Tag: 2000

  • Queen Elizabeth II – 2000 Christmas Broadcast

    Queen Elizabeth II – 2000 Christmas Broadcast

    The Christmas Broadcast made by HM Queen Elizabeth II on 25 December 2000.

    By any measure this Millennium year has been an unforgettable one.

    Since the turn of the year it has been celebrated and marked in this country and throughout the Commonwealth, and it has been a particular pleasure for me to visit Millennium projects large and small which will be reminders for generations to come of the time when the twenty-first century began.

    But as this year draws to a close I would like to reflect more directly and more personally on what lies behind all the celebrations of these past twelve months.

    Christmas is the traditional, if not the actual, birthday of a man who was destined to change the course of our history. And today we are celebrating the fact that Jesus Christ was born two thousand years ago; this is the true Millennium anniversary.

    The simple facts of Jesus’ life give us little clue as to the influence he was to have on the world. As a boy he learnt his father’s trade as a carpenter. He then became a preacher, recruiting twelve supporters to help him.

    But his ministry only lasted a few years and he himself never wrote anything down. In his early thirties he was arrested, tortured and crucified with two criminals. His death might have been the end of the story, but then came the resurrection and with it the foundation of the Christian faith.

    Even in our very material age the impact of Christ’s life is all around us. If you want to see an expression of Christian faith you have only to look at our awe-inspiring cathedrals and abbeys, listen to their music, or look at their stained glass windows, their books and their pictures.

    But the true measure of Christ’s influence is not only in the lives of the saints but also in the good works quietly done by millions of men and women day in and day out throughout the centuries.

    Many will have been inspired by Jesus’ simple but powerful teaching: love God and love thy neighbour as thyself – in other words, treat others as you would like them to treat you. His great emphasis was to give spirituality a practical purpose.

    Whether we believe in God or not, I think most of us have a sense of the spiritual, that recognition of a deeper meaning and purpose in our lives, and I believe that this sense flourishes despite the pressures of our world.

    This spirituality can be seen in the teachings of other great faiths. Of course religion can be divisive, but the Bible, the Koran and the sacred texts of the Jews and Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs, are all sources of divine inspiration and practical guidance passed down through the generations.

    To many of us our beliefs are of fundamental importance. For me the teachings of Christ and my own personal accountability before God provide a framework in which I try to lead my life. I, like so many of you, have drawn great comfort in difficult times from Christ’s words and example.

    I believe that the Christian message, in the words of a familiar blessing, remains profoundly important to us all:

    “Go forth into the world in peace,
    be of good courage,
    hold fast that which is good,
    render to no man evil for evil,
    strengthen the faint-hearted,
    support the weak,
    help the afflicted,
    honour all men.”

    It is a simple message of compassion… and yet as powerful as ever today, two thousand years after Christ’s birth.

    I hope this day will be as special for you as it is for me. May I wish you all a very Happy Christmas.

  • PRESS RELEASE : 56,000 WEIGH IN WITH `KEEP THE POUND’ CALL (2000)

    PRESS RELEASE : 56,000 WEIGH IN WITH `KEEP THE POUND’ CALL (2000)

    The press release issued by the Conservative Party on 24 November 2000.

    56,000 WEIGH IN WITH `KEEP THE POUND’ CALL

    Conservative MP Richard Shepherd today presented a Keep the Pound petition signed by a massive 56,286 people to the Commons

    The petition, carried into the chamber in boxes marked Keep the Pound, urges the Government to listen to the people and retain Britain’s currency.

    We the people are being led into a federal state which we do not wish to be part of. We wish to remain an independent sovereign state with the economy run for the benefit of our own citizens,” the petition said.

    Mr Shepherd (Aldridge Brownhills) said: “The petition has been gathered and signed by people supporting all the political parties and those supporting none.

    It is a genuine expression from across the West Midlands of deep concern for democracy and our control over the economy. It expresses a sense of country.”

  • PRESS RELEASE : Eddie George warns of dropping £ (2000)

    PRESS RELEASE : Eddie George warns of dropping £ (2000)

    The press release issued by the Conservative Party on 29 November 2000.

    Eddie George warns of dropping £.

    The euro would mean a return to the dark days of the 70s, warns Bank of England boss Sir Eddie George.

    Workers face being thrown back to the dark days of the ’70s if Tony Blair dumps the Pound, Britain’s leading moneyman suggested yesterday.

    Bank of England boss Sir Eddie George warned there could be tough rules on wage rises and higher taxes as the Government battled the inflation caused by a switch to the euro.

    Experts said it would be just like the depressed ’70s when Britain was the sick man of Europe.

    Then, the Government had to introduce rules to keep WAGES down as inflation soared to 26 per cent.

    There was a year-long waiting list for MORTGAGES and HOLIDAYMAKERS were only allowed to take £50 out of the country.

    Even getting a LOAN for a car, like the popular Ford Capri, became a problem due to restraints.

    Unemployment rose to more than a million for the first time since the 1940s.

    The crisis was fuelled by outrageous pay demands from hardline union bosses.

    Britain ended up on a three-day week, there were picket lines and power cuts.

    Then in 1976, Labour Chancellor Denis Healey went cap in hand for a loan of $2.3billion to the IMF to avoid bankruptcy.

    Sir Eddie, giving evidence to the Treasury Select Committee, said that once Britain joined the euro “the techniques for influencing domestic inflation would have to look more to fiscal rather than monetary policy.”

    He said that would bring about a “need to control inflation.”

    His remarks are the clearest sign yet that he believes the euro zone’s one-size-fits-all economy – where interest rates are set for 11 countries by bankers in Frankfurt – would be a disaster for Britain.

    Andrew Haldenby, of Business for Sterling, said: “In a few crisp sentences Eddie George has summed up the entire case against joining the euro.

    “Giving up control of interest rates, the central lever of economic management, would take us back to 1970s-style tax rates and pay policies.

    “If we had joined at the start, Britain would now be suffering a job-destroying inflationary boom.”

    And Shadow Chancellor Michael Portillo said: “If we joined the euro, Britain would be forced into adopting these failed policies that produced boom and bust in the 1970s.”

    Ireland has already been forced to strike a three-year wage restraint deal with unions after joining the euro. The country has seen its inflation rocket to a 15-year high of 6.8 per cent since it signed up.

    Sir Eddie recently blew a hole in the PM’s drive to ditch sterling when he insisted Britain MUST keep the Pound. He told world bankers the UK is thriving and the Pound’s future is a purely political issue.

    Mr Blair says the decision to join the euro will only be based on economics. This week a poll showed a record 71 per cent of Britons want to keep sterling.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Foreign Firms Flocking to Britain (2000)

    PRESS RELEASE : Foreign Firms Flocking to Britain (2000)

    The press release issued by the Conservative Party on 30 November 2000.

    Foreign Firms Flocking to Britain

    New report shows Britain is no.1 for overseas investment – proving we can thrive outside the euro.

    The latest research from leading business information group Dun and Bradstreet concludes that 28,777 foreign-owned companies are doing business in Britain compared to 23,300 in 1998. The report knocks Tony Blair’s warnings that we risk our economy unless we ditch the £.

    The number of French firms doing business in Britain rocketed by a third and Dutch business rose by a quarter.

    Investment in Britain from Holland, France and Germany has shot up since they joined the euro 18 months ago as high taxes and red tape cripple businesses. American firms make up the biggest slice of foreign input, followed by Holland, France, Germany, Japan, Switzerland, Ireland, Sweden, Australia and Canada.

    This report comes only 2 days after Honda decided to double car production at Swindon. Last year outside companies ploughed £252.2 billion into Britain – up from £204 billion in 1998.

    This trend is echoed by finance experts who predict that Denmark’s economy will be boosted by a No vote in next month’s euro referendum.

  • Charles Kennedy – 2000 Speech to Liberal Democrat Spring Conference

    Charles Kennedy – 2000 Speech to Liberal Democrat Spring Conference

    The speech made by Charles Kennedy on 19 March 2000.

    Just think.

    What have been the key issues in the last few days?

    Rover and GMs.

    What links them? Europe.

    The issue that the government consistently refuses to lead on. We all know that there must be European action on GMs. And if the government had acted to bring down the exchange rate, So that we could join the euro, Rover would not be in its current situation. No wonder that people say politicians are losing touch. No wonder that the people who vote are a dwindling band.

    We know the reasons. People tell us. Daily. They say to us. You’re all the same. You don’t tell the truth. You break your promises. There’s no point to politics. It doesn’t change anything. We can’t trust any of you. Well we have to change all that. Reconnect. Or politics will have no future. And we start by restoring a sense of idealism to politics. Saying why we, Liberal Democrats, are different. Explaining that our principles are different. And that those principles matter. At the heart of our philosophy is liberty. A wholehearted commitment to freedom. These are my values. Your values too. Liberty, freedom of the individual. The rights of the private citizen Before, above and beyond the self-interests of the state. Community rather than class-based, self-centred values.

    The other parties don’t really believe in that. Liberty is the word that’s missing from New Labour’s ‘Third Way’. Labour sees diversity and individuality as troublesome. Their instinct is to control. They tried it in Wales. Thanks to us, they failed. They got their priorities all wrong. Their Objective One wasn’t about matched funding. You know all about that here. Objective One for Labour, save Alun Michael. Objective Two, stop Rhodri Morgan. Objective Three, make the Assembly work for New Labour, not for Wales.

    And William Hague’s Conservative Party? They talk about freedom a lot. But it’s a false freedom. Opting out of society. Opting out of social responsibility. Opting out of Europe. The Tory freedom led to Clause 28. Mind you, they are good street theatre. Did you see them on the back of that truck? I wonder if they’ll flog the lorry when they’ve finished with it? Would you buy a used lorry from either of them? William Hague and Michael Portillo. The Rodney and Del-Boy of the Privy Council.

    What a contrast we are. We want genuine freedom. Not the Tory false freedom. Freedom of the individual is about equal rights for all. That means basic civil rights. It means more decentralisation. Regionally across England. And where better to start than right here – in the South West? Freedom means stopping government telling you how to live your life. But it also means social justice.

    Nearly a hundred years ago, Hobhouse said ‘the struggle for liberty … is the struggle for equality’. He was right. He was right. If you live in a high rise flat, bringing up a child on your own, or struggling on a pension, freedom isn’t about government making you buy healthcare or education. If you live in those conditions, freedom is about social justice. Employment. Decent public services. Decent welfare support when times are hard. A first class education system. Whatever your income, whatever your background. And, whatever your income, whatever your background.

    The one issue which should concern us all is the environment. That’s what I want to talk to you about today. Go back to that high rise flat, in a polluted city, Freedom is also about a decent environment. The greatest freedom we can hand on to future generations, is a planet with a future. The environment is not something that you inherit from your parents. It is something that you preserve for your children. John Stuart Mill talked about the “tyranny of the majority”. Today we should recognise that pollution is the most pernicious tyranny of all. And it affects the poor the most. Yet all too often, politicians shy away from that. Even we, Liberal Democrats, too many of us, certainly myself included, have ducked some tough questions. We haven’t talked about the environment nearly enough in the past few years. We’ve been criticised for that by people like Friends of the Earth. It’s a fair point. I accept it. Too often, environmental concerns have been seen as constraints. Stopping people doing things. But they are actually the reverse. The reverse.

    Protecting the environment is the most fundamental liberation politics. Broadening choice at ALL levels of society. Creating jobs. Building a better, more sustainable, more cohesive society. The essence of Liberal Democracy. So it’s vital that we start persuading the British people. Persuading them that the environment is one of the biggest issues in politics. And that it has a massive impact on quality of life. Let’s look at the facts. The facts. Climate change. The major problem. Latest figures show that global warming is happening fast. Much faster than we have ever imagined. And if action isn’t taken to cut greenhouse gasses, temperatures will rise even more dramatically. Faster rises than at any time since the end of the last ice age. Britain will face particular problems It’s not just Plymouth that has palm trees. My own constituency does too. Yet, in fact it’s on a similar latitude to Moscow. But if the Gulf Stream changes, as it could, we will be in real trouble.

    Yet the public policy response? What was once a Labour manifesto pledge is now only a goal. A vague aspiration. A familiar story, isn’t it? We’ve seen the evidence of global warming in Mozambique. You know, I couldn’t actually believe it. The politicians were talking about helicopters. How many. And when they should have been sent. How much more powerful it would be, if they spent as much time stopping it becoming an everyday event. That means each individual making changes to their lives. To make a difference to the environment. But it also means changes for government. It’s time now for the British government to make a real difference. To commit to getting 20% of our energy from renewables by 2010. It’s a real issue for all of us. Consider this. Nearly 10% of our best agricultural land is less than 5 metres above sea level. Around 40% of our manufacturing is on or near the coast. 26 million people in this country living near the coastline. As sea levels rise, so our economic fabric will sink.

    So what does the government do? Number ten is pathetic. Absolutely pathetic. There is no joined-up thinking on the environment. We’ve seen that on GM foods. Ask the others what they think GM is. Labour will say “grant-maintained”. Tories will say “General Motors”. Liberal Democrats have constantly urged caution. We see science as a servant, never a master. But it took sustained public pressure to make the PM recognise that. The government must now go the whole hog. Back our policy of a five-year moratorium on commercial GM crops.. A fundamental part of the green cause in the future, will be pushing the case internationally. Taking the lead.

    I am a pro-European. That’s partly because I know that Europe can help the environment. Many environmental problems can only be tackled at an international level. Events in Seattle told us that. So the environment should be part of a genuinely ethical foreign policy. And only by playing a constructive role in Europe can that happen. For the good of the environment, there’s one issue the government must take seriously. Transport. This is John Prescott’s job. Good old John. He tries hard. After the last election he said, “I will have failed if in five years time there are not far fewer journeys by car.” That’s coming back to haunt him. Soon, he’ll wish he hadn’t said it.

    So for those people without two Jags, we must tackle failing public transport. An integrated transport system. Fuel rebates for community transport. Bus lanes. And we all know that Susan Kramer has the best tube policy for London. No surprise there that Frank Dobson’s going well and truly down the tube. And let me set you a challenge for the next election. I want our party to turn the phrase “on your bike” into a compliment, not an insult. And what about walking? John Prescott doesn’t really understand walking. Or talking for that matter. And as for walking and talking. The mind boggles. But we can manage it. We’re rather good at it – walking. ‘Safe Routes’ to schools. Home zones. Look at the school bus experience in the United States. Children need more freedom from parents. And parents need more freedom from fear.

    Environmental politics adds up to more family-friendly politics. Getting that message across will change attitudes. That, ultimately, is the challenge. Without a ‘green culture’, government will legislate in vain. Nobody should think that changing a culture is impossible. Cast your minds back ten years ago. It was unconventional to recycle anything. But it’s now common practice throughout Britain. As a party, we can claim some credit. Our councils in particular. And the pressure groups. Even the government loves it. It recycles everything. Its policies. Our policies. But most of all, they love recycling their funding commitments. So I want us to lead a cultural change. People say that they want a better environment. We need to help people understand that our policies will give them that. Take one issue that links health, the environment, social policy.

    Fuel poverty. Why is it that so many of the poorest people, often the oldest, can’t afford to heat their homes. It’s so costly because homes are not properly insulated. They pump heat into the skies, and their homes remain cold. Because they remain cold, they get ill. And even, sometimes, they die. Over 40,000 died last winter alone. An absolute scandal. So come on colleagues. Let’s think imaginatively. Why can’t GPs issue prescriptions for home insulation? It will promote better health. Save heating costs. And lead to a better environment. A green policy to end fuel poverty in 15 years.

    But the environment is also good for the economy. Green growth, in other words. Jobs – insulating homes. Jobs – in conservation schemes. Jobs – investing in public transport. We’ve got to get that message across. We have to make that case. It’s a different agenda, a distinctive identity. More choice, not less. Positive gain, not pain. Modern, efficient and progressive. An agenda for a forward-looking party. And that’s the kind of party I want to lead. That’s why today I’m launching our Green Budget. The government has its very own Brown Budget. We’ve proposed a green programme to end fuel poverty in 15 years. Taxes on dumping waste, to fund more recycling. Changes in VAT to stop urban sprawl. 20% of British energy from renewable sources by 2010. Scrapping road tax for the most fuel efficient cars. There’s much more. And we will go on producing more and better green policy.

    But Labour won’t do that in next week’s Brown Budget. I’ll tell you what else won’t be tackled properly in the Budget. Health and education. You know, the PM says that Nye Bevan was one of his heroes. Can you imagine Nye arguing for tax cuts when the NHS is crying out? Crying out for more doctors, more nurses, more beds? I can’t see it at all. So I challenge the Chancellor today. Gordon, listen to what people are saying. Gordon, unlock your war-chest. Right now, people don’t want a tax-cut. Right now they want the money put into schools, hospitals and pensions. Go on Gordon. Do it, just do it.

    That’s what we’ll be putting to the people of Romsey. Sandra Gidley is an excellent PPC. Sandra, we’re all right behind you. At that election, and the next general election, our country will have some clear choices. The clearest choice will be over which party will promote freedom for all. Which party will fund schools and hospitals?

  • Charles Kennedy – 2000 Speech on Fuel Prices

    Charles Kennedy – 2000 Speech on Fuel Prices

    The speech made by Charles Kennedy on 18 September 2000.

    Sometimes – just sometimes there are defining moments for a country and its character.

    Perhaps – just perhaps Britain came across one of those moments last week.

    A sense of perspective is called for in all of this.

    Ours is a stable country. Ours is a sensible country. And ours is a fundamentally decent country.

    Stability – sense – decency.

    These are not assets lightly to be squandered.

    A society which is liberal democratic has to operate – it cannot function otherwise on a sense of mutual consent.

    Last week mutual consent showed signs of breaking down.

    If it had it would have broken all of us. It almost did. But it didn’t.

    Sense – sanity – decency prevailed.

    Put to one side the issue at stake. Put to the forefront the principle involved.

    A society which is liberal democratic cannot have public policy determined upon the basis of who has got the loudest voice – or who can brings things to a halt.

    However just. However well behaved. However well meaning.

    The petrol protesters – to their credit – knew that. They conducted themselves accordingly.

    The issue now is that the government must conduct itself accordingly. Democracy demands trust. It demands that sense of mutual understanding. And – it’s a two way street. You’ve got to give – as much as you take.

    The government is taking a lot. It’s not giving nearly as much. No wonder public confidence collapses.

    We say two things. First – fuel tax policy has to be fair. If it’s not it won’t work. Second – let’s be up front about the environmental agenda. And let’s be clear about what we would do.

    We want a fair deal on fuel. We call on the government:

    1. To place a cap on fuel taxes (in real terms) for five years so that the government does not profit from future increases in fuel prices.

    2. To use the VAT windfall that it has received from the higher than expected fuel prices to ease the burden on the travelling public.

    3. To ensure that oil companies recognise their social responsibilities, both in respect of pricing and security of supply.
    If they fail to do so, we will take measures to tax their excess profits.

    4. To support people in rural communities who rely on fuel through, for example, rate relief on rural fuel stations and increased investment in community public transport.

    Those are the principles that we want the government to accept. That is a fair deal on fuel. The events of the past week have also highlighted a more profound consideration.

    It’s time to pause and reflect.

    Why do citizens think that they’re more likely – more able – to influence the course of public policy by direct action, rather than by conventional party politics? Why do less and less people bother to vote? Why do so few folk even bother to join political parties? You’ve got to ask questions before you answer them.

    I’ve been asking these questions for quite some time now.

    This party – and this party conference has got to start providing answers.

    And it is – and it will.

    People won’t be spoken to as they’ve been spoken to in the past.

  • Charles Kennedy – 2000 Speech to Liberal Democrat Conference

    Charles Kennedy – 2000 Speech to Liberal Democrat Conference

    The speech made by Charles Kennedy in Bournemouth on 21 September 2000.

    Potentially, politics is at a crossroads.
    We saw that last week.
    The opinion polls have recorded that this week.
    That’s been the backdrop for this,
    I think, one of our most successful conferences ever.

    Politics is about leading.
    You might expect me to say that.
    But politics is also about listening.
    The events of the past ten days,
    have demonstrated,
    graphically,
    that the current government,
    neither leads nor listens enough.

    So it’s not just that people are estranged from politics.
    It’s that politicians are estranged from people.
    I know that.
    You know that.
    The country knows that.

    We’re different.
    That’s what our conference this week has been all about.

    Next time we meet like this,
    in twelve months,
    politics may have changed even more out of all recognition.
    We have to be part of that process of change,
    central to it.
    Before, during and after the coming general election.

    That’s why,
    in our pre-election manifesto,
    “Freedom in a Liberal Society”,
    we’ve been exploring themes,
    reiterating values and principles,
    setting out policy directions.
    All of which will take us a long way forward.

    Now today,
    I don’t just want to talk to Liberal Democrats.
    Pleasant though that may be.
    I want to talk to potential Liberal Democrat voters.
    I want to talk to the country.
    And I want to be explicit about why Britain – needs the Liberal Democrats.

    I’ve done a huge amount of travelling across the country this year.
    You know my principal impression?

    Put quite simply it’s this.
    There are too many,
    far, far too many anxious people out there,
    anxious – for themselves and their families,
    too anxious ever to have time to feel ambitious about our country.
    Well we are ambitious.
    Very ambitious for our country.
    That’s why Britain – needs the Liberal Democrats.

    People want a better level of political dialogue.
    And they deserve it.
    They’re not getting it.
    Just look at the crime debate.
    Ann Widdecombe and Jack Straw.
    You know the only difference between the two?
    Ann got done for speeding.
    Jack’s got a driver to speed for him,
    They’re competing in a dismal Dutch auction.
    Going for lowest common denominator politics.
    Over-claim.
    Over-blame.
    Over-reach.
    Undermine the entire point of the political process along the way.
    —-
    You can’t change human nature.
    But poverty.
    Unemployment.
    Drugs.
    These are major causes of crime too.
    Someone needs to be saying that.
    That’s why Britain – needs the Liberal Democrats.

    Let me be quite clear.
    I’m not one of those who believe that all Britain’s problems
    began on the first of May 1997.

    But Labour’s poverty of ambition is quite remarkable.
    With a parliamentary majority – of one hundred and seventy nine,
    they behave like John Major did – with a majority of three.

    It’s all about what will play well in the opinion polls.
    Britain was promised an ethical foreign policy.
    Britain demands legislation on the arms trade.
    But instead we get arms sales to Indonesia.

    And all too often, they seem scared of their own shadows.
    Remember that leaked Prime Ministerial memo?
    What was it he said?
    “a sense that the government … are somehow out of touch with gut British instincts”.

    So I ask you,
    Labour voter last time,
    maybe for the first time was it?
    Did you believe,
    that things could only get better?
    And have they?
    For you?
    Your family?
    Your community?
    Your local school?
    Your local hospital?
    Your sense of job security?
    Your sense of reassurance that your elderly parents would be looked after?
    Your belief that your students,
    wouldn’t be up to their ears in debt.
    Millions of people believed it.
    Millions of people are disappointed.

    The Conservatives won’t improve these things for you.
    But the Liberal Democrats can.
    We can improve a lot on Labour.

    They are continually terrified to be called the party of boom and bust.
    That old Labour habit of splashing out in their first years in power,
    and then having to cut back at the end.

    Gordon Brown certainly hasn’t done that.
    He’s cut back and now he’s splashing out.
    Bust followed by pre-election boom.

    We said that wasn’t good enough.

    I’d like to think he saw the light.
    But the truth is, he felt the heat.

    Now what of the Conservative Party?

    Today, I want to address the millions of previous Conservative voters,
    who feel that William Hague’s Party offers them – nothing.
    I share many of the values, the beliefs, the concerns,
    of the people who used to be called One Nation Conservatives.
    Tolerance, decency, fair-play.

    If you believe in those things,
    and you look at your party.
    And it’s not got room any more,
    at the top table,
    for the likes of Ken Clarke, Michael Heseltine, Chris Patten.
    Then your party’s got no room for you.

    To you,
    I say this.
    You have friends in the Liberal Democrats.
    You have a home.
    Come and talk to us.
    You will be very, very welcome.

    What’s gone wrong with the Conservative Party
    – oh, so wrong –
    is not even so much the individuals
    – it’s the issues and the instincts
    which today guide William Hague’s Conservative Party.

    William jumps in with both feet,
    in the wrong place,
    at the wrong time,
    and for the wrong reasons.
    Desperate for a headline, desperate for a quote.
    Desperate to get attention.
    He’s the world’s first unpopular populist.

    So how come the Tories have come up in the polls?

    I know the answer.
    It’s not William’s popularity.
    It’s the people round about him that the country’s warming to.
    It must be John Redwood, Michael Portillo and Ann Widdecombe the country loves.

    Just look at what William’s been up to this year.
    January -Patient’s Guarantee.
    Ditched.
    February – tax guarantee.
    Ditched.
    March – the moral case for low taxation.
    Ditched with the tax guarantee.
    April – bogus asylum seekers.
    May – Romsey.
    June.
    He was quiet in June.
    Perhaps he had a 14-pint hangover.
    Or perhaps it was that Romsey hangover.

    I ask you.
    Is that opposition?
    Is that a positive view of Britain.
    Is that anything,
    of any use,
    to anybody?
    Why does Britain need the Liberal Democrats?
    That’s why Britain needs the Liberal Democrats.

    And remember their record?
    Recessions.
    Crime doubled.
    Larger class sizes.
    Fewer nurses.
    Pensions slashed.
    Interest rates – through the roof.
    Arms to Iraq.
    BSE.
    Cash for questions.
    Sleaze.
    It must never,
    ever,
    be allowed to happen again.
    That’s why Britain needs the Liberal Democrats.

    William Hague is not the serious leader of a serious political party.
    That’s the serious point.

    We are serious.
    Our purpose is here in this document.
    It’s the F word.
    Freedom.
    That’s why we’re in politics.

    We want politicians to promote freedom for all.
    So people can make the most of their lives.
    That means excellent local hospitals and schools.
    Fair and decent pensions.
    Safer streets.
    A clean environment.
    Civil liberties.
    Stopping government interfering in people’s private lives.
    That’s why Britain needs the Liberal Democrats.

    I am determined we will get our message across.
    But as part of that,
    it is vital,
    absolutely vital,
    that we persuade people,
    that for every area where government can do more,
    there’s an area where government should be doing less,
    or doing different.

    That’s why I want to make an early announcement today,
    about the contents of our manifesto for the next election.
    In our pre-manifesto, we have policies for green action in every chapter.
    The manifesto will do that too.
    But it will also show,
    in every chapter,
    where government must do less,
    to give people more freedom.
    We would scrap a range of regulations,
    that burden small businesses.
    We will cut bureaucracy in schools.
    And we will let people,
    not politicians,
    decide how some of their tax revenues are spent.

    Tax and spend?
    Every party taxes and spends.
    But our priorities,
    are the people’s priorities.

    That’s what freedom means.

    It’s not left of Labour.
    It’s not right of Labour.
    It’s ahead of Labour.

    It’s also honest.
    Where there is a cost,
    we say how we will pay for it.
    Saying that if necessary,
    we will pay for better schools,
    by asking everybody to pay just one pence more on the basic rate of income tax.
    And to fund decent pensions,
    we will ask those fortunate enough to earn over one hundred thousand pounds per year,
    to pay a little more.
    That’s the way to be honest with people.
    And remember,
    when you’re talking to people,
    remind them,
    that’s still less than the self same people were paying
    under Margaret Thatcher.

    That makes us clear on what we will then do.

    On health:
    Nurses and doctors – more of them.
    Prescription charges – abolish them.
    Eye and dental check-ups – free once again.
    That’s why patients need the Liberal Democrats.

    Schools and colleges,
    cut class sizes for all 5 to 11 year olds.
    Abolish tuition fees for higher education.
    Jim Wallace and our colleagues have done it in Scotland.
    Let’s do it for the rest of Britain as well.

    The mountains of bureaucracy that burden teachers.
    Flatten them.
    So that teachers can actually teach more,
    and stop being bureaucrats.
    That’s why parents and children need the Liberal Democrats.

    And what about the pensioners?
    Forgotten and insulted by Gordon Brown.
    Pensions were introduced by a Liberal government.
    By a man called Lloyd George.
    And today, we retain that commitment to a decent pension for all.
    So we will give pensioners more, above inflation.
    £5 extra every week for every pensioner,
    If you’re over 75, it’s going to be £10 extra.
    If you’re over 80, it’s going to be £15 extra.
    Now that will make a real difference.
    That’s why pensioners need the Liberal Democrats.

    The environment.
    The great challenge facing our generation.

    We say that a clean environment relates to health.
    To poverty.
    To transport.
    To education.
    To civil liberties.

    We understand that,
    instinctively so.

    And again, we’re honest.
    We’re clear,
    fuel taxes should be used,
    to improve the environment.

    In the months and years to come,
    we have got to get that message across.
    To show that good environmental policies,
    are about more choice, not less.
    Positive gain, not pain.
    And that we can all make a difference.
    That’s why the environment needs the Liberal Democrats.

    And let me say something about the single currency.
    If there is an election next year,
    then a referendum on the Euro can’t be long delayed.
    Labour will no longer have anywhere to hide.

    It shouldn’t be a party political issue.
    But let me make our position crystal clear.
    As pro-Europeans we are not in favour,
    of rushing into the euro head first.
    We don’t believe Europe is perfect.
    And we will work to see that reform takes place.

    But we do believe that Britain can and must lead in Europe.
    Lead reform in Europe.
    Lead on the euro’s benefits for Britain.

    That’s why, earlier this year,
    I asked a panel of experts,
    to report on what the government should be doing.
    They’ve done so.
    And if the government chooses to ignore the experts,
    British businesses will lose,
    British workers will lose,
    British consumers will lose.
    Britain will lose.

    So those of us in favour of the euro,
    must go out there and argue the case.
    We have a duty to do so.
    We cannot sit on our hands.
    That’s why Britain needs the Liberal Democrats.

    This has been an outstanding year for the Liberal Democrats.
    The local elections – our biggest ever share of the national vote.
    Sandra’s triumph in Romsey.
    Real votes, cast in real elections.

    And we are making a difference,
    On real issues throughout the country.
    I can look round this hall,
    and see the faces of people,
    who are making a serious difference across Britain today.
    Mike German and his colleagues
    have made a significant impact on the Welsh Assembly.
    Our colleagues in the London Assembly.
    The singular contribution – of Susan Kramer.

    And the enormous contribution,
    that the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland.
    has made to the peace process.
    We wish it and them well.

    And I am particularly proud of our record in Scotland,
    where Jim Wallace has been running the government.
    Liberal Democrats have helped deliver.

    In Scotland,
    we are delivering,
    better hospitals.
    More money for education.
    More police officers.
    Freedom of Information.
    A new approach to farming and rural affairs.
    And, the abolition of tuition fees.

    In Scotland we’ve shown that the SNP are an irrelevance.
    In Wales we’ve shown that Plaid Cymru are an irrelevance.
    And both will be an even greater irrelevance at the next Westminster election.
    They really are the wasted vote in British politics.

    The Liberal Democrats are the party for the whole of Britain.
    And that’s why the whole of Britain needs the Liberal Democrats.

    We’ve shown,
    that the others are now the old parties of the 20th century.
    We are the party of the 21st.
    Our policies,
    our principles,
    our practical approach,
    our philosophy of freedom,
    can lead us to even greater triumphs.

    Let us connect with the people
    – and the people will connect with us.
    At the next election, I believe we will win more votes, and more seats.
    1997 was a staging post.
    It wasn’t a high-water mark.

    In the months and years to come,
    our message of freedom,
    is one that we have to get across to the British people.

    For me, and for my family,
    that’s a very personal message.

    For my grandfather,
    freedom meant putting on a uniform,
    and going to fight in the Dardanelles in the 1st World War.

    For my mother and father,
    freedom has meant the chance to give their children
    – youngest son included –
    better life opportunities than they could ever have aspired to for themselves.

    For me,
    freedom is about being grateful for the opportunities I’ve had,
    and my friends at school had,
    – and doing something for our country to help make that freedom commonplace.

    I have great pride in our party,
    in what we stand for.
    Pride in our principles.
    And I have a pride in Britain.
    In what it can be.

    So we must go into the next election,
    and tell people about our message of freedom.
    The difference between the Liberal Democrats
    and the disaster of William Hague’s Party.
    The difference between the Liberal Democrats
    and the disappointment that Labour has become.

    Go out there and tell it to people as it is.
    What you see is what you get.
    This is what we will deliver.

    A truly modern,
    truly free,
    21st century Britain.
    A Liberal Democrat Britain.

  • Ann Widdecombe – 2000 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Ann Widdecombe, the then Shadow Home Secretary, at the 2000 Conservative Party conference on 4 October 2000.

    My birthday only comes once a year. And what a great Party!

    But Jack Straw gives the criminals a party every day while victims wait outside in the cold.

    His greetings telegram to the criminal is: ‘don’t worry, there are nearly 3,000 fewer police to catch you, and even if you are unlucky enough to be caught, I’ll let you out of jail in record time.’

    In The Wizard of Oz, the Man of Straw had no brain. I can show you one with no heart and no courage as well.

    He and his friend Tony promised to be ‘tough on crime and tough on the causes of crime’. All they’ve been tough on is the dwindling number of people trying to fight crime. Last year, I warned that the thin blue line was getting thinner. Now it’s becoming a row of dots, which nobody wants to join.

    High on promises, low on action. Long on spin, short on truth. Drunk on power, incapable of delivery.

    It’s not that they’re short on rhetoric when it comes to victims.

    Remember what Tony Blair said in his speech last week?

    Tony Blair said that one of the big projects for the second term of a Labour government – and I quote – would be ‘standing up for victims’.

    Why is he waiting for a second term? It’s not as if he’s going to get one.

    What a sense of priorities. They’ve spent the first term getting prisoners out of jail early, cutting the police force, multiplying red tape, and dreaming of drunks at cashpoints. The victim has to wait for the second term.

    By contrast, my first pledge as Shadow Home Secretary, the very first policy I announced, was new rights for victims enshrined in law.

    That shows where this Party’s priorities lie. What about the rest of Jack Straw’s record at the Home Office?

    Police numbers down, crime up, violent crime soaring, the asylum system in chaos, spies laughing at the country they betrayed…

    When we were debating rising crime under this Government, I asked Jack Straw whether crime would fall again. He said: ‘That depends on the criminals.’

    I thought it was traditional for the British people to rely on their Government to cut crime, not on the criminals. It cannot be common sense to fight crime with fewer crimefighters. It cannot be common sense, when the police have spent time and effort arresting people, to see the criminal back on the street before the police officer. It cannot be common sense to let prisoners sit around in idleness. It cannot be common sense to allow persistent young menaces to grow up with the belief that they are untouchable at law. It cannot be common sense to arrest the householder instead of the burglar.

    We need common sense.

    This country needs a well-motivated, strong police force that can protect everyone, regardless of race, colour or creed. But when the police have done their job, the public must be protected by proper, effective sentencing.

    When those sentences include custody, protecting the public doesn’t end at the prison gate. It means work and education inside prisons to give inmates the skills to lead a law-abiding life outside.

    You are already aware that we have promised to restore police numbers. But numbers alone are not the only answer. We must make sure that every single policeman makes the most effective use of every minute of his time. Yet officers regularly tell me that they can spend an entire shift processing a single criminal through custody, and that they have to fill in the same information on form after form. Indeed, from what they tell me I can only conclude that the police have got more form than the criminals they arrest. For too long, politicians have observed this and done nothing. It is time to relieve the police of this crippling burden.

    It is plain common sense that a policeman should come into the station, deliver his prisoner with a short statement and go straight back onto the beat to arrest more criminals. And that’s what’s going to happen on my watch. And if that means taking a large part of the custody function away from the police, that’s what I’ll do.

    So we’re going to restore the numbers. And we’re going to make sure they spend their time more effectively. And we’re going to make sure that they spend their time in the rural areas as well as the urban.

    Many rural people feel isolated from the forces of law and order. They rarely see their local bobby. Where there is an emergency, they wait far too long for a response.

    For those who live in sparsely populated areas, this is a real, live problem. So I’ve been looking for real, live solutions. I believe that there are lots of ways that we can get visible policing in our countryside. Through retained police officers, part-time police officers, specials, greater use of retired officers, and through ‘cops in shops’.

    Cops in shops is a very simple initiative, which I saw in Washington. The officer doesn’t go back to the station to write up his reports, he writes them up in shops and other public places. This has a threefold advantage. First of all, he’s visible. Secondly, he can interact with the community. And thirdly, he is a deterrent.

    One of the reasons why we have such problems in recruiting is that very often, young people lose interest between the time they leave school and the time they are old enough to join the police. So I want to re-introduce a police cadet force which will not only provide a recruiting and training ground for both the regular police and the specials, but will fundamentally change young people’s attitude towards the police at a time in their lives when it is most important.

    Instead of being tough on criminals, Tony Blair and Jack Straw operate a revolving door prisons policy.

    On Jack Straw’s own tagging scheme, criminals sentenced to six months get out of jail in six weeks – even John Prescott gets through more of his sentences.

    And so 23,000 convicts have been let out early.

    Including 200 convicted killers

    Thousands of other violent criminals.

    Nearly 150 convicted of assaulting police.

    More than 900 robbers

    Over 2,100 burglars

    3,000 drug dealers

    And when, but for Jack Straw’s measure, they should have been in jail, these criminals have committed even more crimes – over 700 more.

    Dozens of burglaries and thefts

    Threats to kill

    Drug dealing

    Even two rapes

    The next Conservative Government will scrap this tagging scheme, this mammoth insult to victims.

    I’m against early release in all but one case. There is only one early release that I will be prepared to see in the public interest. That’s Jack Straw’s early release from the chains of office – and Tony Blair and the rest of the Labour Party with him.

    And instead, we will introduce honesty in sentencing. With the complete abolition of automatic early release.

    Sentences will say what they mean and mean what they say.

    Discounts will have to be earned and will not be substantial – unlike now.

    Where a custodial sentence is passed, we will ensure that there is a programme of rehabilitation in place. Too many offenders who are sent to prison go on to re-offend.

    By ensuring that they have an alternative to a continuation of their life of crime, we can better protect the public.

    Idle prisons are breeding grounds for the disease of crime. We will move towards a full working day in all prisons, based on self-financing workshops that take on real work which real employers want in the real world. Prisoners’ wages will go towards the cost of their upkeep, the support of their families, savings to give them a start when they leave prison, and reparations to the victims of crime.

    It is all about protecting the public.

    And we’ve got to start with the young criminals. We will take the young menaces off the streets, away from the environment that has failed them, and give them a real chance to change. Last year I set out proposals to do this, placing them in secure training and giving them a stable regime and a real chance to change. This year, I want to look beyond young criminals, at the single biggest cause of crime, particularly but not exclusively amongst the young.

    The single biggest cause of crime in this country today is drugs.

    Children are 20 per cent of our population but they are 100 per cent of our future. Drugs are the cancer that is eating away at our country and threatening those children and that future.

    It’s not our children who are the only victims. Crime costs this country £50 billion a year – and at least a third of all crimes are drug related. 80 per cent of burglaries are motivated by drugs.

    One third of acquisitive crime is drug-related, costing victims over £2 billion a year.

    More than 100,000 people are convicted or cautioned for drug offences every year.

    Even if they end up in court, many get a conditional discharge or a small fine.

    Not exactly tough.

    What do the other parties offer?

    The Liberal Democrats toy with legalisation. And they want to end the tough mandatory sentences for drug dealers.

    In other words, give in. What they want to do is against all common sense.

    Labour promised a war against drugs.

    What have they done with the drug dealers? Given them the get out of jail free card.

    23,000 criminals let out on special early release scheme, and more than 3,000 have been drug dealers or traffickers.

    Drug dealers who on average got 22 months’ jail.

    Under Labour they served 9 months.

    So what will we do?

    We have already pledged tougher sentences for drug dealers who sell to our children and a crackdown on drugs in and around our schools. And, needless to say, we will scrap the get out of jail free card for 3,000 drug dealers.

    Today I am able to announce a new policy. Earlier this year, I visited New York, where under Mayor Giuliani crime has plummeted. Although we can’t replicate exactly what I saw there, we can learn the lessons of tackling crime head on and not conceding a centimetre to the criminals. So today, I can announce a new policy. A policy that means no quarter for those whose trade is dealing in human misery, despair and even death.

    And so, from the possession of the most minimal amount of soft drugs right up the chain to the large importer, there will be no hiding place. There will be zero tolerance.

    Parents want it. Schools need it. Our future demands it. The next Conservative government will do it.

    What does it mean? It means zero tolerance of possession. No more getting away with just a caution, no more hoping that a blind eye will be turned. If someone possesses drugs, the minimum for a first offence will be a fixed penalty of £100. But not for a second offence. Then it’s into court.

    And no more claiming that no matter what amount you’ve got on you, it’s for personal use. Over and above the smallest amount, the charge will be substantial possession, and the penalties applicable will be of a range comparable to those for dealing.

    And as for the suppliers, we will put them out of business.

    We will dedicate police resources and police officers to identifying and cleaning up forever those houses and other places where regular supply takes place. And the replacement suppliers, and their replacements, and their replacements, until there are no more replacements.

    Yes, this will require extra money, yes this will require extra police officers, and yes they will be forthcoming. That will be money well spent.

    And there are other aspects of our drugs laws which we need to change. Why do you lose your licence for drink-driving, but not for drugs driving? In future, anybody caught driving with illegal substances in their bloodstream will be subject to a mandatory ban. Why should it be that you have illegal drugs in your pocket, you’re guilty of possession, but when they’re in your bloodstream, you’re guilty of nothing?

    Why do we have laws against opium dens which don’t apply to crack houses?

    Zero tolerance of the biggest scourge in our society today. That’s what’s going to happen on my watch.

    Other things will change also. Our asylum system will be completely overhauled and we will automatically house all new applicants in secure reception centres. It’s extraordinary, but Labour call that racist. Yet the biggest loser in their system is the genuine refugee who comes to this country with not only a legal but a moral case for a safe haven, and finds himself clogged up in queue which has hit more than 100,000 cases – double what Labour inherited. If the message goes out to those who simply seek to play our system that in future they will be detained, dealt with speedily and removed, they will cease to come and we will be able to process the genuine applicant more quickly. However, for the real refugee, reception centres will provide a one-stop point of expertise in education for the children, language support, and social services support.

    At the moment such people, with all their vulnerability and needs are turned out to take their chance in areas where the local authorities have no experience in coping and where the provision of such services is a hit and miss affair.

    Let me make clear to Tony Blair what I believe – what is my ‘irreducible core’.

    If you’re asking me to stand by and see the genuine refugee stuck in a queue with tens of thousands of other applications;

    If you’re asking me to tolerate a situation where that man waits months or years for a decision on his case while Ministers dither and officials shuffle paper;

    If you’re asking me to put up with a shambolic system of support which is letting down both the refugees and the local councils and the local people who have to pick up the pieces, then vote for the other man, because I won’t do it.

    Letting down genuine refugees. I don’t think I could do that. Could you?

    Releasing 23,000 prisoners extra-early. I don’t think I could do that. Could you?

    Cut police numbers when crime is rising. I don’t think I could that. Could you?

    Surrender to the drugs menace. We couldn’t do that. We shouldn’t do that.

    We won’t do that.

  • Alan Milburn – 2000 Speech on a Modern NHS

    Below is the text of the speech made by Alan Milburn, the then Secretary of State for Health, to the LSE Annual Health Lecture on 8 March 2000.

    It is a great honour to be here this evening to give the sixth annual LSE Health Lecture. Health secretaries don’t often speak at the London School of Economics. But there are powerful reasons – as I will set out in a moment or two – for seeing a new and closer relationship between the state of our country’s economy and the state of our country’s health.

    As a Cabinet Minister who has served in both the Treasury and the Department of Health people sometimes paint me as a gamekeeper turned poacher. This might make clever newspaper copy. But it assumes a dichotomy that I consider to be false. Treasury parsimony versus Health profligacy. It demonstrates a profound misunderstanding of the role of health and health care in the modern economy.

    Health care as social investment

    The conventional orthodoxy is that health spending is a debit, not a credit – a drain on the economy and a burden on the taxpayer. I want to demonstrate today that in the new global knowledge-based economy it is time to turn that thought on its head. I will argue that health is not only a good in its own right but that good healthcare is an imperative for improved productivity and national economic success. Put a different way, I am arguing that healthcare spending is not just a question of resource distribution, but is also linked to the physical and social organisation of economic production. In other words health care should be regarded not just as current consumption but as social investment. An investment that builds Britain’s economic infrastructure.

    But it can only rightly be so if two conditions are fulfilled. One, that it is organised efficiently to deliver the maximum health gain without generating undue economic burdens. And two, that it is organised so that it delivers preventative services and not just sickness services, intervening upstream as well as downstream.

    My contention is that the UK’s health service – modernised and reformed – will be better placed than most other systems of health care world wide to fulfil these conditions. In other words, the Government’s modernisation programme for the NHS has positive economic benefits for UK plc.

    That is not the traditional view. Indeed, over the past decade or so health care reform in the developed world has been driven by cost containment. In the USA, for example, new managed care systems have begun to make significant inroads into the spiralling costs of the American medical-industrial complex. Yet, despite this, in January this year, President Clinton had to go to Congress for $110 billion funding so that just 5 million uninsured Americans could get health care cover.

    Similarly, in Western European countries changes to rigid and, sometimes, bloated welfare systems have been fuelled by intense concern about national competitiveness in a period of rapid globalisation. This is perhaps not surprising given the structural inefficiencies intrinsic, for example, to the French and German social insurance health care financing systems.

    In the light of recent noises “stage right” in our country about moving away from a tax-based system, it is worth making the point that the funding system that we have in the UK is, from the perspective of enterprise and competition, arguably, the most efficient way of financing health services. Tax based funding relies on the whole tax base, so it reduces distortions in the economy. By contrast, social insurance tends to fall heavily on the employed and employers. That is why French employers are walking away from it. The Institute of Directors in the UK may wish to take note. Social insurance turns healthcare into a tax on jobs. It has distributive and incentive effects that are hard to offset. It can also make job switching more difficult, reducing labour flexibility.

    It’s worth noting too that a tax-based NHS as a model has competitive advantage over its Western European comparators for at least three other reasons. By virtue of its global budgeting, which controls healthcare inflation. By virtue of its low transaction costs, which means resources reach the frontline. And by virtue of its clinically managed care, which is provided by the GP gatekeeper role. Ironically, at the very time that some would urge us to abandon our model in favour of the continental health care model France and Germany are looking to import the very best features of the UK’s health care system.

    The truth is that the NHS, in the words of the OECD, is “a remarkably cost effective institution.” That is not to say that there is not variation in performance which needs to be tackled. There is more that we can get out for what we put in – but overall as the Prime Minister has rightly said, we need to invest more of our national income in the NHS.

    That is right, because as countries grow more prosperous they choose to invest more in health care. This is a perfectly rational thing to do, aggregating as it does the individual preferences of citizens in advanced industrial economies.

    It is of course also right that we only spend what we can afford. Any other route leads to economic ruin. Careful management of the public finances is one of the keys to economic stability. As previous governments have found to their cost, without it we will simply not get the growth, prosperity and employment that the country needs. That is why this Government has constructed a new macroeconomic framework to provide the stable foundations for economic growth. It is also why we seek to reshape public spending, as far as possible, so that it invests in future success rather than mopping up the costs of past failure.

    I want to argue today that health expenditure is such an investment for success. Health is, of course, an important goal in its own right – an intrinsic good. Its value is one of the truths that we as a society hold to be self-evident. As Halfdan Mahler, a former Director of the World Health Organisation has said, health isn’t everything – but without it you have got nothing. Good health is the route by which each and every one of us can properly fulfil our true potential. It unlocks life chances, and is a fundamental building block of wellbeing

    The link between health and economic success

    But such health investment is also of instrumental importance in improving national economic performance. As economic historians such as Fogel and others have concluded, perhaps one third of the per capita growth rate in Britain between 1780 and 1979 was as a result of improved health and nutritional status. And the World Health Organisation has reported that this figure is within the range of estimates produced by similar cross country studies for the last three or four decades.

    Just last month, a report in the Journal “Science” by Bloom and Canning noted the striking finding that real income per capita will grow at a third to half (0.3%-0.5%) a year faster in a country where life expectancy is five years longer than in another country which is comparable in all other respects. This is significant, at a time when growth rates over the past few decades have averaged only 2-3%, and when there is every prospect of life expectancy increasing by a further 5 years over future decades. The mechanisms underlying this relationship include the direct impact of health on labour productivity; the incentive that people living longer have to invest in developing their skills; the fact that longer lives and greater savings for retirement can lead to increased investment; and the existence of a healthy and educated workforce as a “magnet” for foreign investment.

    Another study by the Pan-American Health Organisation of an emerging economy found that for every one year’s increase in life expectancy there will be an additional 1% increase in GDP 15 years later. And as the importance of human capital grows in advanced economies, health status may have a greater and not a lesser impact on economic output.

    This is because, in today’s world it is no longer simply access to financial resources or to physical resources that make or break a country – any more than they make or break a company. In today’s world the raw materials of any country are the skills of its people. Now in the new knowledge-based economy labour is king. Today as never before our key asset is our human resources. Human skills are a precious commodity. They have to be nurtured and maintained.

    The contribution of healthcare

    In the knowledge economy, there really is a premium on good health. And on good health services. Even the Institute of Directors acknowledged just last month that:

    “The efficient provision of healthcare services is of vital importance for business. Sickness is a major cost for business, and, if an employee goes long term sick, this can be very disruptive, especially for small businesses.”

    Sickness is a hidden social tax on business, undermining competitiveness and reducing productivity. 47,000 working years for men alone are lost every year due to coronary heart disease, and the total lost to all disease is almost a quarter of a million years each year. That’s not just a health concern – it is an economic concern too. If you changed that sentence to “quarter of a million working years lost to industrial action last year” then business would be banging on Government’s door and demanding urgent action.

    The CBI estimates that temporary sickness absence costs business over £10 billion each year. As the IOD noted, these disease-driven inefficiencies in the economy can have particularly acute effects on small and medium sized enterprises. Here smaller pools of employees mean that the temporary loss of indispensible skills can spell disaster.

    And not just for the individual firm. There are wider implications for the economy as a whole. Ill health involves a major loss of productivity potential. It imposes costs on taxpayers and it has significant opportunity costs too. Ill health is a significant cause of unemployment and its attendant costs to the benefits bill. 15% of jobless people cite back pain alone as a reason for not working. It accounts for 119 million days of certified incapacity. It also consumes 12 million GP consultations and 800,000 in-patient days of hospital care. It costs the state almost £1/2 billion each year. These figures point to a clear relationship between ill health and labour market exclusion.

    Figures released just last week by the Office for National Statistics suggest that 29% of adults in workless households said their health was not good, compared with eight per cent in homes where someone worked. The number of people who are long term sick and disabled wanting a job but not presently looking has doubled in just a decade to almost 750,000.

    This level of ill-health causes a loss of productivity and a loss of potential skills that a human resource-led labour market can ill-afford. As we move towards the potential of full employment, that threat to growth becomes more real – there are already labour shortages in specific areas. This threat to growth and low inflation can be at least partly offset by growing the active labour supply. The feasibility of doing this is demonstrated by the fact that when this Government came to office, four and a half million adults lived in households where no-one was working, twice the rate of France and four times the rate of Germany.

    Worse still, worklessness is now the principal cause of poverty in Britain today. And the well-versed argument that poverty – principally through peoples’ exclusion from the labour market – is a significant cause of ill health is only one part of the equation. It is true that poorer people are ill more often and die sooner. The other part of the equation, however, is that poor health contributes to poverty, not least because it excludes people from the labour market. Studies of the effect of chronic mental health problems have shown this relationship, and it exists for other conditions too. The route between poverty and ill health then, is not a one way street. It is a two way street.

    Poverty finds expression in social division and in social exclusion. It is not just their victims who end up paying the price. We all do. The decent hard-working families who live in fear of crime. The loss we all feel from a declining sense of shared community. The taxpayers who pay the bills of social failure. This is one way that the cycle of ill-health and poverty imposes economic burdens.

    There are other ways too. Poverty cascades down the generations. Up to a quarter of all children are persistently in low income families. Babies born to fathers in social class five are more likely to be low birth weight. Low birth weight is a key fact in a child’s subsequent development and opportunity. Poor children are less likely to get qualifications and to stay on at school. Poor health then is linked to low educational attainment, distorting our future competitiveness in the knowledge economy.

    The vicious cycle of poverty, social exclusion, educational failure and ill health is mutually reinforcing. It needs to be broken. It can be broken. We know that good education is a route out of social exclusion and into prosperity. The time has come to recognise that health just like education is a route to economic fulfilment and personal fulfilment Just as good education is a route out of social exclusion and into economic prosperity so too is good health. By intervening in the poverty cycle, health services can effect what Giddens calls the “redistribution of possibilities”.

    Modernised NHS for a modern economy

    What, then, should be the response of the healthcare system? A modernised NHS can rise to these economic challenges by providing new interventions that actively help break the cycle of poverty and ill health, that are preventative as well as curative, and which are fast and convenient.

    First then an NHS that works with others to help break the cycle of poverty and ill health as a contribution to expanding the productivity potential of the wider economy. In the first three years of the last decade if all men of working age had had the same death rates as those in the top two social classes there would have been 17,000 fewer deaths each year. Action here is long overdue. The White Paper Our Healthier Nation sets out an ambitious programme not only to improve the health of the nation but to close the health gap between the worst off and the better off. SureStart is one of the key delivery mechanisms – putting extra resources into health and education services in deprived communities, targeted at the first three years of a child’s life. Similar action involving local authorities, voluntary organisations and others to tackle teenage pregnancy, or drug misuse, are other examples of the approach.

    But we also need to reverse the inverse care law that has dogged the NHS for fifty years – whereby those with the greatest health need get the least health care. You can see that in the way that those parts of the country that have the worst levels of heart disease often have the worst heart services. Two days ago I said I would break that cycle by targeting new cardiac services into those areas where they were most needed. Health Action Zones are another means to the same end.

    Second an NHS that is preventative as well as curative. That means intervening earlier rather than later. Our modernisation programme will help transform the NHS into a springboard for better health, not just a fix-and-mend service when people fall ill. So, for example, this winter the NHS became the first country in the world to introduce the Meningitis C vaccine.

    In our new blueprint for saving 20,000 heart disease lives a year we set out how improvements in heart surgery can make a real difference to survival rates. But the new smoking cessation services that we are providing for the first time on the NHS signal how it can stop just acting as a sickness service and start fully working as a health service. We are also expanding access to the most cost-effective treatments such as aspirin, beta-blockers and statins to help prevent the need for heart surgery in the first place.

    But all of these preventive activities have to be grounded in knowledge of what works and what does not. That is not always the case at the moment. We cannot afford well intentioned but ineffective programmes. That is why I have tasked the NHS R&D programme to provide a better evidence base for health promotion. Public health activity needs to demonstrate cost-effectiveness just as do other forms of health intervention.

    Even more fundamentally, the time has come to take public health out of the ghetto. For too long the overarching label ‘public health’ has served to bundle together functions and occupations in a way that actually marginalises them from the NHS and other health partners. Let me explain what I mean. ‘Public health’ understood as the epidemiological analysis of the patterns and causes of population health and ill-health gets confused with ‘public health’ understood as population-level health promotion, which in turn gets confused with ‘public health’ understood as public health professionals trained in medicine. So by a series of definitional sleights of hand the argument runs that the health of the population should be mainly improved by population-level health promotion and prevention, which in turn is best delivered – or at least overseen and managed – by medical consultants in public health.

    The time has come to abandon this lazy thinking and occupational protectionism. To do that we need to distinguish these three meanings of public health. The National Service Frameworks provide a way to do so. Take the Coronary Heart Disease NSF published this week as the model. It starts with an evidence-based analysis of the patterns and causes of heart disease. It then attempts a dispassionate look using the available evidence at the relative contribution to tackling heart disease that can be made by primary prevention, secondary prevention, hospital treatment and care. It seeks to identify the optimal cost-effective mix between them, rather than privileging one level of intervention for its own sake. And then it allocates responsibilities between agencies and professions on an entirely pragmatic basis, not on the basis of historical demarcations.

    In short, rather than define the NHS as healthcare delivery, and then assert that the NHS has very little do with health improvement, the time has come to reframe what we mean by the NHS and how it acts. The NHS has to encompass the full spectrum of intervention, and it has to get in to new ‘markets’ too – as a provider of information and lifestyle advice not just a provider of treatment and care.

    Which is not to understate the importance of health care treatment. Because the third method by which NHS modernisation can contribute to improved health and economic success is by providing treatment services that are fast and convenient. I believe that the principles of the NHS are right but that its practices have to fundamentally change. People wait too long for treatment. Faster waits for cancer treatment, new fast track chest pain clinics and services that are recast to design delays out of the system are all important. And they are on the way. Last year the NHS treated about 5 million working age adults as in-patients. Around three quarters of these patients waited under six months, but a fifth waited for between six and twelve months; and about one-in-twenty waited more than a year. We need to do further work to model the proportion of conditions that kept people off work or out of the labour market, and the proportion of treatment that succeeded in getting people back to work. But it is clear that faster and more effective treatment services will get people back to work more quickly.

    In these three ways – tackling health inequality, plus better prevention, plus faster intervention – the NHS is changing the way it works and what it does. In the process it is becoming better placed not only to meet the needs of individual patients but to meet the needs of the economy too. It is performing an economic function as well as a health function. It is good for patients and it is good for business.

    The health of workers

    Indeed I think that we need to look to see what more the NHS can do here. An obvious area of potential is the sphere known as occupational health. The growth of the knowledge-based economy and the premium on retaining skilled labour means that employers – whether in the public or private sector – will face higher opportunity costs from sickness absence. They will also have to find new ways of retaining and rewarding their staff. Pay of course will be a key determinant. But people’s career decisions are not simply crude financial calculations. Flexible working patterns will be important too, particularly for parents with young children. And so too will be facilities to maintain good health at work. As it is employees and their representatives are increasingly litigious about health and the workplace – so it is enlightened self-interest for employers to make sure that their own house is in order.

    In the past “occupational health” has tended to have a heavy health and safety bent to it. The Health and Safety Commission will shortly publish proposals to modernise occupational health so that it is better suited to the needs of small and medium sized businesses.

    The NHS has to make sure that its own house is in order on this issue. Healthcare is one of the biggest knowledge-based sectors of the economy, and we cannot afford to lose highly skilled staff. Quite the reverse. I want to expand the services that the NHS provides to make them faster and better for patients – and that relies on having more doctors, nurses and other health care professionals. Improving quality of working life in the health service is one of the factors that will help us expand staff so that we can expand services That is why I am examining how we can improve occupational health care services for our own employees whether in the primary, community or secondary care sectors.

    There are some real beacons of good practice in the NHS. The Walsall Hospitals NHS Trust’s Occupational Health Department for example looks after 6,000 staff at the trust as well as its neighbouring NHS organisations. Managers get pre-employment checks and staff get health checks, advice on health and safety, health information, risk assessment, environmental health advice and stress management. But what is unusual here is that Walsall is also successfully marketing its services to both the public and private sectors, selling its occupational health services to the local university and to 12 small factories. It gets back enough money to break even. The Royal Berkshire and Battle Hospital NHS Trust generates £100,000 a year looking after employees in a number of small businesses and public sector bodies.

    These two NHS organisations are making a tangible contribution to business. I am interested in exploring whether there is scope for the NHS more generally to provide similar occupational health services to employers. ‘NHSPlus’ if you like. A service of this sort might be particularly valuable for small and medium-sized firms which lack the size to organise in-house services but where ill health amongst key employees can have devastating consequences.

    Back pain and stress management services will be of particular relevance, as shown by the 19 ‘Back in Work’ pilots that are now operating. Sandwell Healthcare NHS Trust, for example, is now working with small and medium sized businesses to provide early assessment and intervention for workplace back pain. Salisbury Healthcare NHS Trust is working with 300 local businesses in partnership with the local Chamber of Commerce.

    And let’s be clear about two things. First – providing these new services will potentially be good for the NHS, not a burden. Intervening to prevent and avoid injuries and sickness will have downstream benefits for the NHS in avoided GP appointments, outpatient attendances and hospital treatment. And second – these new services hold out the prospect of net savings to employers, not extra costs. What’s more, as NHS waiting times come down for elective surgery, private employers will increasingly be able to free up the £1 billion-plus they currently spend on employee private health insurance, instead targeting that resource on more effective workforce health interventions of the sort that NHS Plus might provide.

    There is then an intimate connection between good health, properly targeted health services and economic performance. So far my argument has focussed on three groups in the population. One – potential workers currently outside the labour market as a result of mutually reinforcing processes of social exclusion. Two – future workers, namely our children, for whom health and educational attainment are the routes to prosperity. And three, existing workers – and their employers – affected by sickness absence.

    The health of older people

    But there is a fourth group – retired people – that is ex-workers – whose health status also has an impact on economic performance. If we look at the country’s demographic profile there are significant implications for the economy in the next few decades. The number of older people has doubled since 1931. The overall upwards trend is set to continue to about 2030, when the population will stop growing as a result of past falls in birthrates. Increasing numbers of people will survive well beyond the age of 85.

    We have to make the investment choices now about what those extra years of life are going to be like. If they are years of ill-health, disability and dependency that has clear economic consequences. It will mean not only that older people cannot contribute economically in their “third age”, but it means high costs for formal care, however it is financed. For those outside formal care, potentially productive labour will be taken out of the economy for informal care of dependent older people.

    So investment now to prevent ill-health and to promote fast and effective treatment and rehabilitation may be as important economically as it is socially. There is evidence to suggest that increasing years of life can be relatively healthy, or of only mild-to-moderate disability. But the extent to which that is the case will depend on, amongst other things, on the availability of good health services including active rehabilitation.

    The new aim of our care services here is to foster independence for elderly people just as it is to foster independence for working age people. We should no longer accept the so-called ‘dependency ratio’ (that is, the ratio of working age adults to others) as the principal prism through which we view these matters. Perhaps we need a new measure – perhaps we should call it the ‘independency ratio’ – to track the proportion of the post 65 population capable of active life and self care. Developing services to improve this measure is precisely what the Government intends to do. We are committed to a new set of intermediate care services specifically designed around the rehabilitation and recovery needs of elderly people. And for the reasons I have outlined, they will be beneficial both in human and in economic terms.

    Conclusion

    So to conclude – good health, good healthcare and good economic performance should no longer be seen as parallel universe. They are mutually reinforcing. You can’t have one without the other. It is time to look at the NHS in a new way.

    No longer just as a consumer of resource. But instead as a generator of wealth. No longer just as a provider of treatment services. But instead as a promotor of good health. No longer working in isolation. But instead working alongside others to foster independence and create opportunity.

    In short the NHS can make a major contribution to improving productivity and expanding the economy.

  • Bernard Jenkin – 2000 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Bernard Jenkin to the 2000 Conservative Party Conference on 3 October 2000.

    The demonstrations last month proved that Labour is out of touch.

    The frustration has been building up for years.

    You think that your car is to get you to work, or to visit the family, or to do the shopping.

    But it’s not.

    Under Labour, the most important job your car does is to siphon money out of your bank account and over to the Chancellor.

    Labour’s taxes are such an injustice.

    Petrol tax is a regressive tax.

    It hits the poor the hardest.

    For example, a disabled pensioner in my constituency needs her car to get to the shops and to see her friends.

    She used to spend £10 per week on petrol.

    Now it costs £20.

    This is just one rural pensioner who is worse off under Labour – one of millions.

    And as the pressure has mounted, Labour has simply become more devious.

    In the last Budget, Gordon Brown said he was putting petrol tax and pensions up by the rate of inflation.

    What he didn’t tell you was that he was using two different rates of inflation.

    So he put pensions up by just 1.1% – but hiked fuel tax by three times that.

    He said, he could only give pensioners an extra 75p a week, but he took away all of that and more with his fuel taxes.

    Labour gives with one hand and takes away with another.

    And another, and another.

    People have been driven to distraction by this stealth taxing government.

    Driven to do things they never imagined they would do.

    The government calls the protests ‘blockades’.

    But there were no blockades.

    The people who protested against the government last month were not the trotskyites, communists, militants and anarchists that Jack Straw marched with in his youth.

    They were decent, hardworking people.

    People with responsibilities, businesses, customers, overdrafts, employees and families to support.

    They were supported by a spontaneous groundswell of public feeling.

    What an indictment of British democracy under Labour!

    Three years of Labour has pushed the British people to breaking point.

    Labour had no right to raise taxes.

    They have no mandate.

    Mr Blair promised no new taxes.

    Democracy should be about government by consent.

    But Labour is about taxation without representation.

    That’s why the protests were so popular.

    These protests rumbled Labour’s tax scam.

    These protests showed that the British people will not stand for it.

    These protests exposed Mr Blair, in the face of a real crisis, as weak and vacillating.

    Labour cannot face the truth.

    Oh, he could apologise for the Dome.

    He could apologise for the Ecclestone affair.

    But he can’t apologise for this.

    Because his stealth tax deceit goes to the heart of his whole political strategy.

    And I say now to everyone who is angry about fuel tax.

    William Hague and the Conservative Party are the champions of your cause.

    We will cut fuel tax.

    So, put your faith in the ballot box and not the barricades!

    Don’t get angry. Get even!

    Labour failures: the missed opportunity

    So what has John Prescott actually done in the last three years?

    He put a bus lane on the M4 so that the New Labour elite could whizz past the queues.

    He took an environmentally friendly car for a spin, and then crashed it.

    At last year’s Labour conference here in Bournemouth, he was driven 200 yards from the Highcliff to here, so that he could tell us to use our cars less.

    And so it goes on.

    But while Prescott gaffes, everyone else must suffer.

    As rural post offices and banks close, more and more people who cannot afford cars are being left stranded.

    Everyday misery. That’s Labour’s record.

    Last month in London, 2000 Central Line passengers were stuck, stifling in dark tunnels for more than two hours.

    Everyday misery. That’s Labour’s record.

    Pity the millions stuck in traffic jams every day!

    Pity the towns and villages, choked with traffic, still waiting for a bypass.

    Pity the haulage firms going bust.

    Everyday misery. That’s Labour’s record.

    The 10 year plan

    And after three years of misery, John Prescott now has the nerve to stand up and say ‘I’ve got a ten year transport plan’.

    Suddenly he is promising billions but do you believe him?

    And hardly anything would happen until after the next TWO general elections.

    Talk about post-dated cheques!

    What does he take us for?

    The words, ‘ten year transport plan’ should enter the same lexicon as ‘the dog ate my homework’, and ‘the Dome will be a great success’.

    This is a ten year plan from a one term government that can’t see further than tomorrow’s headlines.

    A broken policy that follows broken promises proposed by a broken-backed Secretary of State.

    Last year he was asked whether the job might be a bit too big for one person.

    Plucky John replied: ‘No, because I’m Superman’.

    Superman!

    Superman didn’t need two Jags and a helicopter to get from A to B.

    Mind you, he’s the only comic strip minister who breaks his promises, faster than a speeding bullet.

    In 1997, he promised there would be far fewer journeys by car.

    Well, John, if you don’t know already, short of a fuel crisis, you’ve failed.

    Socialists always think they can change human nature.

    Well there’s only one way they have succeeded.

    Today, every nine seconds, the average healthy man now thinks about petrol tax.

    How much it costs. Where will it end?

    Under Labour, we’ll soon all have to take our driving tests on foot.

    The sad reality is that by the end of this Parliament, John Prescott will have precisely nothing to show for his four years in office.

    And over the next ten years, Labour plans to raise at least £423 billion in taxes from the motorist.

    That’s over £18,000 per household.

    You could buy one of John Prescott’s Jags for that, but you couldn’t afford to run it!

    The Conservatives made the car a privilege for the many and not just the few.

    The car and public transport are not enemies or opposites.

    We need them both.

    We need more of them both.

    There’s no point in investing billions more in the railways if you miss your train because you’re stuck in a traffic jam.

    Few of us have train stations or bus stops outside our front door.

    So let’s get rid of Labour’s anti-car ideology.

    Conservative Transport Policy

    The next Conservative government will dump all the dogma.

    We will ditch the jargon.

    We believe in Britain.

    So, we will simply get on with the job.

    On day one of the next Conservative government, we will abolish Labour’s Integrated Transport Commission.

    That will save millions by reducing bureaucracy and waste.

    We believe in a prosperous Britain.

    So we want Britain’s lifeblood arteries – our roads – to flow.

    We will immediately bring forward the vital road improvements to get unsuitable traffic off unsuitable roads.

    We believe in a cleaner and greener Britain.

    So we want to remove through traffic from towns and villages.

    You use less fuel if you don’t have to sit in traffic jams.

    We will also reduce congestion by charging companies who dig up the road.

    We believe road users deserve better.

    So over all of this we shall set up a new Roads Inspectorate.

    This will set standards for local councils and the Highways Agency to meet.

    It will demand action on poor roads, dangerous roads or where roads cause environmental problems.

    Conservatives also believe in Britain’s railways.

    Labour inherited the start of our railway renaissance – liberated from state control.

    But we are still waiting for stage two.

    We propose measures to cut standing on cramped trains;

    And to cut queuing for your ticket.

    And to increase trains on Sundays.

    And we believe in freight on rail.

    The rail freight renaissance was started by privatisation.

    Believing in Britain means putting the passenger and the freight customer first.

    Not just on rail, but across all our transport networks.

    And, of course, our commitment to cut 14 pence off a gallon of petrol is just a first step.

    Because we are ambitious for Britain we will not treat motorists as some sort of revenue tap.

    We believe in honesty in taxation.

    So we want petrol stations to display just how much of what you are paying is tax.

    We also believe in British business, and we need the haulage industry.

    So we will introduce the BRIT disc.

    So that foreign trucks will have to pay for using Britain’s roads.

    We will use that money to cut the punitive tax on British trucks so they can compete with Europe.

    But I give you one supreme pledge.

    Our first day in government – and every day – will be about safety.

    This week is the anniversary of the terrible Paddington rail crash.

    The shock of that tragedy hangs heavy in the memory.

    I pledge eternal vigilance on safety.

    We have proposed to the Paddington Inquiry a new rail safety regime.

    For the first time, there should be specific rail safety legislation – like there is in aviation.

    There should be a new National Rail Regulator, with responsibility for performance and safety;

    And a new independent rail accident investigation branch of the DETR.

    There is no reason why privatised railways should not be every bit as safe as our privatised airlines and airports.

    And would that our roads were as safe as the railways.

    We will establish a Road Casualty Investigation body, to look into the causes of road accidents.

    If you lose someone you love in a road accident, you want to know why it happened and what will be done to stop it happening again.

    More than 3,000 people die each year on our roads.

    That must change.

    There is far more to road safety than just speed humps and cameras.

    The government needs a proper, factual and statistical basis for road safety policy.

    That will enable us to set the right road safety priorities, to reduce death and injury as effectively as possible.

    It can be done without demonising the car, because we believe in the good sense and humanity of the vast majority of the British people.

    That’s believing in Britain.

    Peroration

    Mr Chairman, conference.

    Millions of people every day make millions of transport choices.

    People want choice.

    Conservative governments increase choice.

    That’s why people are beginning to feel they want a new Conservative government.

    That’s why a new Conservative government, under William Hague, will get the best for Britain, because we believe in the full potential of what British people can achieve.

    Last, week we saw the Labour party on the run.

    Mr Blair was blustering like a magician whose tricks have failed to deceive.

    We are making Labour sweat!

    And look at Mr Prescott’s contorted face!

    Conservatives believe in Britain, because we are ambitious for our country.

    We believe in a Britain, whose transport networks should be the envy of the world.

    A Britain where the opportunity to travel is for the many and not the few.

    A Britain where the passenger and the road user come first.

    A Britain where everyone shares in the benefits of prosperity.

    A Britain strong, independent and free.

    A Britain, whose government believes in Britain.

    And the Conservatives, under William Hague, are ready to be that government.