Category: Northern Ireland

The speech made by Chris Heaton-Harris, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, at Queen’s University in Belfast on 18 April 2023.

Tánaiste, Mr Commissioner, Your Excellencies, Most Distinguished Guests, and of course Chancellor Clinton, thank you for having me here today.

The truly historic 25th anniversary of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement is an enormous achievement, and something that should be deservedly marked, recognised and indeed celebrated – and I am grateful to Vice Chancellor Greer and his team for bringing us all together.

We heard yesterday that the Agreement was the product of the vision, bravery, leadership and imagination of many, many people, far more people than I could name in these remarks. But it is right today that we recognise those whose efforts brought peace to this nation after decades of conflict.

The success of the peace process will forever and justly be one of the proudest and most significant achievements of Tony Blair, Bertie Ahern, John Major, Albert Reynolds. I will be forever struck by the foresight and leadership of Lord Trimble in pushing forward with the Agreement in the face of significant scepticism – and indeed, outright opposition at times – from parts of his own party and across Unionism.

Real leaders know when to say yes, and Lord Trimble and the Progressive Unionist Party’s David Ervine led not only their own Parties but Unionism and Loyalism in saying yes to peace.

John and Pat Hume dedicated their lives to fighting for civil rights and reconciliation. Their passion for peaceful and democratic means of achieving change, and their clear-eyed view of the impact of violence on vulnerable communities created a legacy that lives on to this day.

Martin McGuinness will, along with Gerry Adams, be remembered for the courage and leadership he showed in persuading the Republican movement of peace. His partnership with Dr Ian Paisley and his gracious engagement with Her Late Majesty, Queen Elizabeth, were powerful symbols of how far Northern Ireland had come.

I had the privilege of getting to know both John Hume and Rev Ian Paisley when I was elected to the European Parliament in 1999 and where they both served. It is not often that a new kid on the block in politics gets to sit in Parliament with a Nobel Peace Prize winner.

And we must remember the critical role that women played in getting us here. The late Mo Mowlam brought a humanity and a courage to her role that unlocked key elements of the Agreement. Her decision to engage with loyalist prisoners in 1998, against advice, was key to securing the support of loyalist communities for peace. Within the Irish Government, Liz O’Donnell played a critical role in the Department of Foreign Affairs.

And women like Monica McWilliams, Pearl Sagar and May Blood brought powerful leadership and perspective to the process. They focused minds on what was really at stake and worked tirelessly to ensure that the voices of women were heard in the peace talks.

I also want to pay tribute to the US’ contribution, particularly to the personal commitment of President and Secretary Clinton. If you spend a few moments in their company, you can palpably feel their love for this place.

And to the heroic work of Senator Mitchell, his speech yesterday was one of the best I have ever heard and I have heard a few in my time. I am quite sure it will go down in history. That contribution of the US endures today as was demonstrated last week from President Biden’s visit, just as the contribution made by our friends in Canada, South Africa and Finland in particular to the issue of decommissioning still endures to this day.

I was thinking yesterday when Senator Mitchell talked about the birth of his child and then the 61 other babies that were born on that day, that it is undoubtedly the case that the efforts of all of these people to get peace mean that there are men and women alive today, possibly here today, who otherwise might not be.

But we must also never forget that beyond lives saved, something special comes with peace. Pre the Agreement, small, ordinary acts that so many of us take for granted that would then have been difficult or a cause for concern, something your mother would have worried about, the freedom to stay in town after work for a pint with a friend, or to head out for a meal with your family.

The freedom to walk down the street without the fear of becoming caught up in some sort of disturbance. The freedom for young people to grow up and live happy, successful lives here in Northern Ireland and not be forced to leave their home in order to know stability or security. It is a testament to the success of the Agreement that so many here now can exercise these freedoms.

Now, 25 years on, the Government remains wholly committed to protecting and upholding the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement and I know this is a commitment that is shared by the Tánaiste and the Irish Government. I like and enjoy working with Micheál very much and the friendship and cooperation between the UK and Irish Government is vital to protecting and upholding the Agreement. I am determined in my capacity as Secretary of State to deepen and strengthen that vital relationship.

The Agreement’s success can also be demonstrated by Northern Ireland emerging as a thriving centre of creativity, innovation and entrepreneurship. Its screen and film production industry has hosted some of the world’s most talented actors. Queen’s and Ulster University boast world-leading, Research & Development activity, enabling Northern Ireland to capitalise on the technologies and sectors of tomorrow. And Northern Ireland has a burgeoning and justified reputation for its FinTech and Cyber Security sectors. Together with over £600m of UK Government investment in City and Growth deals, Northern Ireland is increasingly a byword for an economy on the cutting edge of technology, connectivity and innovation.

But we must not sit back thinking the job is done. The abhorrent shooting of DCI John Caldwell, the disturbances over the Easter weekend and the ongoing paramilitary activity in too many communities illustrate that a tiny minority seek to drag Northern Ireland back to its darkest days. But I know for every person who wants to drag Northern Ireland down, there are thousands determined to lift it up. To those who pursue violence I say only this: you will never succeed, it is hopeless. Not because I say so or, because the Government says so, but because the wonderful, strong and proud people of Northern Ireland say so.

They reject your violence which has no place in the society or in the peace so many have strived so hard to create. To safeguard peace, we must be willing to confront the challenges as well as the successes.

The Agreement explicitly recognised the importance of acknowledging and addressing the suffering of the victims of violence. A workable way forward on this highly complex and sensitive issue has eluded successive UK Governments, Irish Governments, and NI Executives for 25 years, despite valiant attempts by many. Satisfactorily addressing the past is an absolutely key element in realising Northern Ireland’s potential in a prosperous, peaceful, and shared future – and I am determined to do so in a way that provides better outcomes for those most affected by the Troubles.

As we consider the challenges that still face us, I confess I have also been struck by a narrative that has become louder in recent years. A narrative that the Agreement struck in 1998 did not achieve great things for Unionism. That it was somehow all about ‘wins’ for Nationalism. That narrative is wrong, and all of us who support the Agreement must be vocal in countering it.

Today, the principle of consent is so often taken for granted. But it was an important and hard won guarantee that settled for Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Before 1998, the Constitution of Ireland asserted that Northern Ireland formed part of Irish national territory, and that the Irish Government had a right to exercise jurisdiction over that territory.

25 years ago, a minority but a significant one – considered it legitimate to use force to bring about a united Ireland, contrary to the wishes of the people of Northern Ireland. The acceptance of this principle of consent, a fundamental part of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, changed all of that.

Northern Ireland’s integral part in the United Kingdom is settled by the Agreement. That status can’t be changed by the evil deeds of terrorists, nor can it be changed by the words or wishes of politicians. The only thing that can change it is the will of the people of Northern Ireland.

The Irish constitution was changed at that time to reflect this. Just as important for the Union, the Agreement created the conditions and built the foundations for Northern Ireland to be a thriving, dynamic and successful society within the United Kingdom. The simple reality is that people tend to change the status quo only when the status quo is not working or people simply stop making the case for it. Devolved power-sharing institutions created a status quo that those of us who value Northern Ireland’s place in the Union can robustly – and successfully – promote and celebrate.

So let no one tell you that power-sharing is in any way at odds with Unionism. Instead it is the surest way by which Northern Ireland’s place in the Union can be secured. The people of Northern Ireland are rightly demanding better, more responsive public services, greater economic prosperity and a brighter future for their children. The single biggest threat to Northern Ireland’s place in the Union is a failure to deliver on these priorities.

I make no apologies for being proud of Northern Ireland’s place in the Union and for wanting it to continue. Others who share that view should put the Union first, restore the devolved institutions and get on with the job of delivering for the people of Northern Ireland. Like David Trimble and David Ervine before in 1998, and Dr Paisley in 2006, real leadership is about knowing when to say yes and having the courage to do so.

I also know that the question of the Agreement’s potential evolution is being discussed and debated both here at this conference and more widely across Northern Ireland as people rightly want to see devolution in their elected institutions up and running, and want to make it work. I believe that successfully achieving local governance in this place has always depended on achieving the consensus I talked about earlier and certainly if there were voices from London or Dublin trying to impose something, it would certainly fail.

So the Government will continue to listen intently to the conversation on how we can best achieve the effective and enduring operation of the institutions. Because we want to see the institutions working well for the whole of Northern Ireland. Their success is Northern Ireland’s success, and Northern Ireland’s success is the Union’s success.

Distinguished Guests, Northern Ireland has made remarkable progress in the 25 years since the Agreement’s signing. If these 25 years have been about peace, then the next 25 must be about delivering a more prosperous, more reconciled future for everyone in Northern Ireland. We must look forward to what is possible, just as we must reflect to remind and educate ourselves about exactly what is at stake.

The Government stands ready to support Northern Ireland to fully deliver on the ambition of the Agreement and I look forward to working with everyone here, everyone everywhere, in making that an achievement we can all be proud of.

The speech made by Chris Heaton-Harris, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in London on 27 March 2023.

Good afternoon everyone, thank you to the FCDO and the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs for arranging this afternoon’s conference.

It is an honour to have the opportunity to be with you this afternoon, to mark this historic 25th anniversary of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, reflect on the transformation in Northern Ireland since its signing and to look ahead to the coming 25 years.

The signing of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement on 10 April 1998 brought an end to 30 years of armed conflict, securing the peace that Northern Ireland’s people enjoy in their everyday lives today and helping to move towards a more reconciled society.

The peace it has brought is undoubtedly an enormous achievement. But no less remarkable is what has been built upon that peaceful foundation. It has had a transformative effect on Northern Ireland’s economy and enabled the building of a more vibrant society.

The UK Government remains steadfast in its commitment to protecting and upholding the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement in all its dimensions. We are sincerely determined to build on the progress we have made this past 25 years.

Of course, this progress was delivered through collaboration, with a common determination to make life better for everyone in Northern Ireland. No one party, government, individual or organisation owned the journey to the Agreement, nor the journey of Northern Ireland since.

Instead, it was the collective endeavour of many, including the Northern Ireland parties, the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition as well as the Irish and US governments, that resulted in the Agreement.

For our part, the UK Government is committed to delivering real progress for the whole community in Northern Ireland, since the Agreement was signed.

I know that the Irish Government is also just as committed to the Agreement as we are. To this day, the partnership and friendship between our countries has been vital in protecting the foundation of peace and prosperity the Agreement brings.

My firm commitment as Secretary of State is to support and champion that precious relationship, through which we have achieved so much with our closest neighbour.

I also wish to acknowledge the contribution that the United States, Finland, South Africa and Canada have made to the Agreement and to supporting disarmament and reconciliation in Northern Ireland.

In recent weeks we have proven our commitment to the Agreement through listening to and heeding the concerns among the people of Northern Ireland with the Protocol, replacing it with a radical, legally binding new Windsor Framework. A Framework that restores the delicate balance struck by the Agreement.

And it remains my sincere hope that we will soon see the Strand One institutions established by the Agreement in operation again in its 25th anniversary year, demonstrating the benefits of a local Executive and Assembly and of Northern Ireland’s place within the Union.

It is not just peace that the Agreement has given Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland has built upon that peaceful foundation, to deliver increasing prosperity for its people.

Northern Ireland boasts a world-leading screen and film production industry, Game of Thrones, The Northman, that has already contributed over £1 billion to the NI Economy.

The fintech, cyber security and engineering sectors are going from strength-to-strength in the Northern Ireland of today. The Northern Ireland cyber security sector alone employs 2,300 people and contributes £161m per year to the local economy.

It is also a testament to Northern Ireland’s increasing global reach that over one third of cyber security firms in Northern Ireland are headquartered in the US.

However, there remains more to be done to fully deliver on the promise of the Agreement, by providing for a better future for everyone and further spreading and deepening economic prosperity in Northern Ireland.

Northern Ireland’s journey towards greater prosperity and reconciliation continues to this day. The 25th anniversary of this remarkable achievement affords us an opportunity to restate our commitment to upholding the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement and to building upon its peaceful foundation to create a brighter future for Northern Ireland.

I look forward to working with you all to achieve it in the years to come.

The statement made by Chris Heaton-Harris, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in the House of Commons on 22 February 2023.

I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.

More than a year has passed since the then First Minister of Northern Ireland resigned. Twelve months and one Assembly election later, people in Northern Ireland still do not have the strong devolved Government that they deserve. In the absence of those institutions, this Government have stepped in to protect the interests of the people of Northern Ireland. We have set a budget, delivered vital energy support funding and legislated to provide clarity on the decision-making powers of Northern Ireland civil servants to enable them to maintain public service provision. However, on each of those occasions, I have stood at this Despatch Box and expressed my deep disappointment that we still await the return of a functioning Assembly and Executive. I wish to restate that profound disappointment once again.

The restoration of the Executive, in line with the Belfast/Good Friday agreement, remains my top priority. I will continue to do everything I can to make that happen and to help the Northern Ireland parties to work together to do so equally. It was on that basis that we legislated last autumn to extend the Executive formation period through the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation etc) Act 2022. Since that period ended in January 2023, I have again been under a statutory duty to call an Assembly election, which would have to be held within 12 weeks—on or before 13 April.

I have spent time engaging with Northern Ireland political and community leaders, assessing the options available to me. I have also spoken to the Opposition spokesperson, the hon. Member for Hove (Peter Kyle), and I appreciate his advice and guidance. It remains my view that a further Assembly election at this time would be unwelcome and expensive and, crucially, it would bring us no closer to our objective of delivering fully functioning devolved institutions.

At this critical juncture, the best approach to facilitating the return of those institutions is built on flexibility, to allow time and space for negotiations on the Northern Ireland protocol between the UK and EU to continue, and to promote collaboration by the parties in Northern Ireland to form a Government, not to compete in an unwelcome election. On that note, I will briefly summarise the overall intention of the Bill.

Simon Hoare (North Dorset) (Con)

In order to concentrate the minds of those who hold the future of devolution in their hands, could I invite my right hon. Friend to confirm that joint authority and direct rule are not on his direct agenda, but that making sure that devolution works is front and centre?

Chris Heaton-Harris

I can confirm those points 100%.

This is a short Bill, and I propose to time my remarks accordingly. I will merely outline the Bill at this stage and save my discussion of the mechanics of its two clauses for Committee, which I hope will commence shortly. Having said that, I hope the House will permit me to pause and express my gratitude to Opposition Members and, indeed, everyone involved for their continued cross-party approach to delivering key legislation in Northern Ireland. I am grateful to the shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, the hon. Member for Hove, for engaging thoughtfully with me on a number of occasions ahead of the Bill’s introduction.

The Bill will provide for a one-year retrospective extension to the Executive formation period from 19 January 2023, which means that, if the parties are unable to form an Executive on or before 18 January 2024, I will again fall under a duty to call for an Assembly election to take place within 12 weeks. However, as I said earlier, I believe flexibility is the order of the day if we are to play our part in encouraging and facilitating the return of the institutions.

Mr Alistair Carmichael (Orkney and Shetland) (LD)

The Chair of the Select Committee prompts me to reflect that I am one of the handful of people here who had an active part in the last period of direct rule, in about 2004 or 2005. It was just about the most inadequate procedure imaginable, which is a high bar to clear in this place. Ultimately, without a functioning Assembly, and without direct rule or joint authority, the people who lose out are not the politicians, but the people who rely on public services.

Chris Heaton-Harris

The right hon. Gentleman is completely right that the people of Northern Ireland end up suffering from not having functioning institutions working for them.

The Bill provides me, as Secretary of State, with the important ability to call an early election, provided that offices have not been filled. Taken together, these provisions represent a delicate balance. Eventually, if the political impasse in Northern Ireland continues, people in Northern Ireland will rightly expect to return to the polls to have their say. However, the prospect of forcing an election when it would be unwelcome or unhelpful runs contrary to our goal of providing the time and space we need for our negotiations with the European Union on the protocol to continue to develop, and for an Executive to form.

Members with a keen eye for detail will no doubt have noticed that, unless an early election is called, the extension provided for by the Bill will run past the date on which the decision-making provisions contained in the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation etc) Act 2022 lapse, namely, 5 June 2023. During the Act’s passage late last year, we were clear that the current governance arrangements were not a sustainable long-term solution. I am therefore keeping those arrangements under review, in the continued absence of fully functioning devolved institutions, but I sincerely hope that an Executive are in place before those arrangements expire.

In the meantime, the provisions of the 2022 Act and its accompanying guidance provide Northern Ireland civil servants with the clarity they need on how and when they should be taking decisions. The decisions they have been taking under the 2022 Act are being published to ensure complete transparency. I am truly grateful for the work of Northern Ireland civil servants in making use of those provisions to maintain public services in Northern Ireland, but, as I have said many times, the right people to take those decisions are locally elected politicians, who should be doing their jobs in an Executive. The current arrangement is not and can never be a substitute for fully functioning devolved institutions.

I know everyone in this House has been deeply moved by the courage shown by a very young man, Dáithí Mac Gabhann. He and his whole family have fought for the implementation of organ donation changes. I recently met Dáithí and his family, and I met them again this morning. I am incredibly moved by his story and by his family’s dedication to seeing this important change to the law on organ donations in Northern Ireland implemented as quickly as possible.

I am a bit of a stickler for how we do things in this place, and I would never want to go against “Erskine May,” but Dáithí and his family are with us in the Gallery today. I am sure hon. Members will wish to join me in welcoming him and commending the whole family for their valiant efforts. They should not need to be here today to see this change, as the Assembly could and should have convened to take this across the finish line.

As I said in my letter to the Northern Ireland parties, they continue to have it within their power to recall the Assembly and deal with secondary legislation such as the regulations in this case. That would only require Members of the Legislative Assembly to work together to elect a Speaker—not necessarily to nominate a First Minister and a Deputy First Minister—but I was disappointed that the opportunity to do that was not taken during the Assembly recall last Tuesday. However, I recognise this issue is exceptional both in its sheer importance and in the cross-party support it commands, both in Northern Ireland and in this House. On that basis, the Government spent a lot of time with the lawyers. We have been able to table important amendments to this Bill to facilitate those changes, to be taken forward in the Assembly in the continued absence of a Speaker.

Ian Paisley (North Antrim) (DUP)

It is commendable that Dáithí and his family are here, and it is wonderful that the Government are doing the right thing. This law will now be in place faster than if the Northern Ireland Assembly were sitting, which is one of the peculiarities of the politics in which we live. We should not make political points on this. It is right and proper that it has been done for children across the United Kingdom who need organ donations, for which I thank the Secretary of State .

Chris Heaton-Harris

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his kind words. He is right that this is not a matter of politics. I know it is the family’s wish that the Bill is operational by the spring and that is what we will be able to achieve.

Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)

I thank the Secretary of State for introducing this Bill, and I thank Dáithí’s family, who are in the Gallery. The Bill will make organ donation an opt-out law in Northern Ireland, just as it is on the UK mainland. That is what we want: equal laws across the whole United Kingdom. As a result of the good work and commitment of the Secretary of State and the Government, we will now have an equal law. We all support an opt out on organ transplants.

Chris Heaton-Harris

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his kind words.

Colum Eastwood (Foyle) (SDLP)

I am also grateful to the Secretary of State for taking this action. I commend him and all the politicians who got us here, but does he agree that the real thanks and praise should go to Dáithí and his family for their fantastic campaign? It has been an extraordinary campaign, and they all deserve great praise.

Chris Heaton-Harris

Indeed. When I spoke to Dáithí earlier, I asked him whether he fancied his chances of being elected to this House and trying to put us all straight. A bit of common sense would probably go a long way in our dealings, and he and his family have displayed it in huge quantities.

Dáithí also met Mr Speaker and is now the proud owner of a Speaker teddy bear. I could make so many jokes, but I would never be called again if I went down that route. I know that he and his father Máirtín enjoyed meeting Mr Speaker. This change goes to show what can be done in politics when everybody comes together.

I will save my remarks on the technical details of the amendments for Committee, which I hope will commence shortly.

I have spoken a decent amount about the Bill’s dates and timelines, so I will conclude my remarks by noting an anniversary of which hon. and right hon. Members on both sides of the House are keenly aware—the upcoming 25th anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday agreement. Members throughout the House will doubtless join me in celebrating the progress that Northern Ireland has made since that historic agreement, which has served as an example of peacebuilding across the world. Looking back on the signing of the agreement, and the great strides that Northern Ireland has made since then, gives me a great deal of optimism, but I am also struck by the huge importance of delivering the functioning devolved institutions that the people of Northern Ireland endorsed by voting for it.

This Government will always seek to implement, maintain and protect the Belfast/Good Friday agreement, and, as I said in my opening remarks, the restoration of the Executive therefore remains my top priority. The Bill will help to bring that about by avoiding an unwelcome election and providing space for the parties to work together to end the current impasse, but, of course, the Bill alone will not be enough to achieve that. We now need all Northern Ireland’s locally elected leaders to work together once again to make the most of the opportunity that it presents. I hope that they will take their cue from those who went before them and secured the Belfast/Good Friday agreement, and display the co-operation, courage and leadership that are needed to deliver functioning devolved government in Northern Ireland.

Karin Smyth (Bristol South) (Lab)

The British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly, of which I am a vice-chair, will meet for a session in Stormont in early March—led by the right hon. Member for Staffordshire Moorlands (Karen Bradley), who is not in the Chamber—bringing together people across the jurisdictions and across all parties, as happened before 1998. Those informal ties are very important, but it is also important that parliamentarians on all sides understand where we have come from and, crucially, look forward to where we are going. Will the Secretary of State endorse that aim, and encourage Members in all parts of the House to become more involved in cross-jurisdictional organisations so that we can understand each other and get ourselves out of the current impasse?

Chris Heaton-Harris

Yes, 100%. The fact that people have not been able to meet face to face and build those relationships over a period is probably one of the hangovers of covid. The hon. Lady is entirely correct, although there is a different group of people I would rather see sitting in Stormont at this time, and I very much hope that that will be the case in the not too distant future.

Gavin Robinson (Belfast East) (DUP)

The Secretary of State is right to say that Northern Ireland will succeed when our local politicians work together. We have done so in the past, and we have overcome much greater difficulties than this in the past. However, this issue is not about us; it is about what has been imposed upon us. Does the Secretary of State recognise that while all of us in Northern Ireland, collectively, will serve our people, it has been the case for too long in London that the personalities may change but the playbook does not? Too many consider Northern Ireland politics to be but a game, although for us—for all of us, across communities—it is too important to be treated as a political game. I say that in the aspiration and hope that the Secretary of State recognises that what we have had for the past few years is not good enough, and that the determination to crack the protocol and the impositions that are plaguing all communities in Northern Ireland will resolve those issues.

Chris Heaton-Harris

I hope the hon. Gentleman does not mind if I gently push back. I have yet to meet anyone in Government who thinks that the politics of Northern Ireland, and the people of Northern Ireland, are anything to do with a game. This Government take their responsibilities for every part of the Union, including and especially Northern Ireland, unbelievably seriously, and I hope we will be able to demonstrate that, with the hon. Gentleman, in the coming days and weeks.

Shailesh Vara (North West Cambridgeshire) (Con)

I can give, on a personal level, the assurance that those of us who have been involved with Northern Ireland politics take it seriously. Some of us actually resigned from the Northern Ireland Office and sacrificed our ministerial careers because we cared passionately about Northern Ireland, and it is certainly not a game from the viewpoint of many of the Ministers who have served there—and most certainly not a game from the viewpoint of this Minister who resigned on principle.

Chris Heaton-Harris

The former Secretary of State has, in his own words, described the seriousness with which everyone takes Northern Ireland and its politics, and especially its people—and those people in Northern Ireland want their locally elected representatives to go back to work. So do I, and so, I believe, does everyone in the House, notwithstanding the tiny bit of work that we have to do with our European Union partners. This Bill will lay the groundwork for that to happen, and I therefore commend it to the House.