Category: Housing

  • Greg Clark – 2022 Statement on the Government’s Rough Sleeping Strategy

    Greg Clark – 2022 Statement on the Government’s Rough Sleeping Strategy

    The statement made by Greg Clark, the then Secretary of State for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities, in the House of Commons on 5 September 2022.

    On 3 September Government published their new strategy to end rough sleeping in England.

    This Government have made the unprecedented pledge to end rough sleeping within this Parliament, and this strategy will help us to deliver that goal. Working with our partners across Government, in local authorities and the sector, we have delivered remarkable progress so far, with rough sleeping levels in the most recent annual rough sleeping snapshot at an eight-year low in England. However, we face significant challenges if we are to end rough sleeping for good, and we must work across Government and with local partners to step up our efforts.

    The strategy will build on that progress and help us end rough sleeping for good by bringing forward a bold new approach backed by £2 billion of funding over the next three years to tackle homelessness and rough sleeping in England.

    For the first time, we are defining what we mean by ending rough sleeping—that rough sleeping will be prevented wherever possible, and when it does occur, it will be rare, brief and non-recurrent. We will bring forward a new data framework, which will enable us to track progress against the definition and ensure all local and central partners are doing their bit.

    We will embed a “prevention first” approach so that rough sleeping is better prevented before people reach the streets. This means ensuring the landmark changes in the Homelessness Reduction Act 2017 are fully embedded, to prevent more people from reaching a homelessness crisis, as well as bringing forward investment so that nobody leaves a public institution, such as prison or care, to the streets. As part of this, we will provide new funding over the next three years to expand the accommodation for ex-offenders programme so that people at risk of homelessness, including rough sleeping, in all parts of England are supported into long-term, settled accommodation.

    We will also empower local authorities by extending our flagship rough sleeping initiative to 2025, with up to £500 million of funding so that local areas can provide the tailored support needed to end rough sleeping over the next three years. We will complete delivery of the Housing First pilots in Greater Manchester, Liverpool city region and the west Midlands, providing a further £13.9 million over two years on top of the £28 million already invested, and expand Housing First more widely through £32 million within the rough sleeping initiative.

    This will sit alongside £200 million of new funding for the single homelessness accommodation programme, which will deliver up to 2,400 much-needed homes for vulnerable people at risk of homelessness or rough sleeping, including young people and those with the most complex needs, alongside expanding existing accommodation programmes that we know work.

    We will act across the system to reduce rough sleeping. We will ensure new local integrated care systems in the NHS consider the health and social care needs of those sleeping rough in their area in the development of their strategies. Jobcentres will work closely with local authorities to support people experiencing rough sleeping to access benefits and employment advice. We will be launching a new homelessness employer covenant with Crisis to help employers recruit and support employees who have been homeless or rough sleeping.

    A quarter of people sleeping rough nationally are not from the UK, rising to nearly half in London. Since the pandemic we have seen local authorities looking to exhaust all options to support this group away from the streets; we want to see this continue. For those here legally but with restricted eligibility for public funds, we want to see them get appropriate support to sustain a life away from the streets. For those here illegally, we want to ensure people return to their home country swiftly and receive the appropriate support to do this.

    As part of the strategy we are announcing allocations for areas in England in a range of key initiatives including the rough sleeping initiative, rough sleeping accommodation programme, rough sleeping drug and alcohol treatment grant and Housing First. Full details of allocations can be found on gov.uk.

    While we have taken the significant step of committing to repeal the Vagrancy Act 1824 in full, we must make sure the police, local authorities and other agencies have the powers and tools they need to respond effectively to begging, support vulnerable individuals and help communities feel safer. Government are currently consulting on the need for appropriate replacement legislation to ensure the police and other agencies remain able to protect the public, while also embedding rehabilitation and support at the heart of our approach.

    The whole of Government are united in ending rough sleeping. In order to achieve this, all partners, across central and local Government, voluntary organisations, delivery partners and the public must work together as one.

    We want our ambitious approach to be matched by bold local delivery and expect all those involved in ending rough sleeping to play their part. We want to ensure rough sleeping is ended in a way that is sustainable in the long term, and this strategy lays the foundations for the long-term system change needed to support that.

    This strategy shows that this Government are committed to ending rough sleeping, and we will continue to work with local and national partners to achieve this.

    A copy of the rough sleeping strategy will be deposited in the Library of the House.

  • Sadiq Khan – 2022 Comments on Extending Notice Period for Renters

    Sadiq Khan – 2022 Comments on Extending Notice Period for Renters

    The comments made by Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, on 30 August 2022.

    Nearly a third of Londoners are private renters, the majority of whom are set to be hit by a devastating combination of rent and bill rises in the coming months, with no sign rampant inflation slowing down.

    That’s why I’m calling on the Government to act urgently give Londoners breathing space by extending notice periods for tenants ahead of landlords taking possession of properties. This will allow them to access support and advice and save, if they can, for a move, before their tenancies end.

    Shorter notice periods disproportionately affect vulnerable households, so I urge whoever becomes the new Prime Minister next month to commit to delivering on this as soon as possible, as well as giving me the power to freeze rents in London for two years until the cost of living crisis subsides.

  • Greg Clark – 2022 Comments on the Social Housing Rent Cap

    Greg Clark – 2022 Comments on the Social Housing Rent Cap

    The comments made by Greg Clark, the Secretary of State for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities, on 31 August 2022.

    We must protect the most vulnerable households in these exceptional circumstances during the year ahead. Putting a cap on rent increases for social tenants offers security and stability to families across England.

    We know many people are worried about the months ahead. We want to hear from landlords and social tenants on how we can make this work and support the people that need it most.

    The rent cap would be temporary and would apply from 1 April 2023 to 31 March 2024. The consultation also seeks views on whether to set a limit for 2024-25. The government understands this will impact social housing landlords and is engaging fully with the sector.

  • Eric Pickles – 2002 Speech to the Chartered Institute of Housing

    Eric Pickles – 2002 Speech to the Chartered Institute of Housing

    The speech made by Eric Pickles to the Chartered Institute of Housing on 12 June 2002.

    Ten years ago this month, I made my maiden speech to the House of Commons as the newly elected MP for the constituency of Brentwood & Ongar.

    My contribution was made during a housing debate sponsored by the then Conservative Government. The debate was entitled Tenants’ Rights.

    What you have to understand is that a maiden speech is an intensely personal thing to an MP. It sets out what motivates the Member of Parliament, it lays down what he or she wants to achieve, puts markers down to the Party Whips office about areas of interest.

    What you have to understand about the Whips office of all parties is that it is run with the cold efficiency of the armed forces during a period of national conscription. So that professional cooks will find themselves assigned to transport, and painters and decorators to the kitchen.

    So you will understand my emotion in making my second public speech on housing in ten years, and my first speech as the new Shadow Secretary of State for Local Government and the Regions.

    Much as I have enjoyed the past few months chasing Stephen Byers, I am pleased now to be given the opportunity to focus on serious issues such as housing, which concern real people every day.

    Looking back over what I said ten years ago in the House of Commons, I recognise that much of it is just as relevant here today.

    If you will forgive a politician the ultimate vanity of quoting himself, in 1992 I said: ‘Any reasonable housing policy must be based on quality, diversity and choice’. The same is true today.

    But now I am acutely aware – perhaps more than in many other areas – the boundaries and the language of the debate have moved on.

    The old arguments about public versus private provision have largely been won. Today, there is some unity about providing good quality, affordable housing and reversing the migration from our inner cities, and about building stronger communities

    So I hope today, to outline to you my approach to housing policy and to try and explain what we will be considering in our policy review process, which is currently underway.

    In my speech in the House of Commons, I explained how public housing was largely responsible for forming my political views.

    As I looked around me on the council estate in West Riding in Yorkshire where my parents ran a small corner shop, I began to despair at some of the conditions in which my friends and neighbours lived. I realised that the fundamental problem was that they deserved a better landlord than they had.

    Many of them lived in properties owned and managed by the local authority. As a former councillor, I know that even when they are trying their hardest, they do not necessarily make good landlords.

    There never was a golden age of public housing. The fact is that most people wanted to own their own homes. This is what the Conservative Governments of the 80s and 90s recognised – and I’m pleased to say that so successful was the policy, that even most Labour politicians accept today.

    Conservatives believe in home-ownership. The importance of property ownership is marked out throughout the history of political thought. You may even say that it is at the heart of Conservatism.

    We are rightly proud of policies such as right-to-buy which empowered a new range of people.

    We are pleased to have introduced the notion of stock transfer.

    We were right to break down the barriers between the public and the private sectors.

    The principles that drove those policies will drive our future policies also. They are the principles I was elected on in 1992, and I hold true to them today.

    But I also recognise the new challenges and priorities we now face. Too often in the past, we have allowed ourselves to be portrayed as only caring about property and money.

    Conservatives may have been the party of property, but we recognised the obligations to the community that property brought with it.

    The priorities now must be to encourage more people to live in our cities to stop them from becoming lifeless ghettos and to look into ways of providing more affordable housing, particularly to young people.

    And we need too, to give greater focus to the war on homelessness.

    I was David Willetts’ deputy at social security for a couple of years; I have talked to him about his experience of seeing for himself the plight of people living on the streets. Something neglected by politicians for far too long.

    Remember what the Prime Minister promised? He said his Government would: ‘do everything in our power to end the scandal of homelessness’. But as we know, homelessness in England has soared since 1997.

    Worse still, the number of children who are living on the streets is rising. What chance does the child without a home have?

    And the number of people living in bed and breakfast accommodation has risen dramatically under this Government – up by as much as 200 per cent in London.

    I don’t pretend that things were perfect under Conservative Governments. We all need to give much greater thought to how we help these people out of their dire situation to give them a greater chance in life.

    It is not as if we have to look far to see the problem.

    David told me of visiting people sleeping in doorways and people seeking warmth in homeless shelters; he came across one group huddled by the side of Westminster Cathedral – less than a mile from the House of Commons and directly opposite the offices of the Government’s Rough Sleeper Unit.

    From where they lie they can see a sign that should mean something to them, but as often is the way: politicians try to help but it is remote and useless.

    Part of the problem is that we always look at the short-term. We just want to get people off the streets. We don’t think enough about them as individuals and families – we only think about them as statistics.

    And it’s not a problem that can be solved simply by throwing more money at it.

    We need to be more innovative in how we address the problem.

    I am sure you understand better than me why some homeless people reject the offer of a one-bedroom flat. On the streets sometimes the only family you have are those who sleep next to you.

    It may seem hard for us to comprehend, but some people would rather stay where they are instead of being sent off on their own to a flat somewhere.

    There is a social dimension to homelessness, and we cannot ignore it. We must address the street culture that exists, and consider making greater use of things like communal housing, so that groups of homeless people can be housed together.

    Successive governments have failed to grasp this nettle, but we are now in a position to do so because we are listening, learning and taking our time to get our policies right.

    But I also spoke earlier about the need to reverse the migration from our inner cities that is leading to increasing degrees of deprivation in urban areas.

    People are the lifeblood of cities, and encouraging people to live in urban areas is both a social necessity and also common sense.

    It is a social necessity because if we are to build communities in inner city areas we need to provide stability.

    It is common sense because if we are to improve the way we run our public services we need to build communities.

    The teacher, doctor or policeman who lives in the community they serve is naturally better able to deal with the needs of the area. When local residents witness the evening flight of influential people it reduces the sense of community. It signals that success lies elsewhere, and stigmatises those that remain.

    All areas need constancy, commitment and stability. Building communities will be the priority of the next Conservative Government.

    So housing policies, which force people to leave inner city areas, are simply wrong.

    The decrease in the amount of social housing constructed under this Government is a problem of Labour’s own making.

    So there are fewer houses to live in.

    But the houses that do exist are also less affordable.

    The decision to cut the right-to-buy discounts has resulted in many young people being unable to take their first step on the housing ladder.

    Labour has also made home ownership less affordable by increasing taxes on homeowners.

    And of course the huge increases in council tax we have seen under this Government – an additional £212 for a Band D property over four years – are hitting households on lower incomes the most. Particularly those just above entitlement to some form of income support in its general sense

    In my own constituency, I have seen the problems this last issue causes. An example of the law of unintended consequences

    In one area where people are living in social housing they have seen the value of their property rise. What would be a band A or B in West Yorkshire is much higher in the South East. The increased valuation with the higher Council Tax is the margin between being able to afford to live locally or not.

    The result of these policies is that the average deposit needed for a first time buyer in the UK has risen by £6,700 to £13,300 – and the average age of a first time buyer is now 34.

    So the Conservative Party’s policy review is considering how to address these problems. The answers are not easy, but by taking our time and talking to the people who matter – people such as your good selves – we aim to bring forward policies which answer these difficult questions, and which help to build strong communities

    And Conservatives know that good quality, affordable housing is inextricably linked to good public services.

    This is where the title of this session – ‘Is the Government delivering better public services’ – comes in.

    The evidence is clear. There is a clear linkage between the home environment and the reliance on public services.

    But of course there are more basic issues to consider.

    We simply can’t talk about improving the health service if we are not simultaneously considering what to do about housing. If we acknowledge that one of the major problems in the NHS today is the issue of so-called bed-blocking we have to realise that it is also linked to the need to provide good quality, warm and comfortable housing for elderly people.

    And if I may be so bold as to agree with a former Labour Health Minister, ‘anyone with a shred of common sense knows that housing affects people’s health’.

    Housing policy cannot exist in isolation. It is inter-connected with our policies on improving public services. And nowhere more so than when we think about who works in the public services.

    The Government has announced many new targets on teacher, nurse and police recruitment. They hope that throwing more money at the public services will help them to be achieved. But these people all need somewhere to live.

    Labour’s ‘Starter Homes Initiative’, while perhaps laudable in its intention, seems to be having little effect – no matter how many times the department re-announces it. Restricting it to ‘key’ workers hasn’t helped. Who decides what is and isn’t a ‘key’ worker? It seems that if you exist on some whimsical government target then you are ‘key’, but if not, you are on your own.
    And of course, subsidised loans do nothing to tackle the lack of available affordable housing.

    These are the issues I have to consider, and events such as this will help me in my task. But I hope also to be able to discuss them at greater length over the coming years on a more individual basis. No doubt, there will be things I have not mentioned today, but I hope you appreciate that for me and for my Party, the important thing is to develop our policies properly rather than quickly. Don’t be under any doubt that this is a serious undertaking.

    I am quite conscious that housing policy is complex and challenging. I know that you are calling on the Government to provide more money to housing in the forthcoming spending review. I watch with interest as to whether, to quote David Butler ‘John Prescott will add his voice to the increased case for increase housing investment’.

    But more than that, we need to think radically about the social aspects of housing policy – not just the economic aspects.

    I said at the start that the housing debate has moved on since my maiden speech in 1992. Certainly it has. Today we are not arguing about public or private provision. But this unfortunately does not mean that we have answered all the important questions.

    We are faced with new challenges. My Party’s focus is changing. We recognise those challenges and we plan to offer solutions to them.

    But our principles have not changed. In the debate ten years ago, the Minister wound up the exchanges by emphasising the Conservative watchwords: quality, diversity, choice, freedom, opportunity and empowerment.

    Now as we are engaged in our policy review, they continue to be at the forefront of our minds.

    I am grateful to have the opportunity to put them into practice, and I hope in the years ahead to return to you and outline precisely how Conservatives will apply them to today’s problems to make stronger communities.

  • Jack Dromey – 2012 Comments on Subletting Council Houses

    Jack Dromey – 2012 Comments on Subletting Council Houses

    The comments made by Jack Dromey, the Shadow Housing Minister, on 11 January 2012.

    The subletting of council homes for financial gain prevents those in real need from getting a home and should be stopped. Labour is committed to ending this abuse and before the 2010 election we set out plans to make the unlawful subletting of social homes a criminal offence.

    However, Grant Shapps has taken his eye off the ball and is looking for someone to blame for this Government’s failures. Labour councils have been cracking down on sub-letters for years. The vast majority of people living in council houses pay their taxes and play by the rules. The real problem is that this Tory-led Government’s failed economic policies led to a catastrophic 99% collapse in the building of affordable homes in the last six months.

    Since the Government launched its housing strategy in November, we have seen the effects of this out of touch Government’s failing housing and economic policies laid bare. Housebuilding is down, homelessness is up, we have a mortgage market where people can’t get mortgages and rents are soaring in the private rented sector. These are the fundamental issues the Government needs to address.

    With millions in need of a decent home at a price they can afford, the country is gripped by a growing housing crisis. We need an increase in house building now more than ever and the Government is failing to deliver.

  • Sadiq Khan – 2022 Comments on Right to Buy-Back in London

    Sadiq Khan – 2022 Comments on Right to Buy-Back in London

    The comments made by Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, on 9 August 2022.

    For more than 40 years, London’s precious council homes have been disappearing into the private sector, often never to be replaced. As Mayor I have maintained a relentless focus on stemming the tide and replenishing London’s social housing stock.

    I am proud that, thanks to my interventions, we have brought council homebuilding back up to levels not seen since the 1970s and I’m hugely encouraged by the enthusiasm I see from boroughs across London for building new council homes and using my Right to Buy-back scheme to return homes to public ownership.

    These homes were built for the public good and it has been painful to watch them disappear into private portfolios. Returning these homes to public ownership is a key part of my plan to build a better London for everyone – a city that is greener, fairer and more prosperous for all.

  • Kemi Badenoch – 2022 Comments on Housing

    Kemi Badenoch – 2022 Comments on Housing

    The comments made by Kemi Badenoch as part of her leadership bid, published by the Telegraph as part of a longer article on 16 July 2022.

    We need new homes in the right places. We need them to spread prosperity, give the next generation a stake in the future and allow families to grow. We also need to recognise that pressure on housing comes from increased migration and from families breaking up. Solving these interlinked questions needs honesty and rigour.

    On housing, we’ll never get the homes we need where we need them if we insist on ever-higher inflexible top-down housing targets. We need to bring people with us by delivering infrastructure first and insisting new homes are built to a higher standard and look more beautiful. We need to break the stranglehold of the identikit cartel of land banking house builders.

    But we need to consider the demand side of housing, not just the supply side. People – rightly – recognise that building more homes while doing nothing to bring immigration down is like running up the down escalator. We’ll never get to where we need to with that approach, and we won’t persuade people to accept more homes if it is being done due to immigration failures. If we can bring immigration down to a sustainable level, we can then protect green spaces for our children and precious agricultural land.

  • Eddie Hughes – July 2022 Update to Grenfell Residents

    Eddie Hughes – July 2022 Update to Grenfell Residents

    The letter sent by Eddie Hughes, the Minister for Rough Sleeping and Housing, to residents in the area of Grenfell Tower on July 2022.

    Letter (in .pdf format)

  • David Martin – 1988 Speech on the Abolition of Gazumping

    David Martin – 1988 Speech on the Abolition of Gazumping

    The speech made by David Martin, the then Conservative MP for Portsmouth South, in the House of Commons on 5 July 1988.

    I beg to move,

    That leave be given to bring in a Bill to prevent gazumping in connection with buying and selling homes.

    The disgraceful practice of gazumping has been raised in the House on several occasions over the years, notably by my hon. Friend the Member for Mid-Staffordshire (Mr. Heddle). It has also been the object of attention by the Law Commission and, from time to time, by the legal profession’s magazines and the press. A remarkable number of right hon. and hon. Members have shared with me the experiences of their constituents, and I have been helped by them.

    The word “gazump” is based on “gazoomph,” which is a graphic Yiddish word meaning to swindle or to cheat. It applies when the purchaser and the vendor of a home have agreed on a definite price and then, before contracts are exchanged, the vendor raises the price to that purchaser or sells at a higher price to someone else. It does not apply to the converse case of the purchaser withdrawing before exchange of contracts. That is a nuisance and the breaking of an agreement, but it is not gazumping. I have some ideas on that, too, but I have only 10 minutes in which to speak, so they must be developed at another time.

    Gazumping has been described as a method of parting rich men from their money—and it certainly does that. The greater problem is that it also parts the relatively less well off from theirs, especially young people and first-time buyers.

    Scottish law and practice is far nearer to what I would like to see happen in England and Wales. It has been said that nothing stops us operating the same system. That may theoretically be true, but it will never happen without legislation.

    First, my main aim it to give 14 days to a purchaser to exchange after the price has been agreed. During those 14 days, if the vendor backs out, the vendor would have to pay the purchaser 5 per cent. of the agreed price, plus any specific and reasonable costs incurred by the purchaser during that time. Any sum less than 5 per cent. would not be a deterrent, because gazumping is in multiples of thousands of pounds these days, even on less expensive property. Therefore, as in Scotland, the price would be fixed at the outset. In England and Wales exchange would follow in a short time and certainly would exist at an earlier stage. The parties could then agree either a long or short period for completion, depending significantly on the need for the purchaser to sell his or her home in the meantime.

    Secondly, considerations of time would be more important. My Bill would promote a speeding up of the all too ponderous and needlessly mystifying processes of conveyancing. For all the welcome increases in home ownership in recent years, in many respects we are still in the age of the quill pen when it comes to law and practice. Solicitors, in particular, must grow more used to the idea that they are in a commercial world. Their negative attitude to advertising is revealing. The advent of licensed conveyancers has helped to bring the profession face to face with commercial reality. Many have recognised and seized the opportunities to co-operate with or to operate property shops, but more needs to be done.

    Thirdly, home purchase would be helped by insisting on more, and more accurate, information in the agents’ particulars. That is a subject in itself. I have seen particulars offering me

    “a modern system of central hating”,

    “gilt” spelt “guilt” and even

    “rent and rat free accommodation”.

    Fourthly, the vendor would be required to provide far more information to a purchaser when he puts his property on the market. He would be required to provide a survey from a surveyor with proper professional qualifications. No honest vendor should object to that. If the purchaser wished to be more thorough, he could obtain a further survey on his own. At the same time, the vendor would also be required to provide the usual standard searches and inquiries.

    Local authorities should be able to produce all the relevant information quickly and efficiently. This week, Portsmouth city council is pioneering a new computer system, as too is Wigan. The system will be part of a national network, where solicitors, estate agents, banks and others will be able to obtain direct answers to the usual searches and inquiries. One third of Portsmouth property is now held on computer, and the aim is for complete coverage by the end of 1989. We have tolerated for far too long too many expectations of delay in what ought to be a quick and simple process.

    I understand that the current ministerial response is that law reform should stay out of this area, that the remedy lies in the hands of those involved in house buying rather than in the law, and that there is nothing to stop people in England and Wales using the Scottish system if they want to. The trouble with that line is that it is far too complacent. Unless we have legislation, ordinary house buyers will never be able to bring about any significant change in the practices and customs of professionals, just as they could not tackle the scandal of the conveyancing monopoly without legislative help.

    All that is lacking is the political will to legislate. I hope that my effort today, added to those of many others of all parties, will have its effect. My system is not perfect, but it would make things better. That is no more or less than most legislation can hope to achieve.

    A gazumper is a swindler, a cheat and a racketeer. The present state of the law and practice allows him or her to operate without sanction of any kind and regardless of the damage caused to innocent parties. That is neither ethical nor just. It cannot be right. My Bill would provide some redress. I commend its introduction to the House.

    Question put and agreed to.

    Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. David Martin, Mr. Matthew Carrington, Mr. Barry Field, Mr. Ian Gow, Mr. John Heddle, Mr. George Howarth, Mr. Richard Livsey, Mr. Ian McCartney, Mr. Keith Mans, Mr. Rhodri Morgan and Miss Ann Widdecombe.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2018 Comments on Long-Term Empty Properties

    Rishi Sunak – 2018 Comments on Long-Term Empty Properties

    The comments made by Rishi Sunak, the then Communities Minister, on 28 March 2018.

    It is simply wrong that, while there are 200,000 long-term empty properties across the country, thousands of families are desperate for a secure place to call home.

    This new power will equip councils with the tools they need to encourage owners of long-term empty properties to bring them back into use – and at the same time tackle the harmful effect they have on communities through squatting, vandalism and anti-social behaviour.