Category: Attack on Ukraine

  • Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Statement on the Situation in Ukraine (02/06/2022) – 99 days

    Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Statement on the Situation in Ukraine (02/06/2022) – 99 days

    The statement made by Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, on 2 June 2022.

    Ukrainians!

    Our defenders!

    We have three important pieces of news. First, the European Union is gradually moving towards the implementation of the sixth sanctions package. Frankly, achieving this is very difficult. Because this sanctions package is primarily about oil.

    Finally, the world is giving up Russian oil. Moreover, other countries, which produce much better and lighter oil, are preparing to replace Russian supplies. Therefore, huge revenues are lost for the aggressor state in this sphere.

    Of course, Russia is constantly trying to counter this. It has long enjoyed the flow of petrodollars and does not want to be weaned off it. But it has to. It has to get used to the fact that a very painful reduction in income is an inevitable consequence of the war for its culprit, for the Russian state.

    The second piece of news is that the United States has confirmed at various levels that modern HIMARS are being sent to our country. These weapons will really help save the lives of our people and protect our land.

    I am grateful to President Biden, all our American friends, and the people of the United States for their support. We are looking forward to it.

    We also expect good news about the supply of weapons from other partners. For example, today we have a new package of defense aid from Sweden. I am very grateful to the leadership of this state.

    We are working to bring the supply of modern combat systems to a much higher level.

    Third, more and more embassies resume their full-fledged activities in Kyiv. As of today, there are already 50 of them. This is very important not only in practice – for the work of diplomats, but also on a symbolic level. Every new embassy that returns to our capital is a testament to the faith in our victory. Faith that Ukraine will be able to defend its statehood in this war unleashed on our land by the Russian Federation.

    A new and, I think, very important and beautiful tradition was launched today. From now on, the ceremony of presenting credentials by ambassadors of foreign countries who start their mission in Ukraine will take place not just in Kyiv, but on the territory of our St. Sophia Cathedral.

    And the first ambassadors that presented credentials today in such a new ceremony were the ambassadors of Moldova, India and the United States.

    Why there? Why in Sophia? Because it is the sacred, historical and statehood center of our people. Receiving the credentials of the ambassadors there, we demonstrate who the Ukrainians are, what we are and what is behind us. We hereby express our highest respect to the representatives of other nations. We open up to them. And at the same time we show that we expect from them the same respect, the same sincerity to the Ukrainian people, to our interests and to our history.

    Immediately after the ceremony, I spoke with the new ambassadors. Impressions are good. I hope for productive work.

    Today there were two important addresses: to the Luxembourg Parliament and to the participants of the Security Forum in Bratislava, which was attended by President of Slovakia Zuzana Čaputová, President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen and other friends and partners of our country.

    Of course, the key task is still to accumulate maximum support for Ukraine. First of all defensive, financial and, of course, political. Almost every address leads to increased assistance to our state.

    It is very important that now – in a few weeks – we are waiting for the answer of the European Union on the issue of candidate status for Ukraine. We are very much looking forward to it.

    And I am grateful to all those who have already spoken in support of our state, in support of the candidacy. In particular, in response to my requests in appeals to the parliaments of different countries, forums, student and expert communities, people in the squares of various European cities who rallied in support of Ukraine, in support of our people.

    We must understand that Russia has now mobilized all its forces to thwart Ukraine’s European movement. And every tool – especially public debates and appeals – must be fully used.

    The situation in Donbas has not changed significantly in a day. We had some success in the battles in Severodonetsk. But it’s too early to tell. The situation there is the hardest now. Just as in the cities and communities nearby – Lysychansk, Bakhmut and others. Many cities are facing a powerful Russian attack.

    The Russian army uses all its armed capabilities and does not count people at all. It is especially cynical that in the first line of the offensive the occupiers very often use those people who were recruited into their army in the previously occupied territory of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Russian soldiers often simply hide behind these so-called mobilized.

    The longer the war lasts, the more vile, shameful and cynical things Russia inscribes in its history forever.

    Absolutely senseless shelling of our border northern regions, in particular Chernihiv, continues from the Russian territory. Mykolaiv, Kharkiv, the Kharkiv region were shelled. The entire temporarily occupied territory of our state is now a zone of total catastrophe, for which Russia is fully responsible.

    We have already started working on new sanctions packages against Russia. Step by step, we will deprive the Russian state of all the elements of the modern economy. The occupiers will pay the full price for destroying the lives of neighbors. And no lobby in any country will help Russia.

    Today I signed a new decree on awarding our defenders, our heroes. 223 combatants were awarded state awards, 72 of them posthumously.

    Eternal memory to all who gave lives for Ukraine!

    Eternal glory to each of our heroes!

    Glory to Ukraine!

  • Ben Wallace – 2022 Statement on Continued Support for Ukraine

    Ben Wallace – 2022 Statement on Continued Support for Ukraine

    The statement made by Ben Wallace, the Secretary of State for Defence, in the House of Commons on 5 July 2022.

    Today, I am pleased to update the House with further details on the UK-led training programme of Ukrainian armed forces announced by the Prime Minister on his recent visit to Kyiv.

    In response to Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine, the UK Government are providing £2.3 billion of military aid to Ukraine. Included in this is a commitment to spearhead an innovative programme which aims to train up to 10,000 new Ukrainian recruits in the UK.

    The first rotation of Ukrainian soldiers has recently arrived in the UK. Training will take place on military training areas across the north-east, south-west and south-east regions. The training will be conducted by elements from 11 Security Force Assistance Brigade.

    These Ukrainian soldiers will undertake courses based on the UK’s basic soldier training. This includes weapons training, battlefield first aid, fieldcraft, patrol tactics and training on the law of armed conflict. Each course will last several weeks. I have informed hon. Members whose constituencies include the bases being used for this training programme about local arrangements.

    Our ambition is to increase the scale and frequency of these courses, in line with Ukrainian requirements. We are also discussing with international partners options to broaden involvement in the training programme, working constructively with countries prepared to support either by contributing trainers or providing equipment.

    We expect the training package to evolve over time. I will keep Parliament informed of the outcomes of these initial courses and any plans to increase the programme’s scale or scope.

    This activity is a priority for the Ministry of Defence as part of the UK’s unwavering efforts to bolster the capability of the Ukrainian armed forces and demonstrates continued UK leadership in responding to Russia’s war of aggression. I can reassure the House that the Ministry of Defence has received strong support from across Government for the non-military provisions required to support such a significant training programme.

    While the training activity is being made public, some details will be kept confidential for security purposes.

  • Ian Blackford – 2022 Speech on the CHOGM, G7 and NATO Summits

    Ian Blackford – 2022 Speech on the CHOGM, G7 and NATO Summits

    The speech made by Ian Blackford, the SNP MP for Ross, Skye and Lochaber, in the House of Commons on 4 July 2022.

    I thank the Prime Minister for the advance copy of his statement, and welcome him back from his travels around Africa and Europe. It is perhaps worth reiterating the support of all of us in this House for President Zelensky and Ukraine in their struggle against the war criminal Putin.

    The scale and depth of the challenge facing our global community are self-evident: war in Europe, the return of soaring inflation, rising interest rates, and a cost of living crisis that is punishing people in the pocket. We are faced not just with one crisis; this is an accumulation of crises that needs, deserves and demands a collective response. At moments like this, solutions can only come from a co-ordinated effort. Efforts during the 2007 financial crisis and the co-ordination during covid demonstrate just that right across the world, and none of us should be in any doubt that the crisis that we are now in is every bit as severe, steep and deep as anything we faced at the time of the financial crisis.

    I regret to say that so far the collective effort—that sense of urgency—has been badly lacking, particularly from organisations such as the G7. The response has been far too slow and far too small. Prime Minister, it is obvious that the G7 outcomes are nowhere near enough to combat the cost of living crisis that we now face. When can the public expect some leadership and action? When will we see a coherent, co-ordinated and credible plan to increase energy supply, cap prices and drive investment to the global economy before recession becomes inevitable, or is the plan really to delay until the winter, when things will only get worse? Leadership now, in responding to supply shocks, will allow us to fight inflation. A failure to take appropriate action will expose us all to longer-lasting inflationary risks.

    On Ukraine, can the Prime Minister go a little further and give us the outlook regarding what we will do to ensure that we can get grain out of Ukrainian ports? Four hundred million people worldwide rely on Ukrainian food supplies. This is now about stopping not just war, but famine.

    I am sure the Prime Minister will agree that all these global efforts will work only if there is trust between global leaders. Can the Prime Minister therefore explain, in this moment of many crises, how breaking international law and threatening to start a trade war with our neighbours helps anyone?

    The Prime Minister

    The right hon. Gentleman should look more carefully at what the G7 produced in terms of the plan to cap prices for oil and gas and particularly to try to stop Putin profiteering, as he currently is, from his illegal war. There is a plan. I will not pretend that it is going to be easy, but we are doing as much as we can. We are certainly taking a lot of other action, for instance, to help countries around the world with access to the fertiliser they need. He is right to raise the issue of the 25 million tonnes of grain currently held hostage in Odesa. There is a plan to get that out. It is not easy. If he looks at the numbers, though, he will see that we are gradually getting more grain out of those Ukrainian silos and into Europe and into Africa, and we will continue to do that.

    As for the right hon. Gentleman’s final point about the UK and the so-called breach of international law, I repeat what I said to the right hon. and learned Gentleman, the Leader of the Opposition: what the countries around the world see is the UK offering consistent leadership in the matter of standing up for the rule of law and standing up against Putin’s aggression. I promise him—that is what has been raised with me in the past 10 days.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech on the CHOGM, G7 and NATO Summits

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech on the CHOGM, G7 and NATO Summits

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, in the House of Commons on 4 July 2022.

    I thank the Prime Minister for the advance copy of his statement, and I welcome him back to these shores. They say that absence makes the heart grow fonder, so I wish him the best of luck in seeing if that works as a party management strategy.

    It has been 131 days since Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine, 131 days of war at the heart of our continent, 131 days of Putin trying to make his neighbours cower and 131 days of brave Ukrainian resistance. I have always said that this House, and Britain’s allies, must put aside our differences in other areas and show unity in our opposition to Putin’s aggression. And we have done, driven by the inspiration provided by the people of Ukraine and the leadership and courage of President Zelensky.

    As this conflict reaches its sixth month and drags on in eastern Ukraine, it is important that we do not think our job is done. Putin would like nothing better than for us to lose our focus, for the grip of sanctions to weaken, for military aid to Ukraine to dry up or for cracks to appear in the unity of his opponents. So I welcome the progress made at the NATO summit last week, and congratulate our good friends in Finland and Sweden on their formal invitation to join the NATO alliance, and of course Ukraine on securing its candidate status to join the European Union. I hope that these processes can be concluded as quickly as possible to send a clear message to Putin that his war has permanently changed the European landscape, but not in the way he planned.

    I also welcome the commitment to strengthen our collective deterrent capabilities. I have seen at first hand how British personnel are working with other NATO forces to ensure that the collective shield that has protected us for three quarters of a century remains as strong as ever. So I welcome the agreement on the new NATO force model, ensuring that over 300,000 conventional troops will be at high readiness across Europe. Can I ask the Prime Minister how this agreement will affect British military planning and whether he believes our extra commitments can be met, given his cuts to UK troop numbers?

    The commitment made at the G7 of further financial support for Ukraine is also welcome, as are plans to help Ukraine with post-war reconstruction through an international conference. There can be no clearer case that aid spending makes Britain more secure and prevents the need for military spending in future, which demonstrates the folly in reducing our aid commitments at a time of global instability.

    I am pleased that unity was on display at both the NATO summit and the G7 summit, but I am concerned about current unity within the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth is a valuable and important institution for this country. It is not just a symbol of our past; it is important for our future, providing us with influence in all parts of the world. But in recent years, there have been serious signs of strain. When many major Commonwealth countries abstained at the UN over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the summit should have been an opportunity to widen the diplomatic coalition against Putin. Instead, the Prime Minister waged a divisive campaign against the Commonwealth leadership that ended in a humiliating diplomatic failure, only illustrating his embarrassing lack of influence.

    Instead of investing in aid that strengthens the alliance, the Prime Minister has cut it. Instead of upholding the rule of law that should define the Commonwealth, he reneges on treaties he has signed, undermining Britain’s moral and political credibility, when we need our word to carry trust. My fear is simple: the vacuum we leave behind will be quickly filled not by those who share our values, but by those who seek to destroy them. We cannot let that happen in Ukraine. We cannot let that happen anywhere.

  • Boris Johnson – 2022 Statement on the CHOGM, G7 and NATO Summits

    Boris Johnson – 2022 Statement on the CHOGM, G7 and NATO Summits

    The statement made by Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on 4 July 2022.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a statement about the NATO, G7 and Commonwealth summits, held in Madrid, Schloss Elmau and Kigali respectively.

    In the space of seven days, I had the opportunity to work alongside more than 80 Governments—nearly half the entire membership of the United Nations—and to hold bilateral talks with more than 25 leaders, ranging from the new Presidents of South Korea and Zambia to the Prime Ministers of Japan and Jamaica, demonstrating the global reach of British diplomacy and the value of our presence at the world’s top tables.

    Our immediate priority is to join with our allies to ensure that Ukraine prevails in her brave struggle against Putin’s aggression. At the Madrid summit, NATO exceeded all expectations in the unity and single-minded resolve of the alliance to support Ukraine for as long as it takes, and to explode the myth that western democracies lack the staying power for a prolonged crisis.

    All of us understand that if Putin is not stopped in Ukraine, he will find new targets for his revanchist attacks. We are defending not some abstract ideal but the first principle of a peaceful world, which is that large and powerful countries cannot be allowed to dismember their neighbours, and if this was ever permitted, no nation anywhere would be safe. Therefore our goal must be for our Ukrainian friends to win, by which I mean that Ukraine must have the strength to finish this war on the terms that President Zelensky has described.

    When Putin claimed that by invading his neighbour he would force NATO away from Russia, he could not have been proved more spectacularly wrong, because the single most welcome outcome of the Madrid summit was the alliance’s agreement to admit Finland and Sweden. I hope I speak for the whole House when I say that Britain will be proud to stand alongside these fellow democracies and reaffirm our unshakeable pledge to come to their aid and defend them if ever necessary, just as they would for us. We were glad to smooth their path into NATO by giving both nations the security assurances they needed to apply for membership, and when I met Prime Minister Andersson of Sweden and President Niinistö of Finland last Wednesday, I told them I was certain that NATO would be stronger and safer for their accession.

    Before Putin’s onslaught, both countries had prized their neutrality, even through all the crises of the cold war, and it is a measure of how seriously they take today’s threat that opinion in Sweden and Finland has been transformed. It speaks volumes about Putin’s folly that one permanent consequence of his attack on Ukraine will be a doubling of the length of NATO’s border with Russia. If anyone needed proof that NATO is purely defensive, the fact that two quintessentially peaceable countries have chosen to join it demonstrates the true nature of our alliance.

    Now is the time to intensify our help for Ukraine, because Putin’s Donbas offensive is slowing down and his overstretched army is suffering heavy casualties. Ukraine’s success in forcing the Russians off Snake Island by sheer weight of firepower shows how difficult the invader will find it to hold the territory he has overrun. We need to equip our friends now to take advantage of the moment when Putin will have to pause and regroup, so Britain will supply Ukraine with another £1 billion of military aid, including air defences, drones and electronic warfare equipment, bringing our total military, humanitarian and economic support since 24 February to nearly £4 billion.

    To guarantee the security of our allies on the eastern flank, NATO agreed in Madrid to bolster its high readiness forces, and we in the UK will offer even more British forces to the alliance, including almost all of our surface fleet. We have already doubled our deployment in Estonia, and we will upgrade our national headquarters to be led by a brigadier and help our Estonian friends to establish their own divisional headquarters. If you follow the trajectory of our programmes to modernise our armed forces, Mr Speaker, you will draw the logical conclusion that the UK will likely be spending 2.5% of GDP on defence by the end of this decade.

    Earlier, at the G7 summit, the first full day of talks coincided with a Russian missile destroying a Ukrainian shopping centre, killing at least 18 people. This barbaric attack on an obviously civilian target strengthened the resolve of my fellow leaders to provide Ukraine with more financial, humanitarian, military and diplomatic backing for, and I quote the communiqué,

    “as long as it takes”.

    That is exactly the term later echoed by NATO. The G7 has pledged nearly $30 billion of financial support for Ukraine this year, and we will tighten our sanctions on Russia. The UK will join America, Japan and Canada to ban the import of Russian gold, which previously raised more export revenues than anything else except hydrocarbons.

    The G7 will devise more options for ensuring that nearly 25 million tonnes of grain, trapped inside Ukraine by Putin’s blockade, reaches the countries that rely on these supplies. Just as the world economy was recovering from the pandemic, Putin’s war has caused a surge in global food and energy prices, raising the cost of living everywhere, including here at home. The G7 agreed to

    “take immediate action to secure energy supply and reduce price surges…including by exploring additional measures such as price caps.”

    We will help our partners in the developing world to meet their climate targets and transform millions of lives by constructing new infrastructure according to the highest standards of transparency and environmental protection. Through our Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, an idea launched by the UK at the Carbis Bay summit last year, we will mobilise up to $600 billion of public and private investment over the next five years.

    Many beneficiary nations will be members of the Commonwealth, and I was very pleased to attend the Kigali summit of this unique association of 56 states, encompassing a third of humanity. More countries are eager to join, and we were pleased to welcome two new members, Gabon and Togo.

    It is an amazing fact that our familiar legal and administrative systems, combined with the English language, knock 21% off the cost of trade between Commonwealth members. It is because the Commonwealth unites that advantage with some of the fastest-growing markets in the world that we are using the sovereignty that the UK has regained to sign free trade or economic partnership agreements with as many Commonwealth countries as possible. We have done 33 so far, including with Australia and New Zealand, and we are aiming for one with India by Diwali in October.

    It is true that not every member of the Commonwealth sees Putin’s aggression as we do, or exactly as we do, so it was vital to have the opportunity to counter the myths and to point out that food prices are rising because Putin has blockaded one of the world’s biggest food producers. If large countries were free to destroy their neighbours, no Commonwealth member, however distant from Ukraine, would be genuinely secure.

    The fact that, in a week, the UK was able to deal on friendly terms with scores of countries in three organisations shows the extraordinary diplomatic assets our country possesses. As we stand up for what is right in Ukraine and advance the values and interests of the British people, I commend this statement to the House.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Speech at the Ukraine Recovery Conference

    Liz Truss – 2022 Speech at the Ukraine Recovery Conference

    The speech made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, in Lugano, Switzerland, on 4 July 2022.

    Thank you very much Prime Minister, thank you very much to President Cassis for hosting the conference today. Ukraine’s recovery from Russia’s war of aggression will be a symbol of the power of freedom and democracy over autocracy.

    It will show Putin that his attempts to destroy Ukraine have only produced a stronger, more prosperous and more united nation.

    The United Kingdom is resolute in its support of Ukraine’s territorial integrity and we will remain at Ukraine’s side as it emerges as a strong and thriving democracy.

    We have led on support for Ukraine during the war and will continue to lead in supporting the Ukrainian Government’s Reconstruction and Development Plan.

    This needs to be a new Marshall Plan for Ukraine and it needs to be driven by Ukraine itself.

    We will push for immediate investment and to drive economic growth because it’s absolutely imperative we get the Ukrainian economy going, we need to need able to support returning Ukrainians returning to Ukraine, we need to give people hope about the future, and we need to give them the means to be able to support themselves.

    Reconstruction should embed reform, modernisation, technology and transparency.

    The United Kingdom is very pleased to join the Joint Reconstruction Coordination Group.

    It’s our view that it’s vital that that is open to partners right around the world, we need all of the free world supporting this effort. It must be open and comprehensive, and it must involve international organisations as are represented on stage at the moment.

    It must involve all of those who have been active in helping Ukraine defend itself and who back Ukraine for the long term through thick and thin, whatever it takes.

    The United Kingdom has committed to host next year’s 2023 Ukraine Reconstruction Conference.

    President Cassis, we have a lot to learn from you, it’s been a fantastic conference so far.

    We are also exploring how we engage British business, tech companies and universities in that reconstruction effort, we’re looking at how we can use English and Scots law to ensure investors have the confidence to participate in the reconstruction effort, and we will use the might of the City of London and the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development which is based in London to make Ukraine one of the world’s top destinations for investment in 2023.

    We think there is a real opportunity for Ukraine to near-shore manufacturing, agribusiness, technology, to be an extremely vibrant economy going forward. As the Prime Minister mentioned the United Kingdom is actively looking at how we legislate to seize assets from those who have contributed to this appalling war, it’s vitally important that we acquire those funds for the reconstruction of Ukraine.

    The UK will be championing the recovery of the Kyiv region, in response to President Zelenskyy’s specific request from our Prime Minister for UK leadership. We believe that despite the appalling suffering, despite the terrible war crimes that have taken place, the devastation, and the human cost, that Ukraine will emerge stronger and more successful after this war.

    President Zelenskyy you have demonstrated that Ukraine is a bastion of freedom and democracy, and it’s our duty as your friends and allies, as the free world, to do whatever it takes to support you.

    Thank you.

  • Michael Gove – 2022 Statement on Homes for Ukraine Update

    Michael Gove – 2022 Statement on Homes for Ukraine Update

    The statement made by Michael Gove, the Secretary of State for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities, in the House of Commons on 22 June 2022.

    The Homes for Ukraine scheme will allow eligible children and minors under the age of 18 who have already applied through the Homes for Ukraine Scheme to come to the UK without a parent or guardian, the Government announced today, 22 June 2022.

    This policy will initially apply to the 1,000 children who have already applied to the Home Office but are unable to travel as they are not travelling or reuniting with a parent or guardian.

    After working closely with the Ukrainian Government, the changes will enable a child to apply for a visa if they have proof of parental consent. This must be certified by an authority approved by the Ukrainian Government such as notary authorities or Ukrainian consul abroad.

    Extensive sponsor checks will also be carried out by local authorities ahead of any visa being granted, with councils able to veto any sponsor arrangements they deem unsuitable.

    The sponsor should also, except in exceptional circumstances, be someone who is personally known to the parents.

    The Government are working with the Ukrainian Government, devolved Administrations, local authorities and charities and voluntary groups.

  • Ben Wallace – 2022 Comments on UK Defence Industry and Support for Ukraine

    Ben Wallace – 2022 Comments on UK Defence Industry and Support for Ukraine

    The comments made by Ben Wallace, the Secretary of State for Defence, on 20 June 2022.

    Backed by our formidable Defence industry, the UK has been one of the global leaders in providing military assistance to support Ukraine’s armed forces. Their creativity and commitment to this complex and demanding problem has been invaluable to helping resist the Russian invasion.

    As this unprovoked attack continues and Russia’s tactics change, we are working closely with industry partners to provide innovative solutions that will bolster the heroic Ukrainian efforts for the coming weeks and months.

  • John Healey – 2022 Speech on the UK and NATO’s Commitment to Ukraine

    John Healey – 2022 Speech on the UK and NATO’s Commitment to Ukraine

    The speech made by John Healey, the Shadow Secretary of Defence, in the House of Commons on 20 June 2022.

    Today marks day 117 since Russia began its brutal and illegal invasion of Ukraine. It is now a grim, grinding war of attrition. NATO’s Secretary-General warned last week that the alliance

    “must prepare for the fact that it could take years.”

    Everything that can be done must be done to help to maintain the Ukrainian military’s morale, weaponry and personnel. The Government will continue to have Labour’s full support in the military assistance they provide to Ukraine.

    In April, when responding to the Defence Secretary’s statement in this House, I urged the Government to move to supply

    “the new NATO weapons that Ukraine will need for Putin’s next offensive”.—[Official Report, 25 April 2022; Vol. 712, c. 463.]

    In these last two months, what NATO-standard stock has been supplied from the UK to Ukraine, and how many new contracts for missiles or ammunition production have the MOD now managed to sign and start?

    On Friday, as the Minister said, the Prime Minister offered to train 10,000 new Ukrainian soldiers every three months. This is exactly what is needed. Did President Zelensky accept Britain’s offer? Will these Ukrainian recruits be trained in Britain? Which other NATO nations will be involved in such training?

    As we mark the start of Armed Forces Week, the Labour leader and I had the privilege of visiting NATO’s maritime command and our UK Permanent Joint Headquarters in Northwood this morning. We wanted to thank our personnel for the service they give to our national and NATO commitments. However, there are serious growing concerns about the UK meeting its NATO commitments, with the failure to reboot defence plans in response to Ukraine, delays to a fully modern warfighting division until 2030, continued uncertainty over Ajax and, of course, further deep cuts to Army numbers.

    The new head of the Army said in an internal message to troops last week that

    “there is now a burning imperative to forge an Army capable of fighting alongside our allies and defeating Russia in battle”,

    so why are Ministers pushing ahead with plans to cut another 10,000 soldiers? When will they halt these cuts, and when will they start to rebuild the strength of the British Army to meet the threats that our country and our NATO allies face?

  • Leo Docherty – 2022 Statement on the UK and NATO’s Commitment to Ukraine

    Leo Docherty – 2022 Statement on the UK and NATO’s Commitment to Ukraine

    The statement made by Leo Docherty, the Minister for Defence People and Veterans, in the House of Commons on 20 June 2022.

    Russia’s assault on Ukraine is an unprovoked, premeditated attack against a sovereign democratic state that threatens global security. As set out to the House previously, the United Kingdom and NATO stand with Ukraine. We are providing political and practical support to support its self-defence, and will further strengthen NATO’s deterrence and defence posture. Individual NATO allies, led by the UK, are also supporting Ukraine with lethal aid to ensure that Ukraine wins.

    The United Kingdom was the first country to provide lethal aid, and we have increased our military and aid support, bringing the total budget to £1.3 billion. To date, we have sent over 6,900 anti-tank missiles; five air defence systems, including Starstreak anti-air missiles; 120 armoured fighting vehicles, including a small number of Stormers; 1,360 anti-structure munitions; 4.5 tonnes of plastic explosives; and 400,000 rounds of small-arms munitions. In addition, we have supplied over 200,000 items of non-lethal aid, including more than 82,000 helmets; more than 8,000 body armour kits; range finders; and medical equipment. As announced on 6 June 2022, we are providing cutting edge multiple-launch rocket systems, which can strike targets up to 80 kilometres away with pinpoint accuracy, offering a significant boost in capability to the Ukrainian armed forces. On 17 June, the Prime Minister offered to launch a major training operation for Ukrainian forces, with the potential to train up to 10,000 soldiers every three months—120 days.

    We are currently supplying significant air power to NATO, including increased air patrols, with both Typhoons and F-35s for NATO air policing. We have also deployed four additional Typhoons to Cyprus to patrol NATO’s eastern border. That means that we now have a full squadron of Royal Air Force fighter jets in southern Europe, ready to support NATO tasking. The United Kingdom has contributed more troops than any other ally to NATO’s enhanced forward presence. UK troops will also be deploying a company-sized sub-unit to Bulgaria to work bilaterally alongside our Bulgarian counterparts for up to six months, enhancing interoperability. The PM will meet NATO leaders again for next week’s Madrid summit, where NATO will agree the new strategic concept to set the direction of the alliance for the next decade and will agree long-term improvements to our deterrence and defence posture in response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The United Kingdom’s commitment to the alliance and European security is unconditional and enduring. Our commitment to article 5 of the Washington treaty is iron clad. We stand ready to defend our allies.

    Mr Ellwood

    First, may I thank you, Mr Speaker, for the flag-raising ceremony that you hosted today to mark Armed Forces Week?

    The Prime Minister was right to visit Ukraine last week. The UK has been an exemplar in our support to that country compared with many of our NATO allies. But Russia is not losing and Ukraine is not winning. The Prime Minister said, “Prepare for a long war”, and the new head of the British Army seeks to reconfigure our land forces to potentially face Russia on the battlefield. This all starkly illustrates that long-term European security is threatened not just by the utility of force but a wider conflict between the west and growing authoritarianism.

    However, future generations may ask of NATO, “Why did you not put that fire out in Ukraine when you could have?”—by securing the port of Odesa, for example, rather than instead allowing Putin to claim a win and take his fight elsewhere. The penny is dropping in this regard. If we now recognise that our world is becoming more dangerous, Britain should lead a coalition of the willing that offers Ukraine the scale of support that it requires. Recognising this new picture requires us to review our own defence posture. We can certainly be proud of what Britain has done in upgrading its battle presence in the Baltics, leading the way in training Ukrainians and providing lethal weapons systems, but I say to the Minister that the tempo of these duties is unsustainable.

    We are overloading our troops with those widening commitments and we are not replenishing our defence stocks fast enough. All three services are now too small to manage the ever-greater burden that we are going to place on them. The cuts set out in the 2021 integrated review to personnel and military equipment must now be reversed.

    Does the Minister agree that once again, Britain finds itself leading other European allies in spelling out the scale of the threat that the continent now faces, and stepping forward when other nations hesitate to confront that threat? We cannot do that on a peacetime defence budget of 2.2%; it is time to upgrade our defence posture and spending to 3% if we are serious about preventing the spread of conflict in Europe.

    Leo Docherty

    I am grateful for the opportunity to speak to some of my right hon. Friend’s points. He said that Russia is not losing in Ukraine, with which I would take issue. I think that Russia is losing and that it was losing from the point of invasion. Its catastrophic losses in the west of the country and the way that it has had to refocus in the east describe that strategic loss, so I disagree with him on that.

    Our domestic response will always be threat-based. My right hon. Friend made some remarks about whether NATO forces should have been deployed to Ukraine in anticipation of the Russian invasion. Our judgment is—and collectively, everyone would judge—that we got the balance right between providing reassurance and effect, while avoiding the direct conflict that would have resulted immediately from putting NATO forces directly into Ukraine.

    As I said, we are a threat-based organisation. In making the argument for defence expenditure, we need to understand that there are three basic points of context that I ask my right hon. Friend to take note of. First, we do everything as part of the NATO alliance. We are one of a 30-member defensive alliance—soon to be 32—and because of that, we are a great deal stronger than we are separately. One of the significant lessons for the Russian military machine is how exposed it is by being alone. We are stronger as an alliance; as an alliance, we massively outnumber any kind of effect the Russians can bring to bear.

    Secondly, it is important to recognise that we acknowledged the significant threat posed by Russia as part of our defence Command Paper, which came out of the integrated review and was released in March 2021; many right hon. and hon. Members will have read it. Page 5, paragraph 1.4 leads with the fact that

    “Russia continues to pose the greatest nuclear, conventional military and sub-threshold threat to European security.”

    In terms of our doctrine and our response, that is not new to UK national defence. That is a really important contextual thing to understand.

    Thirdly, that is why we are making good use of the £24-billion uplift that we have had under this Government, which is driving forward the agility, deployability and lethality that we need in the new global context. Manifold lessons will be drawn from the outrageous Russian invasion of Ukraine, including the vulnerability of armour and of large bodies of troops; the potency of technology and remote fires; and the urgent importance of having a fully modernised military with match-fit technology. That is what the integrated review and the defence Command Paper do.

    We have more money than we have ever had—£24 billion more than we would have had otherwise. We will always keep things under review, but we should be confident that doctrinally and militarily, in terms of kit and equipment, we are on the right lines.