Category: Northern Ireland

  • Willie Hay – 2022 Speech on British Passports for Irish who have Lived in Northern Ireland (Baron Hay of Ballyore)

    Willie Hay – 2022 Speech on British Passports for Irish who have Lived in Northern Ireland (Baron Hay of Ballyore)

    The speech made by Willie Hay, Baron Hay of Ballyore, in the House of Lords on 26 October 2022.

    To ask His Majesty’s Government what plans they have, if any, to grant an automatic right to a British Passport to people born in the Republic of Ireland who have lived in Northern Ireland for 50 years or more.

    My Lords, I welcome the Minister to the Dispatch Box and I wish him well in his new role. I am grateful to have the opportunity to hold this debate in your Lordships’ House. This is a very personal issue to me and to many out there who believe that this is a serious anomaly that needs to be addressed.

    I will give a brief history of how we got here. When the Irish Republic—previously known as the Irish Free State—left the Commonwealth in 1949, the British Government at the time allowed those who had been born in the Republic and had moved to Northern Ireland or elsewhere in the United Kingdom prior to that date to retain their British citizenship. That all changed after 1949: for people born in the Republic of Ireland after 1949, that right was taken away from them. Since 1949, many individuals who have lived here in the United Kingdom for many years, voted in UK elections and paid their taxes have found themselves disadvantaged by a bureaucratic and lengthy process.

    Indeed, instead of an application fee of £100, there is a large fee to apply for citizenship of around £1,300. These costs put many people off. There is also a requirement for Irish citizens who have been resident here in the UK for many years then to pass a Life in the UK Test. This is a discriminatory process for those who have been living and working in Northern Ireland, in the United Kingdom, for years, who find when they go to apply for British citizenship that they have many hurdles to clear that simply do not exist for others. They look around and see that many with no prior connection to the United Kingdom or Ireland find the process of applying for a British passport much quicker and far less hassle. Those Irish-born citizens who have lived, worked and voted in Northern Ireland and paid their taxes for many years—for many decades in some cases—have every right to British citizenship, to be an equal part of this United Kingdom and to hold a British passport. I question the very logic of this process. It impacts many thousands of people, and I question the hurdles that have been introduced.

    One point worth noting is that last February, the Court of Appeal found that similar fees of £1,000 for children to register as British citizens were unlawful and must be reconsidered by the Home Office. The current application process can be an increasingly long and frustrating one for many. It is especially challenging for those from lower-income backgrounds.

    The process of British citizenship applications can take six months, but usually it takes much longer. It has several steps and can be a major hurdle to people who genuinely want to apply for British citizenship. As part of the process, applicants are required to pay £350 simply for the privilege of a decisions report, where somebody will tell them whether they can apply and whether they qualify for British citizenship. That will cost £350, whether it is a “yes” or a “no” answer. In many instances, another frustration exists whereby even if registered as a British citizen and successful, this does not automatically entitle an individual to a British passport; it entitles them only to apply for a British passport.

    This is an insensitive situation for those who have paid taxes and national insurance contributions here for many years. Present census figures indicate that it affects approximately 40,000 people living in Northern Ireland, and this number is growing year on year. This is a huge number of people who cannot avail themselves of a British passport without navigating a long and winding process. It is quite clear that barriers exist in their route to citizenship.

    Of course, this is against the backdrop of a process that has been simplified in respect of Irish passport applications for people living in Northern Ireland. The Irish Government reviewed the whole process of application in 2011 and came up with a simple way of applying for an Irish passport for those living on the island of Ireland. If you apply for an Irish passport, the application is around €80 in total. Anyone born or living in Northern Ireland, or anyone who has a parent or grandparent living on the island of Ireland, is automatically entitled to apply for Irish citizenship. They have thrown the net so wide. Applicants do not need to have been born on the island of Ireland if their father, mother or a grandparent was born there; they are entitled to an Irish passport and Irish citizenship. It is a simple and quick process. When you apply for an Irish passport, you can trace the whole process, and online applications are completed in approximately 20 working days. This is a sharp contrast to the long and costly process that some Irish-born people living in Northern Ireland face when applying for British citizenship.

    There are ways to remove the financial and bureaucratic barriers in relation to this, if the will exists from government and the Home Office. There is a solution; a modest change in current practice could affect that group of 40,000 people. This is a sensitive matter that affects many and requires only a slight adjustment to be resolved. If an individual born in the Irish Republic after 1949 can prove that they have been living in Northern Ireland for between five and 10 years, have been working, voting and paying taxes and national insurance contributions, and are genuinely a part of that community, surely there ought to be a practical, sensible, streamlined way forward in this process.

    I welcome the report published by the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee in the other place last year and concur with its recommendations that these fees and this cumbersome process should be abolished. That committee has unionist, Conservative, Labour, Alliance and SDLP members, so there is unanimity in trying to resolve this issue not only in this House— I hope—but in the other.

    The great irony is that when we hear people in the media and Members of this House and the other House talk about the Belfast agreement, they often say “parity of esteem”: two communities working together and recognising whether someone is Irish, British or both. The extraordinary situation I have outlined today goes directly against the grain of the Belfast agreement. Let us not forget that the agreement is held up because it recognises the birthright of people living in Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish, British or both. We are talking about people living in Northern Ireland for 30, 40 or 50 years, who were born five miles across the border in the Republic but have lived in Northern Ireland for virtually all their lives. To date, there has been a reluctance by government to act in relation to this. I welcome the opportunity to have this debate and trust that noble Lords will concur that this is an unfair process that could be remedied with minimal change.

    A number of Members in the other place agree with the recommendations that the lengthy process required and the payment of associated fees should be waived in the applications of long-term residents of Northern Ireland who were born in the Republic of Ireland and wish to access their British identity by holding a British passport. Other representations have been made to the Home Office in respect of this issue, which goes back as far as 2004 or 2005, when it was raised in the House of Commons by my colleague Gregory Campbell. For whatever reason, the Government have refused to address it.

    There should be real parity of esteem for people living in Northern Ireland who were born in the Republic. That is not the case. For many decades, the Government have failed to consider the history of the personal ties of thousands of people in this unique situation. This issue unites all backgrounds and traditions in Northern Ireland. That does not happen often, but on this issue, it is the case. I hope today’s debate will move us some way towards finally bringing a resolution.

    Does the Minister agree that this issue must be addressed? Will he commit seriously to doing so? It directly affects a large number of taxpaying residents in our United Kingdom. It is so bad in Northern Ireland at the minute that the number of people applying for British passports has dropped by 30%, while the number applying for Irish passports has gone up by 27%.

  • Gerry Kelly – 2022 Comments on Loyalist Paramilitaries

    Gerry Kelly – 2022 Comments on Loyalist Paramilitaries

    The comments made by Gerry Kelly, Sinn Fein’s policing spokesperson in Northern Ireland, on 28 October 2022.

    Threats issued to Irish government ministers by loyalist paramilitary gangs under the cover of the Loyalist Communities Council are outrageous.

    Threatening further loyalist violence to the public at large with reference to the ceasefires of 1994 in the words ‘dire consequences for the progress made from 1994 onwards’ is a dangerous and despicable development.

    This is just the latest threat to our democratic process by these loyalist gangs who are intent on dragging society backwards.

    They must desist from these reckless threats and disband now.

    It is a matter of disgrace that almost 25 years after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, that loyalist paramilitary gangs are still involved in murder, intimidation, extortion and threats.

    There is an onus on political leaders to call out this intimidation and the continued existence of armed criminal gangs in our society.

  • Colm Gildernew – 2022 Comments on Tackling Child Waiting Lists

    Colm Gildernew – 2022 Comments on Tackling Child Waiting Lists

    The comments made by Colm Gildernew, the MLA for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, on 27 October 2022.

    Fresh figures released by the Department of Health today on the number of children waiting to see a consultant are staggering and reinforce the immediate need to fix the health service.

    It’s totally unacceptable and deeply concerning that children are waiting four years to see a consultant.

    We need an Executive formed today and parties working together to deliver a three-year budget and invest the extra £1 billion needed to start to cut chronic waiting lists.

    I echo the call from the Royal College of Physicians today for more investment in the health service and for parties to get back around the Executive table.

    The DUP has an opportunity to form a government and get on with the job people elected us to do and that’s to live up to their commitment to make health a priority.

  • Pat Sheehan – 2022 Speech on Restoring Northern Ireland Executive

    Pat Sheehan – 2022 Speech on Restoring Northern Ireland Executive

    The speech made by Pat Sheehan, Sinn Fein’s Chief Whip, on 25 October 2022.

    We need an Executive formed now to immediately support workers, families and businesses who are struggling with crippling bills and all those people who are suffering on chronic health waiting lists.

    The clock is ticking. We have three days to form a government. The DUP is continuing to block an Executive in the full knowledge that they are punishing ordinary people who are struggling to heat their homes this winter. The DUP is engaged in reckless political vandalism.

    Chaos and dysfunction from the Tories in London, supported by the DUP, has compounded people’s suffering. Mortgages are up, public services are under threat and the economy is in tatters. People and businesses need local ministers that are accountable and acting in their interest.

    Sinn Féin is ready to form an Executive today to deal with the cost-of-living crisis and to invest an extra £1 billion to start fixing our health service.

    The DUP should join with the rest of us in the Assembly, get back to work, elect ministers and get around the Executive table so that parties can work together to support people who need our help now.

  • Chris Heaton-Harris – 2022 Statement on the Situation in Northern Ireland

    Chris Heaton-Harris – 2022 Statement on the Situation in Northern Ireland

    The statement made by Chris Heaton-Harris, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 28 October 2022.

    I believe strongly that people in Northern Ireland deserve locally-elected decision-makers who are working for them, to address the issues that matter most to people here.

    As of earlier today, an Executive can no longer form and I am duty-bound by law to call new elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly as set out in the New Decade, New Approach agreement as soon as practicably possible and within 12 weeks.

    Having spoken with the various Party leaders this week, I know no one in Northern Ireland is calling for an election – but nearly all Parties signed up to the Agreement that put us in this position only a couple of years ago.

    Today I also met the Chief Electoral Officer to discuss operational considerations to inform my decision about the election date.

    It was particularly disappointing to see yesterday that the Assembly was still unable to elect a Speaker, despite all the time that has passed.

    At a time when so many are struggling with the cost of living and fearful of what is to come, I understand people’s frustration that MLAs continue to draw a full salary when they are not performing all the duties they were elected to do.

    So, I will be considering my options to act on MLA pay.

    Right now, the Executive no longer has Ministers in post to act for the people of Northern Ireland.

    That means no Ministers to deliver the public services you rely on.  That means no Ministers to manage the budget pressures affecting the funding of your hospitals, your schools, your doctors and nurses.

    So in the absence of an Executive I will take limited but necessary steps to protect public finances and the delivery of public services.

    I have already met the Head of the Northern Ireland Civil Service, Jayne Brady, to discuss this and gather evidence on the state of Stormont’s financial position. I shall hopefully receive more detailed information about this next week.

    Then I’ll soon outline our plan of action to make sure that the interests of the people of Northern Ireland are protected.

    And to those who have called for “joint authority” of Northern Ireland in recent days, let me say this: this won’t be considered. The UK Government is absolutely clear that the consent principle governs the constitutional position of Northern Ireland. We will not support any arrangements that are inconsistent with that principle.

  • Doug Beattie – 2022 Statement Rejecting Joint Authority in Northern Ireland

    Doug Beattie – 2022 Statement Rejecting Joint Authority in Northern Ireland

    The statement made by Doug Beattie, the Leader of the Ulster Unionists, on 26 October 2022.

    The Ulster Unionist Party has already very firmly rejected the notion of Joint Authority between London and Dublin in Northern Ireland.

    As Unionists we are clear that only the United Kingdom has the right to exercise sovereignty over Northern Ireland.

    We would advise anyone seeking the imposition of Joint Authority to read the Belfast Agreement, especially the section ‘Constitutional Issues’ where it states that ‘it would be wrong to make any change in the status of Northern Ireland save with the consent of a majority of its people.’

    Joint Authority would clearly be a massive change in our constitutional status.

    The Belfast Agreement has already been damaged by the NI Protocol and the imposition of a border in the Irish Sea between Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom. Clearly any attempt to impose some form of Joint Authority between London and Dublin on Northern Ireland would run contrary to that, breach the Principle of Consent and deal a fatal blow to the Belfast Agreement.

    We need to focus our efforts on getting Stormont back up and running again and working the Belfast Agreement. That is what Northern Ireland needs right now.

  • Doug Beattie – 2022 Comments on Joint Authority in Northern Ireland

    Doug Beattie – 2022 Comments on Joint Authority in Northern Ireland

    The comments made by Doug Beattie, the Leader of the Ulster Unionists, on 25 October 2022.

    The Ulster Unionist Party wants to see the restoration of devolved government at Stormont.

    One of the key reasons this party supported the Belfast Agreement in 1998 was to ensure the replacement of the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement which permitted Dublin to have a consultative role in the affairs of Northern Ireland.

    In the section ‘Constitutional Issues’ the Belfast Agreement recognised ‘it would be wrong to make any change in the status of Northern Ireland save with the consent of a majority of its people.’

    Clearly any attempt to impose some form of Joint Authority between London and Dublin on Northern Ireland would run contrary to that and be another very serious breach of the Belfast Agreement.

    We need to focus our efforts on getting Stormont back up and running again so that locally elected politicians, with local knowledge and an understanding of this place and who are therefore best placed to make decisions affecting the lives of people here, can get on with that job. That is what Northern Ireland needs right now, not any talk of Joint Authority.

  • Doug Beattie – 2022 Statement on Rishi Sunak Becoming Prime Minister

    Doug Beattie – 2022 Statement on Rishi Sunak Becoming Prime Minister

    The statement made by Doug Beattie, the Leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, on 24 October 2022.

    I congratulate Rishi Sunak on becoming leader of the Conservative Party and the next Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom is desperate for a strong and stable Government which will focus on doing what`s right for all four corners of our Nation.

    Northern Ireland needs better Government and that means the restoration of the devolved institutions. One of the new Prime Minister`s priorities must be resolving the political impasse and dealing with the issues caused by the Northern Ireland Protocol. Northern Ireland cannot continue to be used as political football between the United Kingdom and the EU. The Protocol must be replaced with a deal that works for everyone. There should be no checks on goods moving between Great Britain and Northern Ireland that are staying here. Everyone knows what needs to be done and now is the time to be getting on with it.

    If there is another Assembly election, the Ulster Unionist Party will be ready to fight it. However an election will do absolutely nothing to deal with the foremost challenges facing Northern Ireland. An election won`t deal with the Protocol and it won`t provide an easier path to the restoration of an Assembly and an Executive. It will only cause the trenches to be dug deeper and make the path to political progress even more difficult. The Prime Minister should use the next few days to reflect and consult on what is the best way forward for Northern Ireland. Too many decisions have been taken in the past which destabilise this part of the United Kingdom rather than helping its people.

  • Diane Dodds – 2022 Statement on Power Sharing in Northern Ireland

    Diane Dodds – 2022 Statement on Power Sharing in Northern Ireland

    The statement made by Diane Dodds, the DUP MLA for Upper Bann on 27 October 2022.

    The recall of the NI Assembly by Sinn Fein was a stunt rather than any serious attempt to restore powersharing. If those who petitioned the Assembly sitting truly wanted to restore fully functioning devolved government, they would have joined us in campaigning for the Protocol to be replaced by arrangements that unionists can support. Progress is only made with the support of unionists and nationalists.

    The Protocol has polluted every area of government:

    •  As we try to fix our NHS, the Protocol is jeopardising the supply of medicines to Northern Ireland.
    • As we try to improve our infrastructure, the Protocol has triggered a costly 25% tariff on the steel used to build our schools, roads, hospitals, and houses.
    • As we try to help people with the cost of living, the Protocol is driving up transport costs and the prices on our shelves.
    • As we encourage people to install green energy, Treasury tax breaks are not available in Northern Ireland because of the Protocol.

    Devolution can only flourish when there is a solid foundation with cross-community support. We want to see fully functioning devolved government restored in Stormont but that can only happen when the Protocol is replaced by arrangements that unionists can support.

  • Chris Heaton-Harris – 2022 Comments on the Situation in Northern Ireland

    Chris Heaton-Harris – 2022 Comments on the Situation in Northern Ireland

    The comments made by Chris Heaton-Harris, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 28 October 2022.

    I am extremely disappointed that the Executive has not reformed.

    The people of Northern Ireland deserve a fully-functioning devolved government.

    Today Stormont could be taking decisions to ease the challenges people face. Instead, the legal duty to act falls to me as Secretary of State.

    I will be providing an update on this.