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  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Closing Remarks at the International Expert Conference on the Recovery, Reconstruction and Modernisation of Ukraine

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Closing Remarks at the International Expert Conference on the Recovery, Reconstruction and Modernisation of Ukraine

    The closing remarks made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 25 October 2022.

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    This was an excellent conference and I really thank you for all the contributions, all the wisdom, all the expertise that you brought to the table. The main message of the day for me today is that Ukraine has everything it takes for a successful reconstruction. It has determination; it has a vibrant civil society; many friends around the globe who want to support – this was visible today; and an impressively resilient economic base despite this atrocious war – for example the Ukrainian banking sector or the IT sector.

    For me, dear Denys, the level of digitalisation that you have in Ukraine is always impressive. Listen to this: After Estonia, Ukraine is probably the most digitised country in Europe – and that is something. This really allows public services to function despite the war. And this is our daily experience in the Commission when we work together with you: You have a functioning administration despite a war around you. This is basically because you are so much digitised. I do not want to reflect on the topics that we have mentioned this morning in the welcome addresses anymore. But allow me to focus on a few takeaways from today’s discussion.

    The first one is: Give ownership to the locals, creating trust in the reconstruction process. It was interesting for me to hear that the original Marshall Plan was successful because independent experts were embedded into ministries. They ensure transparency over key decisions. And we know money cannot solve everything, you need the right institutions. So scrutiny is not only needed to ensure good governance but also – and that was interesting for me – to monitor the influence of donors. And Ukraine’s civil society is well equipped to take over this role.

    My second takeaway: To tap into the full power of Ukraine’s human capital and to accelerate the green and the digital transition, there should be continuity of decentralisation. Because the regions and the municipalities are also economic powerhouses. This decentralisation, together with the necessary judicial and anti-corruption reforms, would of course also facilitate private investment across the country.

    The third point: Reconstruction linked with a dynamic EU accession process can function as a catalyst, as it was said here today, for necessary reforms and at the same time – and this is certainly true – as a strong motivator to implement these reforms. Because there is a goal you want to go to and therefore you understand why you have to do these reforms.

    The fourth point, which is self-explanatory, a new Marshall Plan for Ukraine has to match the European Green Deal. This is the opportunity to leapfrog into a modern, competitive and sustainable economy.

    I like the fifth point that I came across: Donors’ coordination should prevail over donors’ competition. And the better the reconstruction plan is explained, the easier it is for donors to contribute.

    Finally, today, and that is absolutely clear, we saw that we will be in this for a long time. Support fatigue might be a challenge. But one participant brought up an interesting counter-argument, it is about the importance of communication. She mentioned that politics cannot and should not be separated from the reconstruction process.

    Putin’s brutality is causing tremendous suffering and destruction in Ukraine. But at the same time, these ruthless deeds are backfiring. People’s disgust with Putin is a powerful recruiter for Ukraine’s rehabilitation efforts. It fuels the new Marshall Plan. And Denys, I must say that, when I listened to you this morning, I was again really moved and touched by the pictures, the videos you showed us. This is the reality on the ground that you are experiencing every day. But when you see it again, it really touches you. And the way President Zelenskyy and you are communicating to the public is contributing a lot to keep Ukraine on top of the world’s agenda and to mobilise lasting support for your country on the world stage. And Ukraine deserves it.

    Slava Ukraini.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Opening Remarks at the International Expert Conference on the Recovery, Reconstruction and Modernisation of Ukraine

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Opening Remarks at the International Expert Conference on the Recovery, Reconstruction and Modernisation of Ukraine

    The opening remarks made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 25 October 2022.

    Herr Bundeskanzler,

    Herr Bundespräsident Cassis,

    Prime Minister Shmyhal, dear Denys,

    Prime Minister Morawiecki,

    Ministers,

    Excellencies,

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    Distinguished friends of Ukraine,

    We want to discuss the reconstruction of Ukraine today. Thousands of destroyed houses. Several hundred schools turned to rubble. Countless bridges, roads, power stations, railway infrastructure and industry bombed. For Ukrainians, these are not just statistics. This is their everyday experience. It is about having a roof over their heads, a warm place in the winter and classrooms where their children are safe. It is about going to work, bringing food home, and making a living. These are hard, scary and painful days for Ukrainians. But Ukrainians are showing us that they have hope and confidence in the future, and they will keep fighting for it. And it is their future that brings us here today.

    Europe has been supporting Ukraine from day one. We can never match the sacrifices Ukrainians are making every day. But we can stand by their side. We have introduced the toughest sanctions against Russia. Overall, the European Union, Member States and European financial institutions have provided Ukraine with more than EUR 19 billion in assistance, and this is without military assistance. We are working hard to increase Ukraine’s access to our Single Market, because this creates revenues for Ukraine. And what is more, Europeans have opened their hearts and their homes to more than eight million Ukrainians who have fled Putin’s bombs and four million Ukrainians who asked for temporary protection in our Member States. And I would like to thank the millions of citizens who are giving the most noble help to their neighbours in need. This is Europe at its best. Today, we want to discuss how to step up our ongoing support for Ukrainians, and how to make the reconstruction of their beautiful country a resounding success.

    For me, three points are key. First, we need to make sure that Ukraine at all times gets the support it needs – from relief, to rehabilitation, to long-term reconstruction. Second, we need the right architecture in place to make support as broad and as inclusive as possible. And third, as Ukraine has achieved candidate status to access the European Union, we need to firmly embed Ukraine’s reconstruction efforts as part of its path towards the European Union.

    Let us have a look at the first point: And that is Ukraine needs relief, fast rehabilitation and reconstruction. Relief for the daily survival. To be able to pay the bare minimum every single day: salaries for military and security forces, salaries for teachers and doctors in the hospitals and in the countryside, pensions for the pensioners and other indispensable payments. According to the international financial institutions and Ukraine, there is a need of EUR 3 to 5 billion a month just to cover these recurrent running costs. Here, reliable support is needed from the European Union, from our friends in the United States and of course from the international financial institutions. I believe it is only right if the European Union assumes its fair share. I am working with our Member States so that the Union could support Ukraine with up to EUR 1.5 billion every month of the war, which would be in sum round about EUR 18 billion in 2023.

    In parallel, Ukraine needs fast rehabilitation right now, as we speak, especially as Russia is deliberately leading targeted attacks on civilian infrastructure with the very clear aim to cut off men, women and children of water, electricity and heating as the winter is approaching. These are pure acts of terror, and Russia tries to paralyse Ukraine. But we will not let this happen. In addition, we know that there are around 11 million internally displaced people in Ukraine. They need shelter, heating, water and electricity. Their children need to go to school. Therefore, we need to repair houses, schools and infrastructure already right now. As European Commission, we have announced to support this rehabilitation of damaged Ukrainian schools or the repair of electricity infrastructure. And through the Union Civil Protection Mechanism, we have provided tents and over 600,000 items for shelter. But we all know that more has to be done. This phase of fast rehabilitation is essential to ensure that life can continue in Ukraine.

    This brings me to our overall important topic of today, and that is the reconstruction effort. At the Lugano Reconstruction Conference, representatives from more than 40 countries and international organisations agreed on the so-called Lugano principles: Ukraine owned; reform focused; transparency, accountability and rule of law; democratic participation; gender equality and inclusion; and sustainability. I think these are very good principles. But now we have to fill them with life. For doing that, we need the best and the brightest on reconstruction. That is why we have invited you.

    Now it is time to bring the platform to action, together with the international donors, international businesses and, of course, civil society. We have no time to waste. The scale of destruction is staggering. The World Bank puts the cost of the damage at EUR 350 billion. This is for sure more than one country or one Union can provide alone. We need all hands on deck. The G7, the European Union, Europe, strong partners like the United States, Canada, Japan, the UK, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and many more. And of course, we need the expertise of our partners from the European Investment Bank and the EBRD to the World Bank and the IMF. We will discuss today how to involve these sectors and actors, how to map investment needs, how to coordinate action, and, of course, how to channel resources in a reliable and accountable way. The coordination platform that the international community has been discussing in the past months needs to get off the ground as soon as possible, preferably before the end of the year or early next year. We stand ready to offer the European Commission to provide the secretariat to the platform. We want the work to start and to be done.

    That leads me to my final point. Ukraine will be in the lead. I think this is paramount. Because our action will be driven by the aspirations and the desires of the Ukrainian people. And Ukraine has a very clear vision and decided to become member of the European Union. Ukraine has achieved candidate status. And with the ongoing relief and rehabilitation, Ukraine will combine investment and reforms with the aim to become a vibrant part of Europe’s sustainable and digital future. With the laws and institutions in place, to uphold the rule of law, to fight corruption and to have good governance standards of all partner countries and our European Union. Because the road to reconstruction is at the same time Ukraine’s path towards its vision. It is a strong anchor to become a modern and prosperous country.

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    For all this, we need you. We need you and your expertise, your insights that are key for us to succeed. This is why I am specially looking forward to this Conference today. From the bottom of my heart, I thank you for being here with us. Every euro, every dollar, every pound, every yen we spend is an investment in Ukraine but it is also an investment in the democratic values around the globe. And all this is urgently needed. But it is also a statement, if we are successful with that. It is a statement that the free and democratic nations of this world stand together, and that we stand up for our values. The courageous Ukrainian men and women are fighting for their independence but they are also fighting for the international order. And we will stand by their side as long as it takes.

    Slava Ukraini. Long live Europe.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech at the Grand Challenges Annual Meeting

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech at the Grand Challenges Annual Meeting

    The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 24 October 2022.

    Dear Prime Minister De Croo,

    Dear Bill Gates,

    Distinguished guests,

    It is so good to see you again Bill, because the last time we met was just a month ago in New York at the Global Goalkeepers event. I was very moved by your foundation’s recognition of Europe’s leadership on global health and the fight against the COVID-19. The award is truly a collective one. It belongs to all Europeans who showed such dedication during the pandemic – from the frontline workers in our hospitals and essential services, to the scientists who developed the life-saving vaccines.

    Today, we are joined by many of you here, from around the world, who are committed to global health and equity. So I would like to use this occasion to reflect on the experience of the pandemic, not from a medical point of view but from the point of view of a policymaker. And I would like to give a sober assessment of what I think went well and where we need to do better in future. I have six lessons that we took.

    The first lesson, not surprisingly, is the utmost importance of solidarity and cooperation. Let me start with the European experience. When the COVID-19 virus made landfall in Europe, things got really tough at the beginning. Some Member States chose to close their borders for life-saving material and equipment. There was painful competition for protective equipment, ventilators and other medical supplies between the different Member States. Vaccine nationalism became the norm around the world. I can tell you – we Europeans had our tough and painful public discussions. But at a certain point, the European Union decided to take a different path – the path of solidarity and openness. We convinced Member States not to close their borders but to share equipment and personnel. We decided to buy vaccines together and not to compete with each other. We started the vaccination campaign on the exact same day in all our 27 Member States – yes, we started with low numbers, and that was heavily criticised, but we had a fair distribution. Regardless whether you are a larger Member State or a small one, a wealthy one or a not so wealthy one. We decided not to close our borders for vaccine exports but to introduce a transparency mechanism. And at this point, many, many thanks to you Prime Minister, dear Alexander De Croo. You have been insisting on staying open for exports because you knew how important that is for the trust of the pharmaceutical industry, depending on where they are located. Today, over 80% of the European Union’s adult population is fully vaccinated. While at the same time, we have exported two-thirds of the vaccines produced in Europe to the rest of the world. Solidarity and openness were the absolute pre-conditions to this success.

    My second lesson: Science does not exist in a vacuum. I believe it was no coincidence that the safest and most effective vaccines were developed and rolled out rapidly in open societies. Science depends on cooperation, it depends on education, on the protection of intellectual property rights, of course on proper data sharing. But it also depends on individual mobility for example, freedom to move, and of course on the regulatory environment and on translating results into products, services and policies. All these factors empower scientists to do their best work, and enable society to reap the benefits. My colleagues and I benefited enormously from the collective wisdom of scientific advice – from you, Professor Peter Piot, you were my personal COVID-19 advisor, the way you gave me guidance and advise on a daily basis was outstanding; from my group of COVID-19 science advisors, handpicked by you, Peter; and also from the platform of 27 Member State government advisors we created. So it is transparency and accountability, our freedom of speech and the freedom of science that enable good policymaking and innovation. These are the values that democratic societies depend on and nurture. So it was democracies that developed the life-saving effective vaccines and that were best able to support their citizens when they needed our help the most.

    My third lesson is about the miracle of vaccines themselves. As a medical doctor by training, the importance of research and development is not news to me. But the pandemic made it very real for all of us. As you know, the outstanding mRNA vaccines did not come out of the blue. Their discovery, like all innovation, relies on long-term investment in scientists and their research. In fact, the European Commission had been investing in mRNA vaccine research since the early 2010s. However, in Europe we did not have a BARDA, like in the United States, which prepares for the case of an emergency. I must say, this was an obvious disadvantage. So we learnt it the rough way. And during the pandemic, we created HERA to anticipate threats and potential health crises. HERA works closely with our Horizon Europe research programme to close the circle from blue sky discovery all the way to scaling up life-saving measures.

    Global cooperation in research and development is crucial for discovery. That is why, for example, HERA and CEPI – the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations – have recently signed a letter of intent. They will cooperate on developing next generation vaccines, including for COVID-19, as part of our Vaccines 2.0 Strategy. Horizon Europe is providing on a yearly basis contributions of EUR 35 million. And I am very pleased that our clinical trials partnership for HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria between European and developing countries has recently agreed to co-run calls for proposals with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.

    Which takes me to lesson four: manufacturing capacity. Having safe and effective vaccines is not enough – we all know that. We badly needed manufacturing capacity, as well as open supply chains. I vividly remember that, at the height of the pandemic, we saw shortages of all kinds across the whole vaccine value chain, from bioreactor bags to vials, from lipids to even syringes. So we set up a Task Force to work with industry, with global partners, to remove these bottlenecks. This helped ramp up the monthly production capacity in the European Union, from 20 million vaccine doses per month at the beginning of 2021 to around 300 million vaccine doses per month by the second half of the year. Having learnt this lesson, we have now set up the EU-FAB, which is an ever-warm network of production capacities to quickly ramp up vaccines production in the future.

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    So far Europe has sent more than 2.5 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses to 168 countries worldwide. This is our fifth lesson: cooperation and solidarity must be global. At the start of the pandemic, there was no appropriate global framework to allow for fair sharing of vaccines and other medical countermeasures. So we helped set up the ACT-Accelerator and COVAX, which we financed with EUR 3 billion, and we donated half a billion vaccine doses to lower-income countries. But clearly, this was not a sufficient approach, more had to be done and more can be done. This is why we took a different approach now. We are supporting developing countries directly: through financing, through regulatory capacity-building, and technology transfer, to build up their own vaccine manufacturing capacity. We are working with Senegal, Rwanda, South Africa and Ghana to produce mRNA vaccines that are made in Africa, for Africans. And we are taking a similar approach now with Latin America. They have been asking us to do the same. And of course, we responded positively. Because this is the way to go. Regional resilience is the solution that builds global health resilience.

    The sixth and final lesson concerns, indeed, the global health system. Over the years, global health has been consistently underfunded and neglected. Not by the likes of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, which is doing exemplary work, but by the governments. The key is to be prepared, and this means keeping up the investment and keeping the focus in global health, at all times. Even now, in these difficult times, with a completely different focus. I am glad that we finally agreed to create a Pandemic Preparedness and Response Fund. The European Commission, together with the United States, have each committed USD 450 million. And this is just the start. With this reinforced funding, we will step up globally the surveillance of cross-border health threats, the strengthening of health systems, and most importantly the support in training and education.

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    I know we still have a long way to go, but thanks to all of you and your dedication to global health and equity, I believe we are on the right track. Next month, the European Commission will bring forward the EU Global Health Strategy – it is our proposal to the world on how to work better together in partnership, to advance the common goal of global health. And of course, it will draw on the lessons I have just outlined to you. I look forward to continuing our close work together. And I wish you a rewarding and thoughtful conference.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech at the European Parliament Plenary on the preparation of the European Council meeting

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech at the European Parliament Plenary on the preparation of the European Council meeting

    The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 19 October 2022.

    Dear Minister Bek,

    Honourable Members,

    Yesterday, we saw again Russia’s targeted attacks against civilian infrastructure. This is marking a new chapter in an already very cruel war. The international order is very clear. These are war crimes. Targeted attacks on civilian infrastructure with the clear aim to cut off men, women, children from water, electricity and heating with the winter coming – these are acts of pure terror. And we have to call it as such.

    This is the moment to stay the course. We will back Ukraine for as long as it takes. And we will protect Europeans from the other war that Putin is waging – this is his war on our energy. I know that Europeans are concerned; concerned about inflation; concerned about their energy bills; concerned about the winter. The best response to Putin’s gas blackmail is European solidarity and European unity.

    In this spirit, the Commission agreed yesterday on a strong legislative framework to address the energy crisis. Let me outline the main points to you.

    The first one is as logical as important: Instead of outbidding each other, Europeans should buy gas together. This is very simple. For this, we will purchase together gas at EU level. Aggregation of demand will be mandatory for at least 15% of the volumes needed to fill gas storages. And the companies involved may form a ‘gas purchasing consortium’. We do this because we have learnt the lesson. We literally saw in August of this year, at the height of the filling season, how Member States were outbidding each other and thus really driving up the prices. We definitely can be smarter on that one. Pooling our demand is a must.

    My next point is about sharing gas in Europe. We know that some Member States are more directly exposed than others to Russian gas. The situation is especially challenging for landlocked countries in Central Europe. But in the end, if you look at our Single Market with highly integrated supply chains, a disruption in one Member State has a massive impact on all Member States. So, sharing gas is absolutely critical. Member States have already, since five years, an obligation under EU law to conclude solidarity agreements with their neighbours in their home region. However, if you look at what has been concluded so far, of 40 possible agreements only 6 have been concluded. This is simply not enough in times of a crisis like this one. This is why we will put in place default rules for Member States. These rules will be binding, as long as Member States do not conclude individual solidarity agreements. Energy solidarity is a fundamental principle of our Treaties, so let us bring that to life, it is very simple.

    Honourable Members,

    These three measures – pooling, saving, sharing – will have a positive impact on the prices. But of course, more needs to be done to address the price spikes and to address the Russian manipulation of the energy market. Just to give you two figures: Compared to September 2021, if we look now at September 2022, Russia has cut 80% of its pipeline gas supplies. But Europe has been able to compensate all that. We have diversified towards our trusted partners, like for example Norway and the United States. We have increased the savings. And it is good, we achieved in September a reduction of 15%. We have filled our storages up to 92%. We did not give in to this blackmail. We made it. And I think we can be proud of that. We resisted. That is important. But we also see that resisting the Russian energy coercion comes at a price. European families have seen their gas bills skyrocketing. And our companies are struggling to keep up competitiveness. It is not only about the competitiveness in the Single Market – that is also important. But it is also about the global competiveness that our companies are fighting for.

    You might recall that in March, we proposed to the Council the option to cap gas prices. At that time, this did not gain any traction. But today, we are coming back to this. So what is the model? The current benchmark determining gas prices is TTF. TTF is only focused on pipeline gas. What we see now is that the market has really changed, from a pipeline gas market to a LNG market. So we need a new, a specific price benchmark for LNG. The Commission will now develop this complementary benchmark together with the European regulator. But this takes time. So in the meantime, as a stop-gap measure, we will limit prices at TTF. We call this the market correction mechanism. Yesterday, we proposed guiding principles as a first step. On this basis, we will prepare the operational mechanism in a second step. This is concerning the price cap at wholesale level.

    But gas also drives up the electricity prices. And here, the Iberian model comes into play. It really merits to be considered at EU level. There are still questions to be answered, but I want to leave no stone unturned. So let us face that, let us look at that and let us work on that.

    Honourable Members,

    We live in times of high economic uncertainty. And, as I said, I am concerned about the competitiveness of our economy – not only concerning the Single Market, but also concerning the global competitiveness of our economy. So, all our actions have to take this into account, all our actions have to take the competitiveness of our SMEs and our industry into account. This includes that we will introduce a standard competitiveness-check in our regulation. I think it is time to do that. In addition, we have to speed up investments all over Europe. If I speak about investment, it is infrastructure, it is energy efficiency and it is renewables.

    This brings me to REPowerEU. When we proposed REPowerEU in March, keep in mind that the situation was as such: There was a huge dependency on Russian gas. At that time, we anticipated that it would take several years to replace the Russian gas. Fact is today, it took us only eight months to replace two-thirds. In other words: We have massively accelerated the diversification to other suppliers of gas from abroad. But this comes at a high price. So the actual solution to maintain our competitiveness is to invest into home-grown sources of energy, especially renewables. That has to happen in all of Europe. However, only Member States with sufficient fiscal space can undertake these critical investments. This will inevitably unlevel the playing field of our Single Market.

    Therefore, we do not only need REPowerEU now, so we have to accelerate it, but we have to boost it, we have to increase its firepower. We will come with a proposal on that because it will give every Member State the same opportunity to prepare for the future. This is not only about energy, this is about our global competitiveness and it is about our sovereignty.

    Long live Europe.

    Many thanks.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech at the Tallinn Digital Summit

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech at the Tallinn Digital Summit

    The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 10 October 2022.

    My dear Kaja, dear Prime Minister Kallas,

    Prime Minister Ngirente,

    Excellencies,

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    I am very glad to join you here today in Tallinn at the Digital Summit. Here in Estonia, the keyword of this conference – ‘connectivity’ – has a very special sound. You have next door a country that is trying to use our interconnections as a weapon against us. Because Russia is not only waging war on Ukraine. Russia is waging war on our energy, on our democracies and on our values. Estonia – like many of the Baltic States – has been warning Europe for years about the dangers of our dependency on Russian fossil fuels. You were right, and Europe should have followed your example earlier. Ever since you broke free from Soviet rule, you have been working very hard to get rid of Russian fossil fuels and to disconnect from the Russian grid. You have invested heavily in renewable energy, in LNG terminals, in new interconnectors with the rest of Europe. And on top, you have become global leaders in cybersecurity and in the digital field.

    Today, you are standing strong before a hostile neighbour. So from a small country like yours, comes a great example for our entire European Union. This must be a lesson for all of us, especially as the war in Ukraine has now entered a new phase. Faced with the brave Ukrainian resistance, the Kremlin has once again escalated its aggression to a new level. Putin has launched Russia’s first mobilisation since World War II. He has used sham referenda in an illegal attempt to change international borders by force. All of this, while redoubling his efforts to destabilise global energy security. But this will only strengthen our resolve to support Ukraine for as long as it takes. But this new phase of the war also calls for renewed action on our energy independence, on our infrastructure, and on building new partnerships with the rest of the world. In short, it calls for a new investment into trusted connectivity.

    Today, I would like to focus on three issues in particular. The first one is: We need to protect our critical infrastructure. The second topic is: We need to keep replacing unsustainable dependency with more balanced cooperation. And the third topic is: We need to continue to build trust in global connectivity.

    Let me begin with the physical infrastructure that underpins connectivity. The acts of sabotage against the Nord Stream pipelines have shown how vulnerable our critical infrastructure is. Pipelines and underwater cables connect European citizens and the companies across the world. They are the lifelines of financial markets and global trade. And they are essential for services such as modern healthcare, for example, or energy. Submarine fibre-optic cables carry 99% of global internet traffic. And now, for the very first time in modern European history, this infrastructure has become a target. So the task ahead of us is clear: We need to better protect our lifelines of the world economy.

    We have carved out five different strands of actions. Let me briefly reflect on them with you here. First of all, of course, we must be better prepared. The good news is that we have brand-new European legislation, which will strengthen the resilience of critical EU entities. With this new legislation that was done under the French Presidency, what we have to do now is implement it, put it on the ground, that it is really working and developing a track record. Second, we need to stress test our infrastructure. We need to identify the weak points and prepare our reaction to sudden disruptions. We all know how important stress tests are to make sure that everyone knows what to do in case of emergency. We will work with the Member States to do these stress tests in the field of energy and other high-risk sectors, such as offshore digital and electricity infrastructure, for example. The third point is: We will increase our capacity on the European level to respond through our Civil Protection Mechanism, if needed. With this, we can support Member States in case of disruption of critical infrastructure with very practical things – like fuel supplies, generators, shelter capacity. All these things have to be in place. And then, we will make best use of our satellite surveillance capacity to detect potential threats. We have this capacity, we should use it much more to really know what is going on in the different areas of our critical infrastructure. And last but not least, we will strengthen cooperation, of course, with NATO on this subject and partners, like for example our American friends. Critical infrastructure is the new frontier of warfare. And Europe will be prepared.

    In the same spirit, we have to step up our support to our Ukrainian friends. Time and again – you have watched and you have been witnessing this in the last months – Russia has been trying to take down Ukraine’s IT systems. Therefore, the European Union has mobilised financial support for emergency cybersecurity to Ukraine. We have helped move government servers to safe locations. And this direct assistance is multiplied by Member States. Many thanks also to our host, Estonia, you have done a great job on that one. I know you have done a great job on that one because you understand very well, by bitter experience, that in the struggle between democracy and autocracy, the digital sphere is not a sideshow, but it is the front line. This is the critical infrastructure and the question of how we can better prepare to protect the physical infrastructure.

    Let me move on to the second point which is that we have to replace unsustainable dependencies, which we do have, with balanced cooperation that we want with trusted partners. For that, we have to double down on our positive engagement with the rest of the world and continue to act in a spirit of openness, of cooperation, and of trust – that is the motto of this Summit. Just last year, just to give you some examples, we inaugurated the EllaLink transatlantic cable, connecting Europe with Latin America – revolutionary. And we are now deploying a new fibre-optic cable under the Black Sea. It will diversify internet access across Central Asia and reduce dependency on terrestrial cables that go through Russia. This project is one of the typical projects of Global Gateway – we have heard already a lot about it. Global Gateway, as you know, is our big investment project of EUR 300 billion for investments abroad in trusted connectivity. And I am very glad to see here the Prime Minister of Rwanda. We have, for example, a typical Global Gateway project that is building up vaccination manufacturing capacity. With the experience of the pandemic, we have decided to say: ‘Listen, there needs to be manufacturing capacity of mRNA vaccines in Africa, not only for COVID-19 but potentially to later fight malaria, tuberculosis and other deadly diseases.’ And here we have done what is typical for Global Gateway: come with public money but also come with our legal framework, for example for pharmaceuticals, that has to be in place; attract private capital; have a partner on the ground that is working with us to make sure that the project develops. That is one of the typical projects we have and we need more infrastructure like this in our neighbourhood managed and funded through Global Gateway. We also need this kind of infrastructure to connect Ukraine, to connect Moldova, Georgia and the Western Balkans more tightly to our Union. And we can do it. We have the experience. We have shown this. Let me give you a typical example: It was about two weeks after Russia’s invasion that we successfully connected the European electrical grid with the Ukrainian electrical grid. They decoupled from Russia. That was a move, I was told before the war, that was planned for 2024 – so two years ahead of us. We were able to manage that and to do that in two weeks. These are exactly the projects that have to be done through Global Gateway. Here, we needed to really join forces, of course to invest massively, but we did within two weeks what was planned for two years. So now Ukraine is an important new exporter of electricity to the European Union that creates a revenue stream for Ukraine. And our Union can rely on electricity from Ukraine to help tackle the energy crisis. And in case of need, we can provide them with electricity.

    This is just one example in the broad attempt to get rid of Russian energy supplies. We have been working hard over the last seven months, since Russia invaded Ukraine – and we have been working with success to get rid of our dependency on Russian fossil fuels. We have completely cut off the supply of Russian coal. And if I can give you two figures concerning Russian gas: Last year, of all the gas imported to the European Union, 40% was Russian gas. In seven months, we have been able to decrease that dependency down to only 7.5% of Russian gas in the overall supply of European gas from abroad. Again, crucial was here to have the right infrastructure in place. And the good news is that Europe is making more progress by the day. The speed is accelerating because the pressure is high, and that is good. Just some days ago, we inaugurated a new gas interconnector between Bulgaria and Greece. It brings gas from Azerbaijan, and from Mediterranean LNG terminals, not only via Greece to Bulgaria but also to Romania, Serbia and North Macedonia. These examples, these interconnections are game changers for Europe’s energy supply and energy security. This means access to trusted and reliable sources of energy everywhere in our Union. And it means freedom from Russian dependency and freedom from Russian blackmail.

    Dear Kaja, you were so right when you were reminding us of the real price tag that is attached to dependency on Russia. You have been describing it in your introductory remarks. We need to keep this firmly in mind as we transition to renewable sources of energy. Because, yes, it comes with an investment but it is worth it. Because if you look at the dependency, and the price tag that is coming with the dependency, it is much more needed to get rid of this dependency, invest in renewables and find your independence. Every kilowatt-hour of electricity or energy that we receive from solar or wind is not only good for our climate – it is also good for our climate and it is necessary – but it is good for our independence and our security of supply. If we invest more and more into renewables in the future, we have to be, also from the very start, vigilant and we have to be strategic. Because renewables – we want to produce them – often depend on scarce raw materials. And that is another topic that I want to raise here. You all know the magnets for wind turbines, the cells for solar panels, they all need rare minerals or rare raw materials, and you know the examples. By 2030, Europe’s demand for those rare earth metals will increase fivefold – five times what we use today, and today it is already a scarce resource. The first and foremost good news behind this fivefold increase is that it shows that our European Green Deal is moving fast. That is good news. The not so good news is that one country dominates the market: That is China. So we have to avoid falling into the same dependency on China – as we were with oil and gas from Russia. And we have to start now. That is why we are working on a European Critical Raw Materials Act. It will help to diversify our supply chains towards trusted partners – the motto of this Summit: ‘trusted connectivity’. And this will be another crucial domain for Global Gateway. Global Gateway will mobilise the public and private investment that is needed on the ground. Investments in projects abroad that connect us.

    But we also have to do our own homework. And let me switch to topics we sometimes do not look at enough. Let me take the topic of semiconductors, for example, which is a good example of our overarching theme of new forms of cooperation. As you all now, semiconductors are in every digital device, from cars to phones to medical equipment. Without chips – no modern economy. This is clear. Let me give an example, how crucial these semiconductors are in the daily life. We have sanctions: The export of semiconductors to Russia. We have banned all export of semiconductors. The impact of these sanctions is now very real and tangible on the ground in Russia. The Russian military for example cannibalises by now refrigerators and washing machines to take out the semiconductors, trying to get the semiconductors for their military hardware.

    Semiconductors are crucial. But not only for others, they are also crucial for us. Therefore, our aim is to increase our global market share to 20% by 2030. And we have all we need to achieve this. What are we doing? We have world-class research and testing facilities. This is attractive for investors – but not enough to create the necessary ecosystem. Thus, with our European Chips Act we have mobilised billions of investment for development, for mass production of next-generation chips. We have just approved, for example, the first state aid decision, giving the go-ahead to a EUR-730-million investment by a Franco-Italian company to build a new facility in Sicily. It will produce, for the very first time in Europe, large-scale silicon carbide wafers – the base of all semiconductors. And in the coming months, a trusted American company is set to break ground with its new chips plant in Germany – a EUR 17 billion investment. That is what trusted connectivity looks like in reality.

    That brings me to my third and final point: It is about trusted connectivity. Who defines the rules of the game? High-tech is great – but what is the purpose you use it for? Who is setting the standards? Who is setting the standards that will govern and protect our societies? Is it the market? Is it the government like in China? Or is it the human-centric approach that is our European approach? Think of the individual and his or her rights. Take the GDPR, as you know, born in Europe, it might not be perfect – but for the very first time the rules of the game have been defined. And now they are setting data protection and they are setting standards, from here not only in Europe, but also in Silicon Valley for example. They are the benchmark for data protection in Silicon Valley. Or take our Digital Markets and Digital Services Act. Here again, Europe is on the vanguard, bringing the rules of the analogue world into the digital world. For the very first time, there are clear rules on how to deal with topics like hate speech, disinformation, terrorist content online. We are doing the same for product cybersecurity, with a regulation proposed next month.

    Now, setting standards for Europe is good. But it is our engagement with our trusted partners that makes European standards finally global standards. This is one of the reasons for example why our work with the United States, and recently also with India, through our Trade and Technology Councils, is so important – set the standards with your friends. In addition, we have teamed up with the G7’s Partnership for Global Infrastructure – you were describing it, Kaja. With our combined package of USD 600 billion, we are leveraging not just our investments, that is important, but also our standard-setting power. Thus, step by step, we are re-anchoring the values- and rules-based order on firmer ground in a modern economy. Working with friends, working with partners through trusted connectivity. The Roman statesman, Cicero, famously said: ‘The shifts of fortune test the reliability of friends.’ I am glad to be amongst friends. For we cannot always control what history has in store for us. But we can shape our fortunes, we can influence it – by standing tall for our values, and by standing united with our trusted partners and our friends.

    Thank you very much.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Statement on Russian Attack on Ukrainian Civilians

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Statement on Russian Attack on Ukrainian Civilians

    The statement made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 10 October 2022.

    I am shocked and appalled by the vicious attacks on Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities. Russia once again has shown to the world what it stands for – it is terror and brutality. Those who are responsible have to be held accountable.

    We are mourning the victims and I send my heartfelt condolences to our Ukrainians friends. I know that Ukrainians will not be intimidated.

    And Ukrainians know that we will stand by their side, as long as it takes.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Comments on European Leaders’ Meeting

    Liz Truss – 2022 Comments on European Leaders’ Meeting

    The comments made by Liz Truss, the Prime Minister, on 6 October 2022.

    Leaders leave this summit with greater collective resolve to stand up to Russian aggression. What we have seen in Prague is a forceful show of solidarity with Ukraine, and for the principles of freedom and democracy.

    The UK will continue to work with our allies to deliver on the British people’s priorities, including ending our reliance on authoritarian regimes for energy and reducing costs for families, tackling people smuggling gangs, and standing up to tyrants.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Keynote Article on the Future of Europe

    Liz Truss – 2022 Keynote Article on the Future of Europe

    The article written by Liz Truss, the Prime Minister, published in The Times on 6 October 2022 and released as a press release by 10 Downing Street.

    Security, energy and migration are three of the most urgent priorities for the British people, so they are top of my agenda too. That’s why I am travelling to Prague for today’s European leaders’ meeting.

    These vital issues affect the whole of our continent, so it is right that we find common cause with our European friends and allies. It’s also why we want to see a strong voice for non-EU countries like Ukraine, Norway and Switzerland.

    Today’s meeting is not an EU construct or an EU alternative. I am very clear about that. It brings together governments from across Europe, around a third of whom are outside the EU. A post-Brexit Britain, as an independent country outside the EU, should be involved in discussions that affect the entire continent and all of us here at home. We are taking part as an independent sovereign nation, and we will act as one.

    Brexit was never about the UK stepping away from our proud and historic role as a leading nation in the region and beyond. We always believed we would find new ways of working that reflected our shared values and interests.

    Our actions in Ukraine have shown this to be true. No European country has done more than the UK to arm the Ukrainians in their fight for freedom and to lead the imposition of economic sanctions on Russia. Yet our actions are all the stronger because of the way that we collaborated with our European friends.

    We have worked with the EU through the G7 and helped Sweden and Finland with their accession to Nato, which remains the bedrock of our collective defence. We have co-operated militarily with European allies through the Joint Expeditionary Force. We are training Ukrainian soldiers together. And we are strengthening partnerships with other European friends, including Norway on energy security and Switzerland on science and research.

    So I welcome the opportunity to work with leaders from across the continent in this new forum. But this must not cut across the G7 and Nato, and it must not be a talking shop. I want to see concrete action and delivery on three key priorities.

    First, we must ensure that Putin is defeated. His attempts at mobilisation and annexation are a show of weakness. Ukraine’s counter offensive is succeeding, and Russia’s will is fracturing. This is the moment to redouble our resolve. The UK is sending £2.3 billion of military support to Ukraine this year — and we will match or exceed that next year.

    I will urge my European friends to continue to work with us in providing more weapons, imposing more sanctions, and backing Ukraine in pushing Russian forces out.

    Second, we must end our addiction to Russian hydrocarbons. Yesterday at the Conservative Party conference, I set out our plan for growth and the vital importance of becoming less reliant on authoritarians for our energy. It is right that we talk with our European allies about how we do that collectively. Putin is hoping he can divide us in a scramble for energy supplies. We must show him that he is wrong.

    The UK sends and receives both gas and electricity through the undersea cables and pipelines that link us with neighbours like France, Belgium and the Netherlands. Today we must all commit to keeping those connections open this winter so we keep the lights on across the continent.

    The UK will also play a leading role in protecting critical energy infrastructure. This week the Royal Navy deployed HMS Enterprise and HMS Somerset to work with Norway and our allies in the North and Norwegian Seas.

    Together, we will deter any threat to underwater pipelines.

    We must also act now to make sure we are never in this position again. We must usher in a new era of European energy independence, dramatically accelerating our own energy production. Today I will be discussing deeper bilateral nuclear co-operation with President Macron, including progress on Sizewell C. We are ready to work with our European friends to develop next-generation interconnectors in the North Sea. And I hope to make progress towards new partnerships on offshore wind, all of which will help to make the UK a net energy exporter by 2040.

    Third, we must use the opportunity of this forum to focus on migration. We are proud of the way that we have opened our homes to 130,000 Ukrainian refugees. But we need a stronger response to the crime gangs that exploit desperate people. Today we will be deepening our joint working with France, the Netherlands and other countries along the migration route to step up our collective response to this trans-national tragedy.

    I believe that with authoritarian states undermining stability and security around the world, democratic nations need to be bolder and more innovative in how they collaborate to ensure that our shared values prevail.

    It is in this spirit that I will join my fellow European leaders today and ensure that this new forum delivers for the British people.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech on Russia’s Escalation of its War of Aggression Against Ukraine

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech on Russia’s Escalation of its War of Aggression Against Ukraine

    The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 5 October 2022.

    Dear President Metsola, dear Roberta,

    Honourable Members,

    Since we last met to discuss the state of our Union, the Kremlin has escalated its aggression to a new level. Putin has launched Russia’s first mobilisation since World War II, treating hundreds of thousands of young Russians as cannon fodder. He uses sham referenda in an illegal attempt to change international borders by force. And since many months, he is using energy as a weapon. The Russian war causes economic and social hardship. It places a heavy burden on our citizens and on the economy in our Single Market. Rising energy costs in particular are leading to reduced purchasing power for citizens and loss of competitiveness for companies.

    Over the course of the last seven months, together with our Member States, we have already taken important steps. We have diminished our gas consumption by around 10%. Russian gas supplies have decreased from 40% to now down to 7.5% of pipeline gas. We have compensated this reduction by increased imports of LNG and pipeline gas, mainly from our reliable suppliers like the US and Norway. Gas storage in the EU is now at 90%. This is 15% higher than on the same day last year. In addition, three weeks ago in this hemicycle, I announced that we will skim the exceptional profits made by energy companies and use them to support vulnerable citizens and businesses. Last week, this has been enshrined in EU law. We achieved this in lightning speed, also thanks to the outstanding work of the Czech Presidency. And yesterday, the Council reached agreement on REPowerEU.

    So we have key instruments in place to make it through the winter – storage and savings; to jointly purchase gas – Platform; to get us out of the Russian grip ­­– agreement with US; to redistribute the windfall profits to support those in need – electricity emergency intervention; and to invest in the future – REPowerEU.

    The measures we have put in place provide us with a first buffer of protection. Thanks to these, we can and will now step up to the next level. I will lay out a roadmap in a letter to Leaders in view of our meeting in Prague later this week. It includes the following key components: We will step up our negotiations with trusted partners – for example with Norway – to dampen the price we pay for gas imports. As European Union, we have considerable market power. And many of our suppliers want to conclude deals with us, which are beneficial for both sides. We will also strengthen our Energy Platform. This is in our collective interest. We have to avoid a scenario where Member States are again outbidding each other on world markets and driving prices up for Europe.

    My next point is on gas prices. We use gas in three domains: industry, heating and electricity. Let me start with electricity. High gas prices are driving electricity prices. We have to limit this inflationary impact of gas on electricity – everywhere in Europe. This is why we are ready to discuss a cap on the price of gas that is used to generate electricity. This cap would also be a first step on the way to a structural reform of the electricity market.

    But we also have to look at gas prices beyond the electricity market. We will also work together with Member States to reduce gas prices and limit volatility and the impact of price manipulation by Russia. In March, we have already offered this as an option. We have said that it can give an important signal that the EU will not pay any price for gas. We qualified such a price cap as having an immediate impact on price levels. But that it entails drawbacks, in terms of security of supply of gas. The situation has critically evolved since then.

    Today, compared to March, more Member States are open for it and we are better prepared. Such a cap on gas prices must be designed properly to ensure security of supply. And it is a temporary solution to cater for the fact that the TTF – our main price benchmark – is no longer representative of our market that includes more LNG today. It is a temporary solution until a new EU price index ensuring a better functioning of the market is developed. The Commission has kick-started work on this.

    Honourable Members,

    These are far-reaching measures. I wholeheartedly agree with you when you say in the resolution you will adopt today that exceptional times require exceptional emergency measures, where the Union needs to act as jointly and united as ever. So, in pursuing our action, two things remain paramount: acting in unity and acting in solidarity. We need to protect the fundamentals of our economy, and in particular our Single Market. This is the strength of the European Union. That is where the wealth of the European Union comes from. Without a common European solution, we risk fragmentation. So it is paramount that we preserve a level playing field for all in the European Union.

    With REPowerEU, we have developed a crucial instrument to accelerate the transition to energy independence. It will allow to invest in infrastructure, like pipelines, interconnectors or renewables. And it allows to support businesses and households to invest in energy efficiency – like insulating houses or installing heat pumps. So I think we should further boost REPowerEU with additional funding. This way all European states can accelerate the necessary investments. We modernise the energy infrastructure. And we preserve the level playing field. And we secure our European competitiveness on global markets. And we have to do it as Europeans, together and jointly.

    Honourable Members,

    There is another pressing issue, which we have to address today. The acts of sabotage against Nord Stream pipelines have shown how vulnerable our energy infrastructure is. For the first time in recent history, it has become a target. Pipelines and underwater cables connect European citizens and companies to the world. They are the lifelines of data and energy. It is in the interest of all Europeans to better protect this critical infrastructure.

    For this, we will present a five-point plan. First, we must be better prepared. We have very recently agreed new legislation which will strengthen the resilience of critical EU entities. The responsible Parliament committee will be voting on it next week. And we can and should already now be working on this basis.

    Second, we need to stress test our infrastructure. We need to identify its weak points and prepare our reaction to sudden disruptions. We will work with Member States to ensure effective stress tests in the energy sector. This then should be followed by other high-risk sectors, such as offshore digital and electricity infrastructure.

    Third, we will increase our capacity to respond through our Union Civil Protection Mechanism already in place. With this, we can support Member States in addressing the disruption of critical infrastructure – for example, with fuel, generators or shelter capacity.

    Fourth, we will make best use of our satellite surveillance capacity to detect potential threats.

    And finally, we will strengthen cooperation with NATO and key partners like the US on this critical issue.

    Honourable Members,

    This war has entered a new phase. The Ukrainian army keeps reporting impressive successes in its fight against the aggressor. We all saw the images of deeply relieved people welcoming Ukrainian soldiers. And I could see with my own eyes, three weeks ago, that life has returned to Kyiv. Of course, it is the bravery of the Ukrainian people that made it possible. But Europe’s contribution has also made a huge difference. Our backing has helped Ukraine face down the invader. Only a strong and steadfast Europe will stop Putin. This is the moment to stay the course and support Ukraine as long as it takes.

    Long live Europe.

  • Ylva Johansson – 2022 Speech on General Visa Issuance in Relation to Russian Applicants

    Ylva Johansson – 2022 Speech on General Visa Issuance in Relation to Russian Applicants

    The speech made by Ylva Johansson, the EU Commissioner for Home Affairs, on 30 September 2022.

    Firstly I want to say – Putin cannot win, and will not win

    Every step he takes show we cannot trust him, we cannot deal with him or show weakness

    The recent ‘sham referenda’ in occupied Ukrainian and the mobilisation of Russian citizens confirm this.

    Now following the mobilisation order, we can see Russian citizen trying to enter  the EU.

    That is, from certain perspectives, understandable, they don’t want to go to war in another country that has been occupied by their leader.

    This said, avoiding the mobilisation does not necessarily equate to opposing the war as such. In addition, it cannot be excluded that Russian citizens trying to circumvent the mobilisation by getting into the EU, also constitute a threat to public policy, the internal security or the international relations of a Member State or the Union as a whole.

    That’s why, on our external borders we should be very vigilant regarding letting people from Russia in.

    We already abolished the VISA facilitation agreement, we adopted guidelines for Member States  – so already now it is very cumbersome and expensive to enter the EU from Russia as a tourist.

    Now we take one more step.

    We must ensure the security of Europe and its citizens.

    We have to keep in mind – to come to Europe is a privilege, not a fundamental right.

    We should stay open, of course, to dissidents, journalists independent from the Russian government.

    These are bravely and actively opposing the  Putin Regime.

    But we should very carefully scrutinize case by case every application.

    And we must take the geopolitical aspects into account.

    What is new in the Guidance?

    The Guidance we are adopting  today covers both Visas and the management of External Borders

    1. On Visas we have updated our previous guidance
    1. New visas
    • Stricter assessments and security over new visas
      • Schengen visas are issued for short stays of 90 days cannot cannot provide a long-term solution for Russian citizens seeking to avoid mobilisation.
      • For Schengen visas we have restricted our approach for all Russians, including for Russian citizens escaping the military mobilisation order.
      • MS should apply a strict approach assessing the justification of the journey.
      • It should be ascertained whether there are reasonable doubts as to the reliability of the statements made by the applicant or his/her intention to leave the territory of the MS before the expiry of the visa applied for.
      • This is without prejudice to the right of such individuals to seek international protection under the EU asylum laws or the possibility to apply for national long-stay visas or residence permits at EU consulates.
    • Restrictive approach of place of visa application
      • Following President Putin’s military mobilisation order, significant numbers of Russian conscripts have fled to neighbouring and other countries with the aim to avoid the Russian army. There are widespread expectations that many will seek to obtain Schengen visas in view of continuing their journey inside the EU.
      • In our guidance we make it clear that – pursuant to Article 6 of the Visa Code – applications should only be examined by the consulate of the competent MS in whose jurisdiction the applicant legally resides.
      • On this basis Member States should not accept Schengen visa applications from citizens of the Russian Federation that are present in a third country, such as for example  Georgia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Serbia, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates etc.  for short stay or for purposes of transit.
      • Such applicants should be directed to the consulate competent for their place of residence, normally in the Russian Federation.
      • Exceptions can be made in cases of hardship and for humanitarian reasons (e.g. family visits due to sudden serious illness of a relative residing in the EU, dissidents, human rights defenders).
    • Confirms the humanitarian exceptions and clarifies its individual application
      • The Visa Code contains derogatory provisions allowing for the issuing of short stay  visas on humanitarian grounds, for reasons of national interest or because of international obligations.
      • This is relevant, for instance, in case of visa applications lodged by dissidents, independent journalists, human rights defenders and representatives of civil society organisations and their close family members, that are not controlled by the government of the Russian Federation and their close family members.
      • Member States should apply these derogatory provisions after a thorough assessment. It is therefore up to Member States, based on an individual examination, to assess if applications by Russian citizens can qualify as falling under the category “humanitarian grounds”. There is no unique set of documents that would prove that a person qualifies for a visa on humanitarian grounds, because individual circumstances differ too widely and need a case-by-case assessment.
    1. Revocation and annulment of valid visas
    • Stricter scrutiny of valid visas irrespective of the issuing Member State
      • MS should also adopt a strict approach with respect to reassessing visas already issued to any citizen of the Russian Federation, similarly to the principles applied when assessing new visa applications
      • In case there are grounds for annulment/revocation, such a decision may be taken by the border guard irrespective of the visa issuing MS. The authority should inform the issuing MS accordingly as well as affix the corresponding stamp on the visa sticker and enter the information on the annulment/revocation in the Visa Information System.  
    1. Guidelines on controls of Russian citizens at the external borders (Schengen Border Code)
    1. Coordinated and through checks at the external borders to ensure protection of the Schengen area

    Coordinated strong checks at the EU external borders protect not only security in the MS concerned, but also the integrity of the Schengen area as a whole.

    Coherent and comprehensive checks of Russian citizens

    • Border guards at all the border crossing points at the external borders should assess in a coherent fashion whether a Russian citizen crossing the EU’s external border fulfils the entry conditions into the Schengen area. This is to avoid that an applicant who has been denied entry by a Member State is admitted by another one.
    • In accordance with Article 30 of the Visa Code, the mere possession of a visa does not confer an automatic right of entry into the Schengen area.
    • If the entry of a Russian citizen is refused on the grounds that they are considered to pose a threat to the public policy or internal security of the MS entry should be refused.
    • With a view to carrying out such an individual assessment, border guards should notably conduct a thorough interview with a Russian citizen seeking to enter the Schengen area. In addition to a check on the basis of travel document data, a check using fingerprints in the Schengen Information System should be carried out, to also detect alerts on persons using false or unknown identities.
    • In this context, border guards should also take into account that allowing a Russian citizen to enter the Schengen area at a time when their country of origin is engaging in an illegal military aggression against an EU candidate country, could seriously harm the international relations of any MS with Ukraine, with another MS, or the EU as such. Therefore, the Commission recommends that border guard authorities consider the current geopolitical context when carrying out their case-by-case assessment. In light of the additional workload this reinforced scrutiny will lead to, Member States are encouraged to transfer additional staff to the border guards force located at the external borders concerned.

    However, the heightened scrutiny must not lead to denying entry to persons that have a legitimate interest to leave the Russian and should be performed in a way that preserve the right to seek asylum and prevents risks of non refoulement.

    Carriers Liability

    The carriers are obliged to immediately assume responsibility for third-country nationals who are refused entry into the territory of one of the MS. r.

    It is therefore important that carriers remain vigilant when verifying the presence of travel documents required for entry. The Member States are encouraged to offer practical support to the carriers in this regard.

    Monitoring

    The Commission will closely monitor the implementation of these new guidelines, in particular through the Blueprint Network. We will also discuss their implementation with Member States in the context of IPCR and adapt them in accordance with the evolving reality on the ground.