclise’s fresco of The Death of Nelson will always be more admirered than Marcel Duchamp’s urinal.

    My point is that admiration for skill, even when it doesn’t involve production of an object, is an integral part of our culture.

    I remember watching the 1970 world cup final on television. The next day at school was a Monday. And all that any of my schoolmates or I wanted to do in the playground was to replicate the outrageous dummy that we’d seen Pele sell to Albertosi, the Italian goalkeeper.

    It didn’t matter that Pele didn’t score. It was his skill and the vision that fired our imaginations.

    Of course, all children admire skill in sport. If my schoolmates and I wanted to play football like Pele, we also wanted to bowl like John Snow, bat like Colin Cowdrey or play tennis like Rod Laver.

    But it’s not just sporting skill that children admire. How many children do not dream of learning to drive a car or fly and aeroplane, to do a card trick, or juggle?

    And admiration for a physical prowess and physical skill doesn’t end with the onset of adulthood. It’s part of our wiring; part of that complex bundle of impulses that, together, make us human.

    The sort of revaluation I’m calling for won’t be easily accomplished. But I think there is a general recognition right across the spectrum of political and educational opinion that one is needed.

    So what can we do?

    There are five things I’d like to suggest.

    The first is to continue and intensify our efforts to re-establish apprenticeship as the primary form of practical training. We will create more apprenticeships than modern Britain has ever seen.

    And not just in the traditional craft sectors but in the new crafts too – in advanced engineering; IT; the creative industries or financial services .

    It’s not just that apprenticeships works – though they do.

    And it’s not just that apprenticeship is probably the most widely-recognised brand in the skills shop-window – although it is.

    It’s also about what apprenticeships symbolise. The passing-on of skill from one generation to the next and the proof that this offers that learning by doing is just as demanding and praiseworthy as learning from a book.

    As I said earlier, we need, with the help of sectoral bodies, to seek out new and more effective ways of recognising apprentices’ achievements.

    It was in an effort to begin to address that disparity that my colleague David Willetts announced at the recent Conservative Party conference that apprentices in the construction industry would in future be given the title of “technician”.

    But we will go further; I plan to reinstate fellows and masters too. The aesthetic of craft must be no less seductive that that of academe.

    And with the number of apprentices set to rise by 75,000 during this Parliament, we will to extend that sort of thinking to trainee craftsmen across sectors.

    Let me be clear this new aesthetic will not only offer the emblems of achievement to individuals but also provide business with important commercial advantages. Firms that invest in training deserve recognition and will be able to use the achievements gained by their staff as marketing tools.

    Second, we must re-evaluate and indeed redefine what a sectoral approach means.

    It’s been clear since even before guilds and livery companies existed that different sectors require specific skills, and that it therefore makes sense for sectoral bodies to be closely involved in designing training and qualifications and in setting standards.

    In some sectors, that link has been obscured, although it remains clear in others. The Goldsmiths and Fishmongers Companies are good examples of that, as indeed is the Royal College of Surgeons, which presides over the highest-stakes practical skill of them all.

    And, though my discussions with City and Guilds, I know that the livery companies are keen to build on the good work they already do.

    And there is also, I think, an opportunity for the sector skills councils to grasp.

    “Sector skills council”; it is hardly a label to stiffen the sinew and summon up the blood”. And that is a symptom of a deeper problem. Here, too, we have become stuck in a dreary technocratic language which limits imagination and inspiration.

    I want SSCs to dare to rise to the challenge of going beyond the strictly utilitarian, of becoming guilds for the twenty first century, creating a sense of pride in modern occupations, and giving individual workers a sense of worth and purposeful pride.

    Third, we must not forget the role that informal learning also plays in teaching skills.

    Acquiring skills make our lives, not necessarily wealthier, but definitely fuller. It raises our self-esteem and often also the esteem in which others hold us.

    Even a depressive and tubercular D H Lawrence found respite from contemplating man’s alienation from the modern world by applying practical skills. He once noted that:

    “I got the blues thinking of the future, so I left off and made some marmalade. It’s amazing how it cheers one up to shred oranges and scrub the floor”.

    The desire for skills can be accompanied by frustration if there is no clear way in which to gain them. But if they are available, what a difference they can make to individuals and communities.

    How many householders’ lives are enriched by watching Strictly Come Dancing? A programme about a group of celebrities and alleged celebrities acquiring practical skills by instruction and practice. How many learned the basics of gardening, that most satisfying of pastimes, from watching Geoff Hamilton or Alan Titchmarsh?

    What a force for social cohesion, and for every kind of practical skill, the formidable ladies of the Women’s Institute remain. What an introduction to manual skill the Boy Scouts and Girl Guides have given to millions of children. What pleasure it can give to the whole community to see the local gardening club come together once a year to pit their blooms and brassicas against one another.

    Show me a society where everyone has the opportunity and desire to seek out new knowledge and new skills and I’ll show you a society that really deserves to be called “bigger”.

    That’s why last week, as part of what’s probably the most hard-nosed cull of Government spending there has been in modern times, the budget for informal adult learning was protected.

    Learning for the common good protected. And on my watch it will remain so.

    My fourth point follows on from the previous three. We must do much more to facilitate progression.

    Under the last Government, we heard a great deal about creating ladders of learning. But their approach was fundamentally flawed because it was based on identifying problems and then trying to nail a few more rungs on the ladder to compensate.

    In fact, what the learner got was not so much one ladder as a game of snakes and ladders.

    Our task must therefore be to break down the barriers to progression that have been progressively erected. And to reject artificial distinctions wherever we find them

    For example, I don’t know how many of you could give us a comprehensible explanation of the difference between Level 3 and Level 4, and why it matters. I certainly know that many of those that administer the system couldn’t, and I doubt whether I could either.

    We must also make the barrier between HE and FE more permeable. If we want learning to be really lifelong, the road for any individual from basic skills to higher learning – not necessarily provided in higher education – must be as smooth as we can make it.

    My fifth point is about Further Education providers. FE Colleges are the great unheralded triumph of our education system. But their capacity to innovate has been limited by the target driven, bureaucratic, micro-management which characterised the last Government’s approach to skills. This Government could not be more different. We will free colleges to innovate and excel. In fact we have already begun rolling back the stifling blanket of red tape and regulation and we will go further.

    Our mission is to free colleges to be more responsive to learner choice and employer demands. This is vital to build provision sufficiently nimble to respond to dynamic demand. But often and understated product of this will be to drive up the status of FE Colleges, their teachers and learners, at last recognised as the jewels in learning’s crown.

    There were doubters when I first said that I wanted to give this speech. I think that was partly because it’s not about a particular piece of public policy, and perhaps partly also because it was bound to include unfashionable words like pride, beauty and dignity.

    To those doubters, I make no apology. Just as I make no apology for believing in the power of learning.

    I look back to the Englishmen who first raised the standard of craft skill as a force in the modern world – to Morris and Ruskin, Rossetti and Burne-Jones – and I think it’s high time to create a new aesthetics of craft, indeed, a new Arts and Crafts movement, for Britain in the 21st century.

    That won’t be done overnight. But I can announce today that we are making a start.

    I am considering backing high quality in the craft traditions by lending the Government’s support to a new award for excellence in the crafts. Details are at an early stage, but I think it is right that excellence should be rewarded and the Government will work over the next few months with those working to support the crafts, including the various charities under the Patronage of His Royal Highness The Prince of Wales, to encourage and reward excellence in this area.

    I hope I’ve shown this afternoon that I am not merely one of those who yearn for a mythical Merrie England,

    I don’t wish to idealise manual labour but to understand its intrinsic worth.

    The village blacksmith did not develop arms like iron bands by reading about how hard it is to swing a hammer.

    The price of the potter’s ability to throw was long hours of effort followed by failure, and several hundredweight of wasted clay.

    Art, said Hippocrates, is long, but life is short.

    But craft is about new industries too. Its about being as software designer and a network engineer; craft is as much about learning to be a film technician as furniture maker; as much about learning to be a fashion designer as a fishmonger.

    And what I want to show above all is that our society will benefit greatly when those that make policy understand what popular culture has always known –

    That skill, craft and dexterity give our lives meaning and value.

    They are at the heart of our society.

    Craft should be honoured and those who master it revered.

    So while we work to encourage the learning of practical skills, we must also work to build demand for and recognition of them.

    Craft to feed the common good. Skills to serve national interest.

    Ours will be – must be – the age of the craftsman

    Thank you.

     

  • David Willetts – 2010 Speech at the HEFCE Annual Conference

    David Willetts – 2010 Speech at the HEFCE Annual Conference

    The speech made by David Willetts at the HEFCE Annual Conference at the Royal College of Physicians in London on 21 October 2010.

    Good afternoon.

    It has been a crucial ten days for the development of higher education in our country. I am very grateful to HEFCE for this opportunity to set out how the Coalition Government sees things now. But my debt – our debt – to HEFCE goes much further than that. Alan Langlands brings sagacity and stability – qualities we need in such a turbulent world. Tim Melville-Ross makes an excellent contribution as chairman and I am delighted to announce that Tim has agreed to serve as Chair of the Board of HEFCE for a further three years.

    The Browne Report is up there with Lionel Robbins’ report of 1963 and Ron Dearing’s report of 1997 as a serious, paradigm-shifting publication. We will not necessarily accept all of it, but many experts have already recognised its quality – with praise coming, among others, from the vice-chancellors of Leicester, Imperial and the Open University. It has also been praised by our leading papers. Perhaps I can quote their words as if on a billboard outside a West End theatre: “genuinely radical”, the Financial Times; “sophisticated” and “persuasive”, Daily Telegraph; “attempting to uphold a core set of policy principles that should be broadly supported”, the Guardian.

    There are lessons we can take from those two great reports which preceded Browne. Robbins has gone down in the history books as the report which drove university expansion. But the key driver of that expansion was decisions already taken on student finance following the Anderson Report of 1960. It is right that we should look at university reform and finance together, rather than separately – while of course recognising that finance is only one aspect of a university’s mission, and that the social and moral purposes of higher education are its bedrock.

    I was actually my Party’s higher education spokesman when Dearing came out. And I remember the shock we all felt when David Blunkett effectively tore up Ron’s report the day before it was released; instead of considering Ron’s proposals, he announced an alternative package. That crucial mistake is one reason for the turbulent and messy history of university policy ever since.

    We are not going to repeat that mistake. There will be a very careful process of deliberation in light of the Browne Report. So my reactions today on some of the broad outlines of John Browne’s report are necessarily provisional, as we consult in the weeks and months ahead.

    There are some decisions, however, that can’t wait. We do need to set out in the next few weeks the way forward for graduate contributions and student support if we are going to have any chance of implementing changes for the Autumn of 2012. Many prospective students will visit universities and decide on their applications in the Summer of 2011, and so they need to know the likely costs by then, and how the Government will help them to meet those costs. In turn, universities have explained to me that their prospectuses – with information on graduate contributions – will go to print in April 2011. It is rather like A. J. P. Taylor’s thesis that train timetables determined the outbreak of the First World War: once the presses begin rolling, everything is fixed.

    This means that amendments to regulations governing the current fees structure and student support need to happen sooner rather than later. Prompt decisions will mean we can then implement in regulations the commitments we make. We hope to bring proposals on regulation of graduate contribution levels to Parliament before Christmas. Following Lord Browne’s proposal to introduce a real rate of interest on contributions, we will also need to seek an early opportunity to make the limited changes to primary legislation on that specific issue, and also update repayment regulations to enable a more progressive system.

    We are keen to hear the views of the sector on the wider issues that Browne considered, such as governance and regulation, private providers, and student number controls. In fact, we are already listening, and more lengthy consultation here will tease out the ramifications. We aim to publish a White Paper in the Winter and then – Parliamentary time permitting – hope to introduce a broader higher education bill perhaps later on in this current, extended session.

    The central proposition in Browne is this – that the bulk of the teaching grant which is currently distributed to universities via HEFCE should be replaced by spending power placed directly in the hands of students, who will be lent money to pay for their university education. Students will not, of course, have to find any money of their own for tuition during their time at university, but they will make contributions subsequently as graduates. That is the big shift in the funding of higher education put forward by the Browne report and endorsed by the Coalition. Vince and I both believe it is the right way forward. It both delivers a big saving in public spending – reflected in yesterday’s spending review – and reforms the financing system so that it is shaped by the preferences of students. This new model is what lies behind the Chancellor’s statement yesterday.

    We have said in the spending review that the overall resource budget for HE, excluding research funding, will reduce from £7.1 billion to £4.2 billion – a 40 per cent, or £2.9 billion, reduction – by 2014-15. By far the greatest part of that reduction flows from our acceptance of the approach presented by Lord Browne – that, starting from the 2012/13 academic year, we will start to reduce HEFCE teaching funding, and institutions will be able to replace it, if they can attract students to their courses, with funding flowing via the graduate contribution scheme. Obviously, the details of this will vary between different institutions, and will be affected by the decisions we quickly need to make about the fee regime.

    The spending review also contained several assumptions about efficiency, both within the public sector, and for bodies to which the public sector contributes significant funding. My own department is facing a 40 per cent headline cut in its administration costs. It is not for us to say precisely what efficiency savings a university should make, but crucial areas to look at will be pay and pensions, procurement and shared services. I know most of you already have plans in train here.

    I know that you will have many detailed questions about higher education funding for 2011-12 and beyond, which, you will understand, we are not yet in a position to answer. As usual, we will send a grant letter to HEFCE, with more details, around the turn of the year.

    I know too that people in this room will have anxieties about the shift in spending, but I have to ask what the alternative is. Given the fiscal crisis and the pressure that we are under, there is no option of carrying on as we are. We would have had to do something – even the previous Labour Government had set out £600 million of cuts over a shorter time scale, albeit with no indication of how they were to be delivered. One possibility would have been a big reduction in the unit of resource per student, threatening the quality of the student experience. Alternatively there could have been a big reduction in student numbers, depriving thousands of young people of a crucial step on the ladder of opportunity. A third option was a pure graduate tax, which would risk a brain drain with its incentives for people to study or work abroad. The graduate tax also breaks the link between student and university. There is an excellent guide to these problems and more: a report from December 2003 called “Why not a pure graduate tax?”, published by the last Labour Government.

    These options, therefore, all have enormous disadvantages. Lord Browne’s considered approach, which we endorse, actually shows a pathway towards a positive and viable future for higher education – a way through the “valley of death” to which Steve Smith has often referred.

    The HE system that we develop between us must be as fair and as progressive as possible. In the current economic climate, therefore, we simply cannot afford a fiscal subsidy to the wealthiest families. Looking at the Browne proposals, the Institute for Fiscal Studies found that the poorest 30 per cent of graduates would be better off than now, while only the richest 30 per cent of graduates would have to pay off their loans in full.

    The figures we end up with may not be quite those. But broadly, that is the right approach. In fact, we in the Coalition have set ourselves the task of improving on Browne and coming up with proposals that offer even more help for students from the poorest backgrounds but without unfair penalties on success. I have to say to the strongest universities that they have not been successful enough in improving access to young people from disadvantaged backgrounds.

    Back in April, Sir Martin Harris duly noted that, collectively, universities have made clear progress on widening participation. But he concluded that the participation rate among the least advantaged 40 per cent of young people at the top third of most selective universities “has remained almost flat” since the mid-1990s. The Government is committed to good universities, but it is equally serious about social mobility. The two must go hand in hand. And I hope you will recognise the strength of feeling within the Coalition that one of the non-negotiables in all this is that universities must deliver on broadening access. The challenge is to achieve this with imaginative and equitable policy – not with clunky quotas or crude social engineering. I believe we can do it.

    We can do it by focussing on three key groups: young people at school and college, students with modest incomes at university, and graduates with low earnings. We will offer them a fairer deal which applies at all three stages: routes for people to get into university, from school, college and through other avenues; increased support for students from poorer backgrounds while they’re at university; and better support for people on low incomes once they have graduated.

    In his important speech last Friday, Nick Clegg pledged £150 million of government money for a national scholarship scheme to improve access for students from families of modest means. It will be fair, affordable, and make a real difference to some of the poorest students. At the same time, it will not add to the burden of regulation on institutions or duplicate arrangements under the more generous and coherent student support system that’s being developed as Browne recommended. I will be inviting the National Union of Students, Universities UK, the Office for Fair Access, the Sutton Trust and other interested parties to help us design a scheme for both young and mature students.

    The second stage involves a more generous maintenance package for students from poorer backgrounds, details of which we hope to announce shortly. We are looking closely at the Browne recommendations for a more generous maintenance grant, supplemented by a more generous loans package. It would be a great achievement to increase maintenance levels on a progressive basis, with more generous grant than now, even in these austere times. If the Coalition Government can deliver this as proposed by Browne, then the obligation on universities to deliver their side of the bargain on access will be even greater.

    Improving the deal for part-timers is a key part of broadening access. For the first time, part-time students will – as Browne proposes – be eligible for loans to cover the full cost of their tuition, on the same basis as full timers. I see this as a genuine milestone – something that neither Robbins nor Dearing tackled. It is a vital part of creating a more responsive and diverse HE sector.

    The third stage is fairness for graduates. We will reform graduate contributions, by increasing the threshold at which people begin to repay loans, and by introducing a positive interest rate. It is crucial for the Coalition that contributions should be related to ability to pay without making the mistake of the pure graduate tax and losing the link with the actual cost of a university education. We specifically asked Lord Browne to address the issue of progressivity and he has come up with ingenious and practical proposals which we intend to work with. We can see the case for setting the income threshold for repayments at £21,000, as Browne suggests – way above the present £15,000 – with nine per cent of salary payable above that threshold.

    As for terms on early repayment, the arguments have become rather muddled thanks to a misleading report in the Guardian and some rather sloppy work by the Social Market Foundation which does not appear to understand that money in the future is worth less than money now. We are examining this issue carefully. There is a feeling that it would be unfair if the better-off could reduce their payments by paying early. But for many people with modest earnings, the delay in repayments at a less than commercial interest rate is an advantage, not a disadvantage.

    This, then, is the direction in which the Coalition Government is heading. Even while public spending is being reduced, we are seeking more progressive outcomes than at present. As the Institute of Fiscal Studies commented, “The proposed reforms to student support and graduate repayments would be a welcome development if they were to be adopted. By continuing to provide up-front cash support for the full amount of fees and for living costs, the system should preserve access to higher education regardless of family background.”

    There are, of course, some very difficult issues around fee caps and the levy. For Lord Browne, there is – in theory – no upper limit to fees. He would argue that, provided admissions are needs blind and provided that the Exchequer doesn’t take on any of the risk of high loans, the problem is resolved. But we understand the very strong concern about the level of graduate contributions.

    Lord Browne’s proposed levy to avoid any Exchequer subsidy for loans has also aroused quite a lot of concern across the sector. It means that as soon as universities raise their fee above the threshold level, they face a rapidly rising levy which can drive their fees up even higher in order to reach a given level of income. Another objection, for example, is that a levy could become an obstacle to philanthropy if the upfront payment of fees via donors were to attract it. If you didn’t have a levy, however, there would be a need for some sort of upper cap. We recognise there are arguments for a lower rate for the levy, or for not having a levy at all and sticking with a fee cap instead.

    We have not reached a final decision on the levy and the fee cap, but there is an interesting feature within the current arrangements for higher education funding, which consist of a basic cap of £1,310 and a higher rate cap of £3,290. It would be possible to set new levels for each, with stringent conditions on access which any institution would have to meet before setting a graduate contribution at the higher rate.

    The key legal condition, of course, is access and progression – enforceable by OFFA. There is still a dangerous temptation for universities to blame failings in the widening participation and fair access agendas on schools – instead of dealing with the world as it is. We can’t just sit on our hands and wait for schools to be reformed – although that must happen. Universities must act now, and we would look carefully at the conditions that OFFA demands.

    There is also an important question around teaching quality. This is where I think the sector is most in danger of losing contact with its supporters. On the one hand, we should naturally expect high standards of teaching in all publicly-funded institutions. On the other, universities who wish to charge more for undergraduate courses need to produce compelling evidence as to what the extra money would buy in terms of better teaching, contact time and services for students. And it is legitimate for students to ask why the finance reforms introduced under the previous government failed – in some cases – to deliver improvements to their educational experience.

    In a reformed system, students will expect a better experience in return for higher contributions as graduates. If we are to win the argument for reform, universities must demonstrably respond to the perception that some students are being short-changed. We must do better and we will. This is one of the reasons why I attach so much importance to supply side reform. Competition is a great driver of improvement. We want to see innovation and a diverse range of choices for students – two-year courses, for instance, and more vocational degrees. In speeches we have made in recent months, both Vince Cable and I have challenged the traditional model of three-year degree courses for 18-year-olds away at college, and especially championed part-time learning. It is for you rather than us to carry through reform, but now is the time to identify anything in the arrangements for public financing or regulations which would stifle these options.

    I am also aware of substantial concerns within the sector about Lord Browne’s proposal on controlling student numbers via UCAS tariff points. This is an especially thorny problem: maintaining macro control over student numbers while leaving micro freedom to individual institutions. John Browne’s is an imaginative solution, but has raised questions about practicalities. And it is important that we do not deter mature students, for example, who may have not achieved academic success at school – which is why he suggests a second admissions route separate from UCAS points. But running two separate systems creates a new set of problems. Meanwhile UCAS is doing important work looking at how their points system could be reformed. There is a lot more work to do in this whole area before any changes are implemented.

    Some people have also raised doubts about the idea of a single council which incorporates HEFCE, OFFA, the QAA and the OIA. The Coalition is instinctively attracted to any proposals which reduce the number of such bodies, but we need to tread carefully. The OIA’s special role as an alternative way of resolving disputes without going through the courts does require independence. The QAA, of course, is not a Government quango – it is jointly owned and sponsored by the HE sector with HEFCE, and any changes need to be discussed with the sector. Clearly, we need to think through all this carefully. We won’t rush into any decisions. But Lord Browne, as so often, does have a powerful logic behind his central argument. HEFCE has, in effect, operated as the regulator of the sector through its power to make grants. As the relative size of these grants falls, so the regulatory role comes out into the open more. This must be must be used with care and discretion. But clearly, a key role is going to be in broadening access. What we’re also seeking to do, of course, is reduce regulation and external intrusion into higher education, in favour of greater freedom and autonomy.

    My own current thinking is that merging HEFCE and OFFA would be sensible once funding to universities is channelled through students rather than through HEFCE. I assure you, though, that the institutional landscape will not change before the academic year 2012/13; it would require legislation, and therefore Parliamentary approval. In the meantime, I can announce that I have reappointed Sir Martin Harris as Director of the Office for Fair Access for a further 12 months. His experience will be invaluable as we work more on improving access.

    I can also announce the appointment of Ed Smith – a HEFCE board member – as the new Chair of the Student Loans Company. The processing of student loan applications has gone well this year. Figures published today show that 94 per cent of approved applicants had their full entitlement available to them when they arrived on campus. We owe Deian Hopkin, Ed Lester and their team a substantial vote of thanks. This is a transformation, compared with last year’s appalling performance.

    I also want to take this opportunity to thank the National Student Forum – and its chair, Maeve Sherlock – for its contribution to improving the student experience over the past three years. The Forum has published its final report today, which again provides some excellent material for universities to consider together with their student bodies. It is this active partnership, often at a detailed course level, which can vastly improve the knowledge and skills of undergraduates, as well as helping institutions to fulfil their missions. We will continue to listen to students and make sure that we understand their varied concerns and priorities.

    The other main news from the Chancellor yesterday concerned funding for science and research. It is good news for HEFCE’s QR funding and Higher Education Innovation Fund, and good news for the Research Councils and National Academies.

    It is proof that this Government recognises the fundamental role of science and research in rebalancing the economy and restoring economic growth. Despite enormous pressure on public spending, the overall level of funding for science and research programmes has been protected in cash terms. And as we implement the efficiency savings identified by Bill Wakeham, we should be able to offset the effects of inflation – thus maintaining research funding in real terms.

    There has also been a great deal of pressure to maintain flexibility in government spending. A stable investment climate for science and research – as we all know – allows universities and research institutes to plan strategically, and gives businesses, public services and charities the confidence to invest in the research base. I am delighted to confirm, therefore, that the ring-fence for science and research programmes has therefore been maintained.

    Across the country, we have excellent departments with the critical mass to compete globally and the expertise to work closely with business, charities and public services. This £4.6 billion settlement for science and research should mean that we can continue to support them.

    We must, though, continue to develop an assessment framework that combines recognition of the highest levels of research excellence with reward for the impact it has on the economy and society. HEFCE is making good progress with the Research Excellence Framework, in partnership with many academics from across the spectrum of disciplines. I too have had lively discussions with academics on this, and look forward to seeing the results of the pilot exercise later this year.

    We are also continuing to support capital investment where it is a high priority. We have allocated £69 million over the spending review period, in partnership with the Wellcome Trust, to the next phase of the Diamond synchrotron in Oxfordshire to support ground-breaking research in the life, physical and environmental sciences. And the Department of Health is joining my department, University College London and medical charities to fund the UK Centre for Medical Research and Innovation. The Department of Health will put £220m into this important venture that will accelerate the translation of basic research into care for patients.

    The Government is committed to getting business and universities working more closely together. I am therefore working with HEFCE to reform Higher Education Innovation Funding (HEIF) to increase the rewards for universities that are most effective in business engagement. Some exciting ideas have emerged from the community about how to improve the effectiveness of university IP management. We will explore with HEFCE the opportunities to release this potential.

    To conclude, let me make three final points.

    The first is to repeat that we are determined to manage the process of transition carefully – avoiding disruption unless it is a necessary aspect of reform. That is why the spending review savings will be focused towards the second half of the spending period. Indeed, I believe that higher education, as well as research, should be able to maintain overall levels of activity throughout this time of austerity.

    The more important point, though, is that, despite the risks associated with any change, the reforms we undertake will improve higher education in the long run. Those institutions which attract more students and pull in businesses seeking to boost the skills of their employees will be able to grow. They will reap the rewards of good teaching that students and employers recognise and value. They will be able to innovate, to make the most of greater autonomy, to pursue their institutional missions, including research.

    And thirdly, although this speech has inevitably had to focus on finance and organisation, Vince and I never lose sight of the sheer inherent value of the intellectual activity that happens within our universities. Any structure and any government department is just there to serve this greater good. Our changes have to fit with and reinforce the core values of higher education, that motivate those who devote their lives to it.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Specialist schools programme – Michael Gove announces changes

    PRESS RELEASE : Specialist schools programme – Michael Gove announces changes

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 20 October 2010.

    The Secretary of State has today announced changes to the specialist schools programme. Funding for specialist schools, including for High Performing Specialist Schools (HPSS), will be mainstreamed from April 2011. This funding, approximately £450 million for 2010-11, is not being removed from the schools system and will continue to be routed to schools through the Dedicated Schools Grant.

    The Government is also announcing that schools will no longer be required to designate or re-designate as specialist, removing this bureaucratic burden. Currently they must demonstrate that they meet a range of benchmarks set by DfE.

    From April 2011 the Department will therefore no longer fund the Specialist Schools and Academies Trust (SSAT) and Youth Sports Trust (YST) to support schools through the designation and re-designation process and run networks of specialist schools. For this financial year, the total grant for the specialism programme for the SSAT is £13 million, and for the YST it is £2.5 million.

    You can read Michael Gove’s letter to Elizabeth Reid, Chief Executive of the Specialist Schools and Academies Trust, below:

    Elizabeth Reid
    Chief Executive
    Specialist Schools and Academies Trust
    16th Floor, Millbank Tower
    21-24 Millbank
    London SW1P 4QP

    October 2010

    Since my appointment I have been reviewing existing policies and programmes in the context of the priorities that the coalition Government has set, including the Specialist Schools and High Performing Specialist Schools programmes. My aim is to ensure that the Government enables school leaders to achieve the best for the pupils and parents they serve. I know that many school leaders attest to the value of specialism as a catalyst for school improvement and as a means of developing a distinct character and ethos for their schools. The Specialist Schools and Academies Trust has been instrumental in the creation of the near-universal specialist system which now exists. I am grateful to you and your predecessors, and to all SSAT’s directors and staff, for your tireless commitment to raising standards in our schools.

    Now that specialism is so firmly established I believe that the time has come to remove the Government imposed prescription that has built up around the programme and to give school leaders greater freedom to make use of the opportunities offered by specialism and the associated funding. This is part of my wider commitment to trust school leaders to take decisions in the best interests of the pupils and parents they serve. Of course, Academies are already freed from centralised control and are not constrained in their choice of specialism or required to undergo designation or re-designation. I look forward to an increase in the number of schools and academies enjoying these and other Academy freedoms.

    In particular, I have decided that from April 2011 funding for specialism should no longer take the form of a dedicated grant, so that all schools can decide how to develop their specialisms in the light of the total resources available to them. Schools will not be required to designate or re-designate. I should stress that funding is not being removed from schools: money currently paid as specialist schools grant will continue to be routed to schools through the DSG. This is in line with the approach set out in the Department’s consultation on the Pupil Premium, which envisaged the mainstreaming of dedicated grants wherever possible.

    I have also decided not to fund the current range of HPSS options after March 2011. Again, the funding will remain with the frontline. Our best schools will continue to be able to take on system leadership roles and support others to improve, and I am looking to expand the opportunities and financial incentives available to them. Academy status already offers a route for outstanding schools to support others as does becoming a National or Local Leader of Education. I intend to set out further plans in the White Paper which is due to be published later in the autumn. Of course, I would expect locally driven collaborations to continue to develop and flourish.

    I appreciated the opportunity to discuss the future of the specialist schools programme with SSAT’s National Headteacher Steering Group. Members of the Group spoke with passion about the benefits of the programme and I hope that I can continue to rely on the advice of the Group about how those benefits might be realised in a changed environment.

    The Department’s grant funding agreement with SSAT, which covers support for the specialist schools programme, expires at the end of this financial year. The then Minister of State for Schools wrote to you in May 2009 explaining that the Department would to go through a competitive process in order procure any similar services in future. At this point we have no plans to commission centralised support for specialism. Officials want to discuss with SSAT the management of grant funded activities over the remainder of the financial year in the light of the changes outlined above. And I know that the schools, which spoke so eloquently about the value they place on your work, will continue to support you as willing subscribers to your services.

    MICHAEL GOVE

  • PRESS RELEASE : Department for Education spending review 2010

    PRESS RELEASE : Department for Education spending review 2010

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 20 October 2010.

    The schools budget will increase in real terms in each year of the Spending Review period. But economies in other areas mean that there will be a total real reduction in Departmental resource spending of 3% by 2014-15. Following on from the decision to halt Building Schools for the Future (BSF), capital spending will be reduced by 60% in real terms by 2014-15. The average annual capital budget over the period will be higher than the average annual capital budget in the 1997-98 to 2004-05 period.

    £ Billions
    2010-11 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14 2014-15
    Resource DEL1 50.8 51.2 52.1 52.9 53.9
    Capital DEL  7.6  4.9  4.2  3.3  3.4
    Total DEL 58.4 56.1 56.3 56.2 57.2
    1 In this table, Resource DEL excludes depreciation

    This will be supported through the following measures:

    • We will increase funding for the schools budget by £3.6 billion in cash terms by the end of the Spending Review period – this is a 0.1% increase in real terms in each year. Along with greater freedoms and flexibility for teachers and schools, this will ensure schools can meet the demographic pressures they face, and deliver a £2.5 billion pupil premium. This will support the educational development of disadvantaged pupils, and provide incentives for good schools to take on pupils from poorer backgrounds.
    • Because the Government recognises that a good early years education is critical to later achievement, we will be maintaining 15 hours of free childcare a week for all 3 and 4 year olds, and extending it to all disadvantaged 2 year olds. It’s also why Sure Start will be protected in cash terms including investment in Sure Start health visitors.

    There will be a 60% reduction in real terms in capital spending over the Spending Review period. Following the decision to end the wasteful BSF programme there will be enough funding to meet demographic pressures and to address maintenance needs. The independent review of education capital will ensure that the Department for Education’s capital budget is allocated in the most cost-effective way and targeted where there is most need. Over the Spending Review period there will be a total of £15.8 billion of capital spending. The average annual capital budget will be higher than the average annual capital budget in the 1997-98 to 2004-05 period.

    We have had to prioritise in order to ensure that funding is maintained on frontline services that are critical to helping us build a world-class education system, and we are determined to protect the most vulnerable children and young people in society. We are therefore streamlining our funding grants to generate better value for money but ensuring that targeted support remains available to those who need it most. For instance, we are:

    • Ending Education Maintenance Allowances, which have deadweight costs of around 90%, saving £0.5 billion, and replacing them with targeted support for those who face genuine financial barriers to participation;
    • As we move towards full participation by 2015 we will secure reduction in individual unit costs;
    • Within the schools budget, procurement and back office savings will allow at least £1.0 billion to be invested directly on frontline teaching while the public sector pay freeze will free up an additional £1.1 billion;
    • Ending and rationalising a range of centrally directed programmes and instead streamlining funding for the most vulnerable children and families in a new Early Intervention Grant to ensure local authorities have greater flexibility.
    • To ensure funds are rightly prioritised on frontline education and children’s services, we are committed to making a 33% reduction in real terms by 2014-15 from the Department’s administrative budget. This will be achieved by closing NDPBs, reducing headcount, reducing the costs of the DfE estate and cutting non-essential expenditure.

    In addition, the Department for Education will be adopting ideas suggested through the Spending Challenge process to improve efficiency across Whitehall. These include selling surplus Government equipment through an online e-auction site, and working with the Efficiency and Reform Group to cut costs by centralising the Department’s procurement of commonly used goods and services.

    The Department has a number of next steps in order to set out how the school system and children’s services will be reformed and how the education spending settlement will be spent. These include a Schools’ White Paper, a Special Educational Needs and Disability Green paper, further announcements about allocating voluntary sector grants, and confirmation of LA allocations for schools and early years provision. We will announce further programmes and further bureaucracy we intend to end in the next three months.

    Secretary of State, Michael Gove said:

    The size of the deficit means we have had to make tough decisions. There will be many savings across the Department but the Coalition Government is committed to improving education for all. That’s why we’re protecting the frontline, handing power to teachers and introducing a pupil premium for the poorest.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Pupil absence figures for autumn 2009 and spring 2010

    PRESS RELEASE : Pupil absence figures for autumn 2009 and spring 2010

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 19 October 2010.

    Latest statistics for autumn term 2009 and spring term 2010 together show a decrease in overall and persistent absence rates in both primary and secondary schools compared with autumn term 2008 and spring term 2009.

    Authorised absence rates decreased in both primary and secondary schools. Unauthorised absence rates increased in primary schools and decreased in secondary schools.

    Schools Minister Nick Gibb said:

    The small fall in the overall absence rate in all schools, and in unauthorised absence in secondary schools, is very welcome but the level of absenteeism in schools is still too high. It is crucial that children are not missing out on valuable lessons that could leave them vulnerable to falling behind.

    The Government is committed to tackling the underlying causes of absenteeism, raising academic standards and ensuring every child can meet their potential, regardless of their background.

    We are putting in place a series of measures to raise standards of behaviour, put teachers back in control of the classroom and ensure pupils understand that the authority of their school can extend beyond the school gates. We need to ensure that all pupils have the basic skills of reading, writing and maths before they leave primary school so they can cope with the new challenges of secondary school.

    We are also introducing the first ever pupil premium to ensure pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds benefit from the same opportunities as their more affluent peers.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Nick Clegg announces £7 billion ‘fairness premium’ for disadvantaged children

    PRESS RELEASE : Nick Clegg announces £7 billion ‘fairness premium’ for disadvantaged children

    The press release issued by the Department for Education on 15 October 2010.

    Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg has today given a speech setting out the Coalition Government’s approach to fairness and social mobility. He has announced £7 billion funding for a ‘fairness premium’, which will give all disadvantaged two-year-olds an entitlement to 15 hours a week of pre-school education and also to deliver a pupil premium for disadvantaged children.