Category: Northern Ireland

  • Hilary Benn – 2024 Speech at Labour Party Conference

    Hilary Benn – 2024 Speech at Labour Party Conference

    The speech made by Hilary Benn, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 23 September 2024.

    Good afternoon, Conference.

    It is an honour to address you today as Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in our new Labour Government, and a privilege to be working with such a great team. Fleur Anderson, Ruth Anderson and our PPS Matt Rodda.

    The last Labour holder of this office to make the journey from opposition into government was the late, great, Mo Mowlam.

    Just consider what she, what that Government, faced in May 1997.

    Northern Ireland was still bitterly divided.

    Numerous rounds of multi-party talks had shown promise, but not yet succeeded.

    At times, the obstacles seemed insurmountable and the threat of violence ever-present.

    And yet 11 months later, in April 1998, the impossible was made possible – in the words of Seamus Heaney ‘Hope and History’ rhymed – as the Good Friday Agreement was signed.

    Something few people who had lived through the Troubles thought they would ever see.

    Peace.

    Today, we stand on the shoulders of those giants whose courageous political leadership made it happen. And be in no doubt. This Government will always uphold the Good Friday Agreement in letter and in spirit.

    Northern Ireland has been transformed, but as always new times bring new challenges.

    I pay tribute to the First Minister, Michelle O’Neill, and deputy First Minister, Emma Little-Pengelly, and to the whole Executive at Stormont, for the positive start they have made since devolution was restored in February.

    Stability is the foundation of everything, and with itand their Programme for Government, the Executive can make the most of the opportunities and address the challenges. The longest NHS waiting lists anywhere in the United Kingdom, the pressures in education, the lack of affordable childcare and the demands on the Police Service of Northern Ireland, whose officers do so much to keep people safe, not least during the terrible disorder we saw last month.

    There are no easy answers. The Executive, like all governments, must live within its means.

    We will support the Executive as it seeks to transform Northern Ireland’s public services.

    We get that the Executive needs to be able to plan for the future, so we will take forward discussions on a long-term fiscal framework.

    We understand the importance of investment in growth, including through City Deals like the one for Belfast which is roaring ahead and the Derry/Londonderry and Strabane Deal that wesigned last week which will bring huge investment to the North West.

    And we will work with the Executive to see all parts of Northern Ireland flourish.

    Now, let’s be clear. The UK’s departure from the European Union, and the reckless approach of successive Tory governments, has created a problem in Northern Ireland.

    So this Government will take all necessary steps to safeguard Northern Ireland’s place in the UK internal market, maintain the open border on the island of Ireland and uphold our international agreements.

    We will implement the Windsor Framework – pragmatically and in good faith.

    And we want to negotiate an SPS and veterinary agreement with the EU, not least because it would help smooth the flow of goods across the Irish Sea.

    Conference, there is another Tory wrong that falls to us to put right.

    I have met many families who lost loved ones in the Troubles. I have found it difficult to listen to their stories. Imagine what it is like for them as they recount yet again the sheer brutality of what happened and some tell of the passing of the years without finding answers.

    The Tories’ Legacy Act has rightly been rejected by victims and survivors’ groups, all of the Northern Ireland political parties and the Irish Government, and that is why Labour will repeal and replace it.

    And, we will of course make sure that the ICRIR – the Independent Commission whose job it is to find those answers for families – is compliant with Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

    We will consult widely in doing so, recognising that this will involve really difficult conversations, and many will hold different views about the best way forward.

    But history teaches us that it is only by coming to terms with the past that we can move forward to the future.

    And what a future – what an opportunity now beckons for Northern Ireland – not least because of its integral place in the UK market and its access to the EU Single Market.

    It is home to bedrock and cutting-edge industries.

    From shipbuilding to agriculture.

    Composite aircraft wings to electric and hydrogen buses.

    A growing television and film industry, world leadingcompanies in cyber security and artificial intelligence.

    Thriving services, great universities and a dynamic voluntary sector.

    As I travel around, I am so impressed and inspired by the creativity, skill and enterprise I see in people right across Northern Ireland, and I want others to see that too so that they come and invest in the jobs and prosperity of the future.

    Conference, the Agreement reached in April 1998 did not solve everything.

    It was, by its very nature, a compromise. As Mo Mowlam said during the negotiations “Everybody is going to get something. No-one is going to get 100% of what they want.”

    And in accepting that, everyone involved – and all of us across these islands – got something that was far, far more valuable.

    An end to violence and the dawn of a new era.

    So, in that spirit and with hope, let this generation show the same determination as those political giants in whose footsteps we follow as, together, we seek to forge a better future for Northern Ireland.

    Thank you very much.

  • Hilary Benn – 2024 Speech at the  British-Irish Association Conference

    Hilary Benn – 2024 Speech at the British-Irish Association Conference

    The speech made by Hilary Benn, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 7 September 2024.

    Thank you very much to Dominic and to all of you, for your kind invitation.

    And my heartfelt thanks to you Micheál, not only for your warm and extremely wise words, but also for the way in which you have embraced the opportunity we now have for a genuine and lasting reset in the relationship between our two countries.

    It is a privilege for me to be here, for the first time since my appointment as Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.

    I’ve only ever been to one other BIA conference, that was two years ago when I was a late substitute for my good friend Peter Kyle. I suspect it was my work as Chair of the Brexit Select Committee that made him think of me.

    And over many years Dominic, you and I have shared many views about the choices the then-Conservative government made about our departure from the European Union, and the consequences of that decision still reverberate – and will continue to do so.

    It was William Faulkner who once said: “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”

    But what a remarkable history the BIA has borne witness to, over these past 52 years, as this truly unique annual conference has continued to provide an opportunity for a very wide range of people to come together and reflect on the ties that bind our two countries together.

    Two countries that share so much… history, culture, ideas, politics and friendships.

    And it’s a story that runs like a thread through these islands and through the lives of so many of our families, including my own: on my side, it was an Ulster Scot from Fermanagh who made that journey that millions made across the Atlantic to Ohio which is where my mother came and, on my wife’s side, Irish Catholics from Cork, Mayo and Kilkenny including her grandfather who was born in your constituency.

    Now the history of these islands has not been benign. Over the centuries there have been terrible wrongs, great violence, revolution, bitterness but in recent years – reconciliation.

    And throughout all that time that thread has remained in place, and it has found new expression in ways that would truly have seemed unimaginable to us in the past.

    I must be frank, The Good Friday Agreement was something I never believed that I would see in my lifetime. But I did. We did.

    It ushered in an end to three decades of bloody violence, and its founding commitment was to self-determination and the principle of consent.

    Unionists and Nationalists sitting side by side in government. As you said Micheál, the seemingly impossible made possible.

    And what happened on that Good Friday 26 years ago was, and remains, an inspiration to many around the world, precisely because it was a triumph of political courage and patient diplomacy over bitter sectarian fatalism. And of compromise over intransigence.

    Mo Mowlam’s words during the negotiations still resonate today, she said:

    “Everybody is going to get something. No-one is going to get 100% of what they want. That is the nature of negotiation and accommodation”.

    And all of those involved chose to do that in order to get something far more valuable.

    Today the UK and Irish Governments stand on the shoulders of those who negotiated the Agreement. We are the co-guarantors of it and all of us in these islands are its custodians.

    The Good Friday Agreement, and the peace and prosperity it has brought to Northern Ireland, is in my view the greatest achievement of the last Labour Government which I had the privilege to serve.

    So let me be absolutely clear. This Labour Government’s commitment to the Good Friday Agreement – in letter and in spirit – is absolute.

    Our support for the European Convention on Human Rights, which underpins the Agreement, is unwavering.

    We will implement the Windsor Framework with pragmatic good faith, not least because we need to do so in order to negotiate a veterinary agreement with the European Union, but also in order to protect the open border on the island of Ireland.

    The Prime Minister and the Taoiseach have agreed to hold annual summits as part of a renewed commitment to the strand 3 institutions.

    And the Prime Minister and I – indeed the whole Government – will work with all parties and all communities in Northern Ireland to support reconciliation, equality, respect for human rights and parity of esteem.

    Now, the stability of Northern Ireland’s devolved government – a government that can work for all the people of Northern Ireland – is absolutely fundamental to making these things happen.

    And I want to pay a warm and genuine tribute to the First and deputy First Ministers – to you Emma and to Michelle – and indeed to the whole Executive, for the positive start that you have made, the impression you have created and I warmly welcome the draft programme for government that was announced this week.

    The Executive now has the foundation provided by that programme. It has a needs-based funding formula that was agreed with the previous government, and we are committed to putting in place a longer-term fiscal framework.

    But like every government, difficult decisions need to be taken about how to balance the books and raise additional revenue, not least because there are deep-seated deep-seated challenges that Northern Ireland faces.

    You highlighted one of those Emma yesterday in your wonderful contribution, the economic inactivity rate which is 27% of the working age population which is 5% higher than the UK as a whole.

    The longest health service waiting lists in the UK, a third of patients waiting more than two years for treatment. And only 47% of A&E waits meeting the 4-hour target.

    I think all of us agree that can’t really continue. That is why we are absolutely committed as the government to working with the Executive as it seeks to transform Northern Ireland’s public services.

    It is also incumbent upon all of us to uphold the devolved institutions, to ensure they endure and that they act for all the people in Northern Ireland.

    Now I recognise that mandatory coalition is really difficult, imagine those of us with different political persuasions were having to cope with mandatory coalition in Westminster. But we all know that for over a third of the time since 1998, the institutions have not functioned fully. I don’t think this would be accepted anywhere else.

    My feeling is surely the people of Northern Ireland and the political parties and all of us must recognise that what’s happened in the past cannot happen again and were it to occur, our two governments as co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, working with all the parties, would need to find a new way forward.

    Turning to the economy, we should clearly look at the opportunities for the UK and Irish Governments to work collaboratively on projects to help improve growth in Northern Ireland including in its border regions.

    And, while being strong supporters of the Union, this Government and this Secretary of State see no contradiction in also being supporters of North-South cooperation.

    And in that context, I applaud you Micheál for your work in developing and taking forward the Shared Island Programme which you referred to and the Fund, which makes a valuable contribution in so many ways. And when it comes to the all-island economy, and I know this is up for some debate, my feelings are very simple, it is a fact it is a success.

    And I don’t quite understand why there should be an argument about somehow denying its existence when so many businesses and livelihoods are sustained by it: the all-island dairy industry, big multinationals, like Lidl, McDonalds, Coca-Cola and so many small and medium-sized businesses which operate on an all-island basis.

    On the Windsor Framework, let me be absolutely frank. There have been some very painful moments in the UK-Ireland relationship in recent years.

    I bear too many scars from the approach of the previous UK government to our departure from the European Union, but this Government will ensure the smooth flow of goods within the UK internal market.

    So, as I have said, we will implement the Windsor Framework in good faith while seeking the maximum pragmatism and proportionality. It is not without its challenges – I think that is probably the understatement of the year – but it is necessary because we do want to do more to improve our trading relationship with the EU, in particular to negotiate a sanitary and phyto-sanitary agreement with the European Union which really would help. I think everybody knows that.

    And with a sustained period of stability, political and economic, the opportunities are enormous, not least because of the talent, ingenuity and enterprise that exists right across Northern Ireland, and the unique trading position that Northern Ireland enjoys – what a wonderful opportunity for foreign direct investment – all within the UK internal market.

    As I have travelled around Northern Ireland, both in opposition and now in Government and seen some of the world class businesses operating in life sciences, high-tech engineering, making composite aircraft wings and the buses of the future – electric and hydrogen – services and film and television, education – I am struck that all these firms have seen something in Northern Ireland and its people.

    With continued political stability and optimism – and I’m the third speaker at the forum who will say I am an optimist. It is the only way, I don’t know how you can get up if you are not an optimist. We can help others to see the same thing and so encourage them also to invest in Northern Ireland’s future.

    Now, the other rift in the relationship in recent years has been over ofcourse how we approach the terrible legacy of the Troubles.

    I have met many families who lost loved ones in the most appalling circumstances. I have to be honest with you. I have found it very difficult to listen to their stories. To look them in the eye. To hear about the sheer brutality of the killings. The way some of them were treated afterwards. The search for answers, and the passing of the years without finding them.

    The abandonment by the previous Conservative Government of the Stormont House Agreement, and the unilateral approach taken in the Legacy Act, were wrong. From my first visit to the Wave Trauma Centre, and that had a profound impact on me, many of those families have told me about the deep hurt and upset and anger it has caused them. And it was legislation of course that was rejected by all of the Northern Ireland political parties and by the Irish Government.

    It could never be the basis for reconciliation or progress on legacy.

    And that is why the Prime Minister and I committed to repeal and replace the Legacy Act.

    Now as you know earlier this year its central provision – the conditional immunity scheme – was ruled by the High Court in Belfast to be incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.

    In July, we wrote to the Northern Ireland Court of Appeal to withdraw the previous UK Government’s appeal on ECHR grounds.

    I also set out to Parliament our commitment to reverse the Legacy Act’s ban on bringing civil litigation, to propose measures to allow – in the first instance – halted legacy inquests to continue, and to strengthen the Independent Commission on Reconciliation and Information Recovery.

    That body, which is being ably led by Sir Declan Morgan, was deemed by the court to be capable of conducting human rights compliant investigations. It was an important – and often overlooked – finding.

    But I believe that measures to strengthen the Commission, we talked about these yesterday when we met, are also necessary, and I am committed to working with you on this.

    Because there is more we can do to address concerns about the Commission’s independence. To strengthen its powers. And to ensure there is the capacity for effective cooperation with the Gardaí over investigations.

    This is the work we have now begun – but its success in the end, all of this legislation will be judged by those families many of us have met, who have waited so long for answers.

    So we are now undertaking a period of consultation with victims and survivors, the Northern Ireland political parties, the Irish Government, veterans and others in seeking to find a practical way forward that can command support, the broadest support across communities in Northern Ireland and beyond.

    I recognise, I am not naïve, that this process will involve difficult conversations, and many stakeholders do, and will hold different views about the best way forward.

    But it is also clear that a resolution to addressing the legacy of Northern Ireland’s painful past will not be reached without a willingness, by all, to listen, to understand the perspectives of others, and in the spirit of Mo Mowlam’s wise words to compromise.

    I also want to acknowledge the dedicated service of the vast majority of police officers, members of the armed forces, and the security services who did so much during the Troubles to keep people in Northern Ireland safe. Also the work of the Police Service of Northern Ireland for their continuing efforts to do the same for communities right across Northern Ireland.

    The scenes we saw last month in Belfast, in Derry/Londonderry and in many other parts of the UK, were shocking, there’s no other word for it and we must stand resolutely against senseless violence, intimidation and – let’s be blunt – racism.

    I visited three business owners who had been attacked on that terrible day. I saw the Café that was burnt out. Three people that come to Northern Ireland to make their lives, to make it their home specifically targeted because of who they were.

    The Prime Minister and I had the opportunity three weeks ago to convey our thanks directly to some of the officers of the PSNI who were injured when standing up to that violence, when we visited the PSNI training college in Belfast. It was a great honour to be able to do so.

    The similarities with the scenes we saw in Dublin last year are hard to ignore.

    The willingness of far-right thugs and online agitators to whip up hatred and spread misinformation online pose a shared threat, but I know it is a threat which I know our two governments, with the Executive, will continue to face down together.

    There are other areas in which the UK and Irish Governments can do more.

    Not only because it is in our mutual economic interest, but in these febrile and uncertain times, we have shared values, and a shared commitment to democracy and the rule of law.

    And given our geography, and the ties of friendship and kinship that bind us, look at the opportunities.

    Just to take one example, energy infrastructure, cooperation on energy resilience, climate – where are both blessed with huge potential for more renewable wind power – and investment in Northern Ireland by GB Energy, which in turn will support the Shared Electricity Market.

    And given increasingly uncertain geopolitics of the world, and I agree with every word you said about the threat to the international order which created out of the actions of the second World War and which has stood us in reasonable good stead is being undermined by people and political forces, it also makes sense to collaborate further on security.

    The UK has a range of world-class capability and we will continue to work with Ireland as we together grapple with threats like cyber security, terrorism, organised crime and the threats posed by Russia and other states to the security of our nations.

    On a much happier note, the UK-Ireland Euros in 2028 will allow us to celebrate our nations working together to put a once-in-a-generation footballing spectacle before a worldwide audience, although I must admit that at 5pm precisely this evening that co-operation will temporarily be suspended as Ireland take on England at the Aviva stadium.

    So, in conclusion there is a lot for us to do.

    Northern Ireland stands at a crossroads.

    And the sense I get is that the vast majority of people just want to move forward to embrace a better future.

    So let us be bold, let us get on with it and let us take inspiration from those who did make the impossible possible 26 years ago.

    Thank you very much.

  • Hilary Benn – 2024 Statement Following the Resignation of the Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner

    Hilary Benn – 2024 Statement Following the Resignation of the Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner

    The statement made by Hilary Benn, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 5 September 2024.

    I would like to thank Danny Kinahan for his dedicated work on behalf of veterans and families living in Northern Ireland.

    Over the last four years, he has worked on a range of important issues that affect veterans in everyday life, including health, housing and welfare and we will continue to engage with him on these issues.

    We are committed to continuing to support veterans in Northern Ireland through the Veterans Welfare Service NI and the Armed Forces Covenant Fund Trust.

  • Hilary Benn – 2024 Statement on Violent Disorder in Northern Ireland

    Hilary Benn – 2024 Statement on Violent Disorder in Northern Ireland

    The statement made by Hilary Benn, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 6 August 2024.

    This morning, I joined Cabinet, where I expressed my support for the police for their continued hard work, and that of the dedicated people who are helping to rebuild communities in the wake of the damage caused.

    I remain in contact with the First Minister and deputy First Minister, Justice Minister and the Chief Constable, and will continue to offer them my full support.

    The violence which has sowed fear in local communities and damaged businesses is totally unacceptable.

    The people of Northern Ireland deserve better.

    Those involved in this violent disorder are damaging the very communities they falsely claim to represent.

    I would like to thank the PSNI for their continuing efforts to keep our communities safe. My thoughts are with all those who have suffered, including the businesses that have been attacked, and the member of the public who was the victim of a serious assault during last night’s disorder.

    I urge those involved to stop this senseless violence and intimidation.

  • Hilary Benn – 2024 Statement on the King’s Speech

    Hilary Benn – 2024 Statement on the King’s Speech

    The statement made by Hilary Benn, the Northern Ireland Secretary, on 17 July 2024.

    Today’s King’s Speech sets out the Government’s commitment to delivering economic growth and stability across the United Kingdom. We are committed to working collaboratively and respectfully with the Northern Ireland Executive and the Assembly to improve public services and generate growth. And we will work with all parties and communities to uphold the Good Friday Agreement and to ensure the stability of devolved government.

    We are committed to protecting Northern Ireland’s place within the UK internal market, implementing the Windsor Framework in good faith, and helping to secure investment by championing Northern Ireland on the global stage as a place to invest.

    The government is committed to addressing the legacy of the Troubles in a way which can command the support of communities, and which complies with our human rights obligations. As set out in the King’s Speech, measures will be brought forward to begin the process of repealing and replacing the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act 2023, in consultation with all parties.

  • Robin Millar – 2024 Speech on the United Kingdom Internal Market

    Robin Millar – 2024 Speech on the United Kingdom Internal Market

    The speech made by Robin Millar, the Conservative MP for Aberconwy, in the House of Commons on 1 February 2024.

    It is a privilege to speak in the debate and to follow the many hon. and right hon. Members who have spoken with great wisdom, knowledge and personal experience on these matters.

    It is informative to apply to article 6 of the Acts of Union the four tests for impact that were developed by Justice Colton—specifically, Northern Ireland’s compliance with certain EU standards; the bureaucracy and associated costs of complying with customs documentation and checks; the payment of tariffs for goods at risk; and the unfettered access enjoyed by Northern Ireland businesses to the EU single market. I question the representation of the Supreme Court judgment as set out in paragraph 14 of annex A to the Command Paper, but those were matters for the last debate, and there is not time to make my point.

    The Windsor framework removed many EU standards for GB-produced consumer goods destined for Northern Ireland. That does not change under the SI before us. The second test—on bureaucracy and compliance costs associated with customs—should concern us, as the protocol saw the diversion of £1.2 billion-worth of goods in supply chains from GB to the Republic. Indeed, logistics businesses testified to the Lords Windsor Framework Sub-Committee on the complexity of managing mixed loads, with two large haulage firms stating that groupage had been “forgotten” in the framework.

    Expert analysis has also suggested that 75% of output in non-exempted manufacturing sectors, including electronics, engineering and chemicals, comes from firms with turnover above £2 million, which will see their GB supply chains stuck in the red lane or diverted abroad. The Command Paper published yesterday contains a pledge—a UK internal market guarantee—that no more than 20% of goods will flow through the red lane. In practice, that creates a monitoring panel to report on any failures to hit the target and make recommendations to which the Government must respond. That is admirable but does not represent a material change to existing customs requirements under the protocol. It is also worth noting that, worryingly, that could be achieved simply by diverting supply chains away from GB towards the EU, as affected GB businesses cut Northern Ireland out of their distribution chains.

    The regulations before us create important easements for Northern Ireland to GB trade, including a guarantee that future divergence will not impact the ability of Northern Ireland traders to freely access GB markets. That is welcome, but the bulk of distribution has always pertained to GB-to-NI trade, not the reverse. As is also noted in the Command Paper, although technology may ease compliance costs in the medium to long-term, those costs will still exist. Shipping from London to Belfast will continue to require significantly more bureaucracy than shipping to York or Edinburgh. The third test, on tariffs, is not covered and does not apply.

    Finally, let me turn to Northern Ireland’s preferential access to the EU single market. I must emphasise that the clear trade-off that we have chosen to give Northern Ireland unregulated access to EU supply chains comes at the cost of complicating access to GB ones, despite the fact that Northern Ireland imports from GB are two and a half times those from the EU and six times those from Ireland. Whatever easements we offer, that has created a customs, judicial and legislative border across the kingdom, and it is hurting our businesses. The fact that Northern Ireland continues to have preferential access to the EU single market is unarguable, but it should not be misunderstood. Again, I find that final test informative.

    Nothing I say today is intended to diminish the achievement of the deal when it comes to material gain for Northern Ireland. Although I welcome the elements within the new deal, which undoubtedly offer increased safeguards for the Union, it does not change the fact of EU law’s application to Northern Ireland, additional bureaucracy for GB businesses attempting to access Northern Ireland, the existence of tariffs, or Northern Ireland’s de facto placement within the EU single market. Once again, the qualities and effectiveness of this deal will emerge over the months and years ahead, I am sure, and through the scrutiny that must come from this place. I will continue to offer my support in those months and years ahead.

  • Theresa Villiers – 2024 Speech on the United Kingdom Internal Market

    Theresa Villiers – 2024 Speech on the United Kingdom Internal Market

    The speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Conservative MP for Chipping Barnet, in the House of Commons on 1 February 2024.

    The important statutory instruments that we are discussing today are the latest in the process of implementing the result of the 2016 referendum to leave the European Union. They may not have attracted the same volume, attention or emotion as those endless meaningful votes in 2018 and 2019, but they are no less important. This has been a long and difficult process that has divided the nation, but the end goal of restoring our status as an independent, self-governing democracy has been a prize worth fighting for.

    For centuries, Members of this Parliament strived to ensure that we would be governed only by the laws made by our own elected representatives, and that is what Brexit seeks to deliver, but we all know that the job is not yet finished when it comes to Northern Ireland, so I pay tribute to the Secretary of State, the Minister and the DUP for their work and determination to tackle the problems with the Windsor framework and secure Northern Ireland’s place in the UK internal market. I very much welcome the advances being made towards the restoration of power sharing and devolved government, and I accept that the statutory instruments are an important part of enabling that to happen because of the significant changes they contain.

    Of course, I completely understand the DUP’s concerns regarding the Northern Ireland protocol and the Windsor framework. We must do all we can to minimise trade frictions between Britain and Northern Ireland. The agreement on the Windsor framework started that process—for example, by making the movement of medicines, food and items for retail sale much less problematic. I believe that further improvements will be delivered by the deal that we are looking at today, which will further reduce checks and inspections. My concern is that the central problem remains that Northern Ireland is subject to single market rules without having a vote on them. The instruments we are considering do not change that, although I welcome the important further clarity and safeguards offered on the Stormont brake.

    Dialogue with the EU has to continue so that ultimately we can move to a situation in which only items destined for export to the south are subject to EU rules and regulations in Northern Ireland. With pragmatism and advancing border technology, that should be possible. It is important that we continue to strive to bring that about, so that we can restore democratic control over making our laws in every part of our United Kingdom and Brexit is fully delivered for Northern Ireland, as it is for Great Britain.

    We also need assurances from Ministers that nothing in regulation 3 of the Windsor Framework (Constitutional Status of Northern Ireland) Regulations will prevent regulatory divergence between Britain and the EU. Of course, any responsible Minister must consider the impact of his or her decisions on the unity of the UK and its single market, but new screening obligations must not be allowed to create a chilling effect, which would stop us charting our own course with regard to how we regulate our economy. Taking back control of making our own laws was a key reason that people voted to leave the EU. We have yet to fully deliver that for Northern Ireland and, as I have said, we must go further on it in the future.

    Gavin Robinson (Belfast East) (DUP)

    I am grateful to the right hon. Lady for the conversations we have had on this specific point. She is right to highlight her concerns and to seek assurances from the Government, but she does accept that it is right to get assessments; that it is right that Governments should always be going through the process of assessing the impact of their decisions on every part of this United Kingdom; and that there is nothing wrong with transparency, with knowing any possible consequence, nor—if that potential consequence is negative—with all of us determinedly trying to ensure that it does not arise.

    Theresa Villiers

    I thank the hon. Gentleman for that intervention; the dialogue that he and I have had over recent days has done a lot to reassure me that this package is about transparency, not a block on divergence. I hope the Minister will confirm that in his closing remarks, because divergence is important. The regulatory reform made possible by exit is, I think, crucial for our future economic success. By making us more competitive, modernising regulation is a key means to boost growth, raise living standards and reduce taxes.

    In conclusion, it took courage and determination from Northern Ireland’s elected leaders to secure peace after three horrific decades of terrorist violence. Asking very different parties to sit in a permanent mandatory coalition was never going to be easy, not least because some of the divisions between them date back decades, or even centuries. That devolved government has worked for so much of the past quarter of a century is a testament to Northern Ireland’s leaders and their determination to make the ’98 settlement work—to make Northern Ireland work. I pay particular tribute to the DUP in that regard: for so often it is they who have found ways to fix problems and keep devolved government going, while always safeguarding Unionist principles.

    We in this House must recognise the significant problems caused by the Northern Ireland protocol and the Windsor framework—including, of course, what the courts have described as a “subjugation” of article 6 of the Act of Union of 1801—but, as we have heard today, we are making real progress on tackling these issues by setting out in the statutory instruments stronger legal protections for access to the GB market. I also think that the historical perspective, as set out in annexe A of the Command Paper, is something that everyone should read. We are making progress on remedying these problems.

    It was a privilege for me, as Secretary of State for just under four years, to play a part in Northern Ireland’s inspiring story, and I truly hope that a way can now be found for its devolved institutions to resume their work of taking Northern Ireland forward to further success and an even brighter future.

  • Hilary Benn – 2024 Speech on the United Kingdom Internal Market

    Hilary Benn – 2024 Speech on the United Kingdom Internal Market

    The speech made by Hilary Benn, the Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in the House of Commons on 1 February 2024.

    I begin by agreeing with the Minister that businesses in Northern Ireland want to make the current and future arrangements work, that they want them to work well and that there is huge potential for the people of Northern Ireland in the economic benefits that its current and future circumstances provide it.

    I have some specific points about the regulations— I see the Minister clearly relishes responding to those. Paragraph 81 of the Command Paper states:

    “We are now changing arrangements…to ensure…that checks are eliminated save for those conducted by UK authorities needed for the protection of the UK’s internal market on a risk and intelligence basis.

    Will the Minister clarify which checks on goods moving from Great Britain to Northern Ireland will be got rid of? Is he referring to identity checks, checks on paperwork or something else? At the moment, about 10% of goods using what is called the green lane—which will become the UK internal market lane—are subject to some checks on paperwork. Will he clarify what will happen to them?

    I welcome the amendments to the UK Internal Market Act 2020 provided for in regulation 2. Proposed new section 45A would reaffirm Northern Ireland’s unfettered access to the rest of the internal market and ensure that no new NI-GB checks can be introduced. The regulation also makes provision for the Secretary of State to issue guidance to Departments on how they should carry out their duties under section 46 of the 2020 Act—namely, ensuring that they have special regard to, among other things, Northern Ireland’s status in the UK internal market when they formulate policy. Will the Minister confirm that guidance will soon be forthcoming and share any further details he can at this stage about what that will contain?

    I note the changes to the Definition of Qualifying Northern Ireland Goods (EU Exit) Regulations 2020 made by regulation 3, which are intended to prevent Northern Ireland from being used as a back door for EU goods moving into GB and to protect Northern Ireland’s agricultural sector. Ensuring that NI-registered agrifood operators fully benefit from unfettered access is a very positive step and I welcome it. Will the Minister tell the House whether the Government envisage any further changes to the definition of qualifying Northern Ireland goods? I also note the Government’s confirmation in the Command Paper that

    “there will be no Border Control Post at Cairnryan.”

    That is greatly to be welcomed, but can the Minister say anything further about how checks and formalities on non-qualifying goods that enter GB from Northern Ireland through Cairnryan will work in practice?

    Let me turn to some of the other commitments set out in the Command Paper. Will the Minister confirm when he expects the new body announced to promote trade within the UK, InterTrade UK, to become operational, and how it will be overseen?

    I welcome the Government’s determination, which has been brought up by a number of Members, to ensure the continued supply of veterinary medicines into Northern Ireland beyond the end of 2025, when the current grace period expires. We all hope that an agreement can be reached with our European partners as soon as possible. I share the view expressed by others in the debate that we had the same problem with human medicines and, in the end, the EU recognised that something had to be done about that. I hope very much that the EU will show the same spirit in approaching this question. The Command Paper, however, says:

    “we will if necessary deploy all available flexibilities to safeguard and sustain the supply of veterinary medicines”.

    Will the Minister tell the House what those flexibilities are and how they will be applied if we get to that point?

    In approving the regulations—which I hope we will do unanimously as we just did with the constitutional set—we will be taking another step closer, in this really important week, to the restoration of power sharing. The people of Northern Ireland, who have been without a Government for so long, may not, in all fairness, be studying the regulations in the way that we are doing today, but they very clearly understand why they are essential to getting their Government back. Once we have done our bit today, it will be over to the politicians of Northern Ireland, and I am sure that every single Member of the House wishes them the very best in the task that lies ahead of them.

  • Steve Baker – 2024 Statement on the United Kingdom Internal Market

    Steve Baker – 2024 Statement on the United Kingdom Internal Market

    The statement made by Steve Baker, the Minister of State at the Northern Ireland Office, in the House of Commons on 1 February 2024.

    I beg to move,

    That the draft Windsor Framework (UK Internal Market and Unfettered Access) Regulations 2024, which were laid before this House on 31 January, be approved.

    It is the view of the Government and, I believe, of the overwhelming number of right hon. and hon. Members across the House that the Union ought not be reduced to matters of the law or the constitution alone. Ours is a thriving economic, cultural and political Union whose health is insured, in no small part, by the free flow of trade across it. Enhancing that economic aspect of the Union is the purpose of this second set of regulations before the House today.

    The views of businesses and traders on the progress that we have made are also important in the context of today’s debate. I am pleased to confirm that the early reaction from business has been promising. The view of a collaboration of 14 key Northern Ireland industry bodies was clear yesterday in saying that they welcomed the agreement.

    The Government are clear that the old protocol created unacceptable barriers within our internal market, and I invite anyone to consider the full implementation of the old protocol against what we have achieved in the Windsor framework. The Windsor framework takes major steps forward, and I acknowledge that this is first and foremost an achievement of the Democratic Unionist party and also a great achievement of my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State.

    The framework restored the functioning of the UK internal market by ensuring the smooth flow of trade within the UK, and disapplied a range of EU laws, including ensuring that Northern Ireland benefits from the same VAT and alcohol taxes as the rest of the UK. Members of the House can also be encouraged by the smooth functioning of the framework since October 2023, when the first phase of arrangements came on stream, supporting trade between Great Britain and Northern Ireland. I should just say that colleagues did ask me how it was going. I said, “Have you seen any news on it?” Of course, no one has; it has been going very well, and I want to thank and congratulate all those officials here and in Northern Ireland who have made that possible.

    These regulations go further in that aim to strengthen our UK internal market now and in the long term. Following the agreement of the Windsor framework, the border target operating model sets out that we will begin phasing in checks and controls for Irish goods and non-qualifying goods moving from the island of Ireland to Great Britain from 31 January—indeed from yesterday. This is a powerful demonstration of Northern Ireland’s integral place in the UK’s internal market, and it rebuts incorrect claims that it is instead a member of the EU single market. The reality is that third country members of the EU single market will now have full third country processes applied, while Northern Ireland’s businesses will have full unfettered access to their most important market in Great Britain.

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson (Lagan Valley) (DUP)

    The Minister is absolutely right. Perhaps the most powerful illustration of the change that we have secured is to consider what will happen now on the ferry route between Dublin and Holyhead as a result of these new arrangements. A Northern Ireland haulier using that service will board the ferry, travel to Holyhead, leave the ferry and travel straight out of the port and on to their destination, with no customs procedures and with full unfettered access. In contrast, a southern Irish haulier arriving at Holyhead will be subjected to full UK customs procedures at the port before they can proceed. Does he join me in welcoming Northern Ireland’s restoration fully within the UK internal market?

    Mr Baker

    Yes. The right hon. Gentleman is absolutely right in what he has just set out, and I do join him in that. It is a proud day for me, as it is for him, and I join other Members in congratulating him on his courage in bringing all of us this far.

    As a result of these regulations, we now have guarantees for Northern Ireland goods moving to the rest of the UK, via Dublin. This unfettered access is future-proofed, regardless of how rules evolve in either Northern Ireland or Great Britain. These regulations will more squarely focus the benefits of unfettered access on Northern Ireland traders. The regulations tackle avoidance of the rules and ensure that, for agri-food goods to benefit from unfettered access in avoiding sanitary and phytosanitary processes, they must be dispatched from registered Northern Ireland food and feed operators. We will also expressly affirm through these regulations that export procedures will not be applied to goods moving from Northern Ireland to other parts of the UK’s internal market.

    John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con)

    It has been said that maybe 80% of goods moving from GB to NI will be able to use the internal market lane. Why will 20% not be able to do so, and why would the UK Government, who I was told were in charge, not want to ensure that practically all goods use the internal market lane?

    Mr Baker

    With great respect to my right hon. Friend, with whom I have gone a very long way in this cause, he might like to revisit the text. The point is that the 80% of goods going on that route are staying in Northern Ireland; they are UK goods. The other 20% are goods that are going on to the European Union. That is the point: 80% is UK internal market trade, and 20% is trade going on to the European Union.

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson rose—

    Sammy Wilson (East Antrim) (DUP)

    Will the Minister give way?

    Mr Baker

    I will. I cannot say that I am astonished; this is the important moment.

    Sammy Wilson

    Does the Minister accept that all the statistics show that it is not true that 20% of the trade that goes through Northern Ireland goes to the Irish Republic? In fact, it is about 0.1% to 0.4%. Much of that trade, which will go through the red lane, consists of goods going into Northern Ireland, either to warehouses or to manufacturers in Northern Ireland. They might never go near the Irish Republic. They might stay in Northern Ireland, go back to GB, or go to the rest of the world, yet such products will still be subject to checks going into Northern Ireland.

    Mr Baker

    I would not accept that. I am not in a position to set out the statistics, and I do not doubt that the statistics need some work applied to them. It pains me to say this, as I have always regarded the right hon. Gentleman as a great friend—he and I have walked a long way together on this and I have always regarded him as an ideological bedfellow, both on the Union and on Brexit—but as his group leader, the right hon. Member for Lagan Valley (Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson), said earlier, we voted for, and fervently supported, the protocol Bill. We said that we were willing to have a red lane in order to safeguard the legitimate interests of our friends and partners—and family members, as the Irish ambassador Martin Fraser said. This was always a family dispute, and we were always going to get through it.

    Our friends in Ireland, and indeed in the EU, have legitimate interests, which we should have the humility to respect. Even if we had acted unilaterally as a single united Parliament, ridden roughshod over any international negotiation and just done what suited ourselves with the protocol Bill, we would have implemented the red lane. I am afraid that I will part company now with anyone who says otherwise. We would rightly have implemented the red lane, even acting unilaterally, out of respect for the legitimate interests of our friends and trading partners.

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    Will the Minister join me in welcoming the announcement on Tuesday of agreement on a joint legal text that will significantly change the status of goods coming from the rest of the world into Great Britain and travelling on to Northern Ireland? The effect of that change, which is part of the arrangements and the published Command Paper, will be that some 4 million goods movements between Great Britain and Northern Ireland will now be moving out of the red lane and into the UK internal market system. That is this party delivering, and securing real change that ensures that more goods flow freely between Great Britain and Northern Ireland, save for those going into the EU or that are at risk of doing so because they are part of a manufacturing process for goods being sold to the EU.

    Mr Baker

    I strongly welcome that intervention. I thought that the right hon. Gentleman was going to mention the draft joint agreement on tariff rate quotas. For a while I was concerned that TRQs needed to be applied to Northern Ireland so that Northern Ireland could share fully in the benefits of free trade agreements with the rest of the world.

    I hope to return to this later, but in case I do not have the opportunity to do so, I want to say what an extraordinary situation Northern Ireland is now in. Northern Ireland is not in the single market. I draw everyone’s attention to page 4 of the Command Paper, which sets out checkmarks comparing Northern Ireland with Ireland, as a member of the EU, and with Norway, which is a member of the single market through the European economic area but is not in the customs union or the European Union. Northern Ireland really has the minimum of EU law compatible with unfettered—or privileged, perhaps—goods access to the EU market, and consistent with having an open, infra- structure-free border.

    I wonder at people who thought that we could leave the European Union and establish a hard border, or do absolutely nothing about the border. We were always going to leave the European Union and have special arrangements in relation to Northern Ireland. This is a moment of great feeling for me, because before the referendum vote, I and other colleagues set up a committee of Eurosceptics to consider how we might deal with these issues. I confess that we did not have the SPS and customs expertise to proceed. That then became the great story of this battle.

    If the United Kingdom had united in accepting the result of the referendum, if this Parliament had united in going forward with resolve to further our own interests as an independent nation state outside the EU, but crucially with the humility to respect the legitimate interests of our friends and partners, and if from the beginning we had had united resolve and clarity of vision, I do not doubt that in a spirit of friendship and good will—the kind that exists today between Ireland and us, and between the European Union and us, thanks to the work of the Secretary of State, the Prime Minister and others—we would have been, as we are now, in a totally transformed position to make our way forward as friends, respectful of their interests and resolved on ours.

    That is not what happened. The House does not need me to rehearse it. It has taken eight years of drama for us to arrive at this moment, when we have reduced EU law to this extent and put in place a red lane to protect the legitimate interests of Ireland and the EU. That is something that we should all be very proud of, after everything that we have faced and all the risks that could have put us in a far worse position.

    Paul Girvan (South Antrim) (DUP)

    I totally understand the need for a red lane to ensure that goods going into the Republic of Ireland are checked, but there is a business in Northern Ireland 98% of whose sales are into Northern Ireland. The stuff all comes to it in one container. Maybe 2% of that load might make its way into the Irish Republic as part of a service agreement with another dealer. I am talking about a major firm in my constituency that has an all-Ireland approach. That means that the red lane applies to every single item, even though 98% of its stuff is used in Northern Ireland, Scotland or England. It is a main distributor, and it will end up having to put all its goods through that. A job of work might need to be done to try to ameliorate its problems.

    Mr Baker

    The hon. Gentleman is right that a job of work will need to be done; I assure him that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State has just said that of course it does. I am grateful that we will be doing that further work in a spirit of good will and co-operation through the joint committee with the European Union. If the hon. Gentleman drops an email to my Northern Ireland Office address, I shall be glad to visit the firm with him, bringing officials, and we will see whether we can move further to assist it. I need to find out more about its exact circumstances.

    My goodness, that was a long series of interventions. This legislation ensures that we can avoid any unnecessary gold-plating in the implementation of new arrangements through new statutory guidance on section 46 of the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020, setting out how public authorities should have special regard to Northern Ireland’s place in the UK’s internal market and customs territory, and the need to maintain the free flow of goods from NI to GB. We will take a power through the regulations to issue such statutory guidance, and public authorities will be required to have regard to it. Those changes to the law will help to ensure that public authorities take every proper effort to prevent new barriers to intra-UK trade. In doing so, they will maintain and strengthen the health of the UK internal market in the long term.

    Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)

    One issue that greatly vexes those in my party is that farmers in my constituency, and in others, have said that vets now cost even more, as they have to source medicines and devices from an acceptable source. The Command Paper suggests that the issue has not been resolved but will be worked on. Is that a firm demand on the Government, or is it just another working group that will talk about things? My hon. Friend the Member for North Antrim (Ian Paisley) has been at the fore on this. We need a person on that committee to push things forward. If we have a solution through the committee, we need a timescale for delivery.

    Mr Baker

    We understand that point and we are listening to the hon. Gentleman and others. We are resolute that of course Northern Ireland must have proper access to veterinary medicines, and will be glad to work with him and others. He will appreciate what the priorities are and have been, and we will certainly continue to make pursuing veterinary medicines a high priority. I am personally resolute on the issue and look forward to pursuing it.

    The regulations must be seen in the context of the overall package agreed between the Government and the DUP. The passage of these regulations demonstrates the Government’s commitment to taking forward that whole package and to maintaining the participation and trust of the whole community in Northern Ireland’s political processes and the Stormont institutions going forward.

    If I may touch on what the hon. Member for Foyle (Colum Eastwood) said earlier, I, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State and the whole Government are completely committed to the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in all its dimensions. As I said to one nationalist politician—about a year ago now, if I recall—it is perfectly possible to be a Unionist and support the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in all its dimensions, just as it is possible to be a nationalist or a republican and support the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in all its dimensions. It is the beauty and the triumph of the agreement that we can all support it and move forward.

    I am trying to say this as gently as possible: I can understand a degree of discomfort from the hon. Gentleman, because this is a big breakthrough for Unionism. A Unionist Conservative Government have agreed to do Unionist things with the Democratic Unionist Party, and that is something I am very proud of. However, that does not in any way diminish our impartiality, or our commitment to governing or seeing to the government of Northern Ireland in a proper manner.

    Colum Eastwood (Foyle) (SDLP) rose—

    Mr Baker

    Before I give way to the hon. Gentleman, may I just say that I think, after the experience of the last eight years—perhaps the last 14—I need defer to no one in my vociferous commitment to democratic self-determination.

    Colum Eastwood

    The Minister says he supports the Good Friday agreement in all its parts. Does he support the bit that says that the Government should be rigorously impartial?

    Mr Baker

    Yes, I—[Interruption.] I do not quite hear the comment from the leader of the DUP.

    Sir Jeffrey M. Donaldson

    Not on the Union!

    Mr Baker

    It has long been said that this is the Conservative and Unionist party and we have long been understood to be a Unionist party. This agreement is entirely consistent with both our Unionism and our full respect for all dimensions of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. We will continue to govern in a spirit of good will and impartiality.

    Sir Robert Buckland (South Swindon) (Con)

    Will my hon. Friend give way?

    Mr Baker

    I will, but after I have given way to my right hon. and learned Friend, I will make progress and finish so that other colleagues can have their say.

    Sir Robert Buckland

    I have listened carefully to the interventions from the hon. Member for Foyle (Colum Eastwood) and the concerns that he and others will have about the scrapping of the legal obligation with regard to the all-island economy. Is the point not that while, as a UK Government, we have to uphold the rules that apply within our United Kingdom and the promotion of our own internal market, that does not detract from the access to the single market that Northern Ireland businesses will continue to enjoy? That is the compromise that has been reached here. Therefore there is not a binary either/or choice; the hon. Gentleman’s concerns can largely be met and continue to be met in a way that is fully in accordance with the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement.

    Mr Baker

    I agree with my right hon. and learned Friend, who demonstrates his expertise.

    I look forward as much as anyone to the re-establishment of the Assembly and the Executive, and along with that the re-establishment of the north-south institutions. They are much needed and I look forward to their work. I do not mind admitting that I find myself able to work constructively with politicians of all political parties in Northern Ireland, and I am glad to do so.

    Let me return, in concluding, to what is at stake in this process. I firmly believe that all parties in this House and all parties eligible to form part of an Executive want Northern Ireland to work. I have seen what unites political leaders in Northern Ireland: a real determination to make life better for their constituents—and, my goodness, on a wide range of fronts that is necessary—and to allow Northern Ireland to grasp the opportunities of the future—and what opportunities they are. I elaborated on some of the things Northern Ireland has before it right now. If we combine the institutional arrangements before Northern Ireland with the very substantial financial package to transform public services and deal with the public finances, and if Northern Irish politicians reach out and grasp the opportunity now before them, they can make Northern Ireland a beacon to the world—a beacon of prosperity and, I hope, of reconciliation. These regulations are part of that process and I commend them to everyone in the House.

  • Chris Heaton-Harris – 2024 Statement on Public Sector Pay

    Chris Heaton-Harris – 2024 Statement on Public Sector Pay

    The statement made by Chris Heaton-Harris, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 18 January 2024.

    Today’s strike will be disruptive for people across Northern Ireland. I understand the serious concerns that people across Northern Ireland have about the impact this action will have on vital public services.

    While public sector pay is devolved, the UK Government has offered a fair and generous package worth over £3bn which would address public sector pay and provides more than £1bn to stabilise public services. This will require Ministers being back to work in Stormont so that decisions on governing can be taken in the round.

    I am deeply disappointed that the significant funding offer from the UK Government to address such issues has not been taken up. This package has been on the table since before Christmas and will remain there, available on day one for an incoming Northern Ireland Executive.

    It is regrettable that the NI Parties were unable to come together yesterday to elect a Speaker and restore the executive. The people of Northern Ireland deserve local political leadership from representatives they have elected to govern on their behalf.

    The UK Government has made a significant offer that would help address the challenges facing public sector pay and Northern Ireland’s finances. It is time for the NI Parties to take decisions on how they will best serve the interests of the people of Northern Ireland.