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  • Nick Clegg – 2010 Speech on the Constitution

    nickclegg

    Below is the text of the speech made by Nick Clegg, the Deputy Prime Minister, on 19th May 2010.

    I have spent my whole political life fighting to open up politics. So let me make one thing very clear: this government is going to be unlike any other.

    This government is going to transform our politics so the state has far less control over you, and you have far more control over the state. This government is going to break up concentrations of power and hand power back to people, because that is how we build a society that is fair. This government is going to persuade you to put your faith in politics once again.

    I’m not talking about a few new rules for MPs; not the odd gesture or gimmick to make you feel a bit more involved. I’m talking about the most significant programme of empowerment by a British government since the great enfranchisement of the 19th Century.

    The biggest shake up of our democracy since 1832, when the Great Reform Act redrew the boundaries of British democracy, for the first time extending the franchise beyond the landed classes.

    Landmark legislation, from politicians who refused to sit back and do nothing while huge swathes of the population remained helpless against vested interests. Who stood up for the freedom of the many, not the privilege of the few. A spirit this government will draw on as we deliver our programme for political reform: a power revolution. A fundamental resettlement of the relationship between state and citizen that puts you in charge.

    So, no, incremental change will not do.

    It is time for a wholesale, big bang approach to political reform. That’s what this government will deliver. It is outrageous that decent, law-abiding people are regularly treated as if they have something to hide. It has to stop.

    So there will be no ID card scheme. No national identity register, no second generation biometric passports. We won’t hold your internet and email records when there is just no reason to do so. CCTV will be properly regulated, as will the DNA database, with restrictions on the storage of innocent people’s DNA.

    And we will end practices that risk making Britain a place where our children grow up so used to their liberty being infringed that they accept it without question. There will be no ContactPoint children’s database. Schools will not take children’s fingerprints without even asking their parent’s consent.

    This will be a government that is proud when British citizens stand up against illegitimate advances of the state. That values debate, that is unafraid of dissent.

    That’s why we’ll remove limits on the rights to peaceful protest. It’s why we’ll review libel laws so that we can better protect freedom of speech.

    And as we tear through the statute book, we’ll do something no government ever has: We will ask you which laws you think should go.

    Because thousands of criminal offences were created under the previous government… Taking people’s freedom away didn’t make our streets safe. Obsessive lawmaking simply makes criminals out of ordinary people.

    So, we’ll get rid of the unnecessary laws, and once they’re gone, they won’t come back.

    We will introduce a mechanism to block pointless new criminal offences.

  • Nick Clegg – 2009 Speech to CBI

    nickclegg

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, Nick Clegg, to the CBI. The speech was made in London on 23rd November 2009.

    We are in the teeth of one of the most difficult and unpredictable recessions we have ever face. The origins of the recession, at the heart of the financial services sector on which we have relied too heavily for far too long, begs profound questions about how we can rebuild the British economy on a different, more sustainable footing in the future.

    As the CBI said this morning – this recession can be a catalyst for positive change. In the short time we have today, I want to run through the five main areas where I believe urgent action is required not only to foster a rapid recovery in the short term, but to shape a new competitive, sustainable economy for the long term.

    First: stabilise, decontaminate and re-balance our financial industry. Second: a strong, credible plan to sort our Britain’s finances, to maintain confidence in our credit-worthiness. Third: invest in infrastructure, to create jobs now and the right environment for sustainable growth later. Fourth: decentralise decision-making and business support to drive growth in industries and regions that have been left behind. And fifth: change our tax system to put money into the pockets of people who both need it and spend it, helping rebuild consumer demand.

    Number One: The Banks 

    First, financial services, and especially banking.I believe we need to revisit the fundamentals of our banking industry. We need to ask ourselves: what are banks for? The simplest answer, in my view, is this: banks are there to keep depositors’ money safe, and to provide credit on a prudent basis to individuals, households and businesses. That simple vocation was lost in recent years as the deregulatory Big Bang of 1986 gave way to overleveraged and highly risky financial services innovations which put the whole financial system, and so our whole economy, in jeopardy. The first thing we must do now is get the banks lending – not to excess, as before, but responsibly.

    It is unacceptable that, when taxpayers actually own a huge proportion of the banking industry, credit still isn’t flowing as it should.

    Of course, in the long term, we should be looking to divest ourselves of these banks.

    And government shouldn’t make a habit of interfering in the day-to-day running of businesses.

    But at a time like this, when smaller businesses that don’t have access to capital markets often cannot get credit at reasonable rates…

    When banks are upping charges, fees and rates even for businesses they’re already lending to…

    Taxpayers’ representatives at these banks shouldn’t just be suggesting a change of strategy, they should be insisting on it.

    Next, we must ensure that the high street banks on which consumers, households and small businesses depend are never again put at risk by the casino culture of investment banking.

    As the governor of the Bank of England has repeatedly recommended, we need to separate high street and investment banking for good.

    There are of course many people who claim this is either undesirable or impossible to achieve in practice.

    I believe they are deluding themselves about the scale of change needed if we are to ensure that the implosion in banking which has taken place does not occur again.

    Of course, no single model of banking provides a guarantee against failure.

    But it seems to me that the refusal to properly insulate low risk banking from high risk banking serves as an invitation for history to repeat itself.

    Until this split can be introduced, the banks will remain the beneficiaries of a unique, open ended guarantee against failure from the taxpayer.

    I believe they should have to pay for that guarantee.

    That’s why last week, we proposed a new, temporary banking levy of 10% on the profits of the banks until such time as they can be split up.

    Finally, we need far greater competition and devolution in the way our whole banking system operates.

    We should be using the taxpayers’ stake to break up the big banks so that we can rebuild the kind of local banking and lending infrastructure we need in which banks are once again in closer contact with their own customers. We need more of the building societies and credit unions that used to be the bedrock of British financial services – a power shift from the big beasts of global finance back to local people, businesses and their communities.

    Number Two: Credible plan to reduce the deficit

    The second area of action is a credible plan to reduce the deficit. It is vital that we maintain the credit-worthiness of Britain with a clear and convincing plan to reduce government borrowing and to eliminate the structural element of the deficit – that part of the deficit which will not be eliminated by future growth… Currently estimated to be in the region of £90bn.

    Unfortunately, the debate over deficit reduction is currently generating much more heat than light. The British people are being confronted with a false choice: Labour says they will eliminate the deficit over the next eight years. But they are living in a state of denial about the need to cut public spending to achieve that.

    Meanwhile the Conservatives are talking a tough game about how inadequate Labour’s plans are. Yet they are playing hide and seek with British taxpayers because they won’t announce their plans until after the election. The British people deserve better. They deserve to be treated like grown ups. I know the CBI believes eight years is too long over which to eliminate the deficit. It may prove to be – and it may also be that the structural deficit is larger than current Treasury estimates.

    None of us yet know. We have to be flexible as well as responsible in our approach. In my view, credibility is the most important thing. It would be foolish and dangerous to propose rapid cuts that would cause so much economic and social disruption that they simply cannot be delivered.

    Remember: the structural deficit is about £90bn – almost enough to pay for the entire NHS. Removing it will be painful, come what may. And while the economy may be at the start of recovery, it could be on the edge of a double-dip recession. A premature fiscal contraction could cause a lot more harm than good.

    In that context, I think eight years is a reasonable starting point. The big question, the one to which neither of the other parties has yet provided an adequate response, is how to achieve it. In meeting this challenge, Liberal Democrats will be guided by three basic principles.

    First: A preference for spending cuts rather than tax rises. As I said earlier, we will introduce a new tax on the profits of banks, to ensure they pay for their taxpayer guarantee. That will raise about £2bn of what’s needed. But otherwise our focus is on public spending. The second principle is to focus on big areas of state expenditure, not relying on vague promises of efficiency savings.

    We are looking for big areas where the government simply shouldn’t be involved, or should be radically scaling back spending. Savings in paperclips, pot plants and general efficiencies are not enough. The third principle is rigour. We will provide costed plans with as much realistic detail as we can.

    Some of the big decisions which have to be made – like reforming public sector pensions or not renewing the Trident nuclear missile system – will take time to produce major savings. Others, like public sector pay, ending tax credits to above average income families, or cancelling some high profile Government schemes like the Baby Bond, will have a short term impact but will be very controversial.

    We have already gone far further than any other political party in spelling out in detail a series of proposed cuts and savings. We will build on that work with further specific proposals for additional savings and cuts. Anything less will rightly be regarded with scepticism by businesses and the public alike. Anything less will make it all the more difficult to protect front line public services even as we pay down this enormous structural deficit. I hope that when we spell out our plans in further detail we will have the backing of the CBI.

    I recall from my days as an international trade negotiator that businesses tended to be in favour of free trade for every sector except their own. I suspect the same might apply to public spending: we shall have much enthusiasm for cuts in general but howls of protest if it affects particular contracts or sectors – be it IT systems, defence procurement or business support schemes.

    You are rightly urging the political class to get real – it is a realism which we will all need to accept.

    Number Three: Investment in infrastructure

    Third, improving Britain’s infrastructure. It is important, as we reduce the deficit, that we do not put Britain’s long term future into jeopardy by cutting back capital spending. That would be a false saving, costing less today but costing us all a lot more tomorrow.

    Good infrastructure is crucial to competitiveness and growth. But our built environment, transport and energy infrastructure show badly the effect of neglect. The most expensive train infrastructure in Europe. The worst insulated homes. An energy infrastructure barely capable of dealing with new generation technologies, and so outdated we risk blackouts in coming years.

    And yet, astonishingly, the government is about to make it worse, slashing back capital spending by nearly £17bn next year. It is economic madness to put infrastructure spending first on the list for cuts. It should be a priority if we want to put in place a framework for future sustainable growth.

    So, in our manifesto, Liberal Democrats will be proposing a switch from current spending to capital investment in our first year – protecting the vital investment our country needs. And later this week, we will be spelling out in some detail our ideas for a National Infrastructure Bank, to leverage government investment, so that the money available goes further, and private and institutional investors can be part of building Britain’s future, while making a decent, reliable return.

    Number Four: Decentralise

    Fourth, the need for radical economic devolution. Infrastructure investment, in particular in transport, will give an economic boost to parts of the country outside London. But there is more we should do to ensure growth returns more broadly across the whole country.

    Earlier this year, Richard Lambert proposed re-establishing the old Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, a public-private partnership investment fund that provided equity and debt backing to small and medium-sized businesses from the 1940s on.

    It filled the gap between where banks left off and the Stock Exchange could take over. The ICFC invested through a network of regional offices, which had strong local and sector knowledge. In its lifetime ICFC provided investment capital to over 11,000 businesses.

    So I’ve asked Vince Cable and my business team to look into how we could re-establish an ICFC-like investment fund, with a strong local and regional basis. It could look to provide venture capital, including from private investors, as well as equity and loan backing, adding a new string to the bow of the old ICFC. And it could work in concert with a new network of regional stock exchanges offering a route for regional businesses to move into public equity without the huge risks and costs of a London listing.

    Creating sustainable, diverse growth across Britain and across our industries.

    Number five: Tax

    The final building block of the Liberal Democrat recovery plan is tax reform. My basic philosophy on tax is this: a fair tax system should reward hard work, enterprise and initiative. It should penalise pollution or other threats to the common good.

    It should bear down on unearned wealth. And it should be simple to understand and administer so that everyone, from small businesses to large, from low paid workers to the very rich, play by the same rules. At the moment, we have a tax system which fails every one of those tests.

    That is why the Liberal Democrats will make fundamental tax reform one of the key planks of our General Election manifesto. And let me reassure you: we will be proposing a tax switch, not a tax rise. With the exception of the new, temporary banking levy, the changes we propose will be tax neutral – they raise money from one part of the tax system to give money away in lower taxes elsewhere.

    And the money will be overwhelmingly moved into ordinary working people’s pockets to help increase consumer demand at a time when it is heavily suppressed. Helping your businesses and so boosting rather than suppressing economic growth.

    I believe all these changes are both necessary and possible. That is why, despite the continuing anxieties of this recession, I remain optimistic. Britain is struggling – yes – but we are also an extraordinarily resilient, diverse and innovative nation.

    We should have all the confidence in the world that – if politicians get the playing field right – we have the potential we need for a fresh start and a bright future. By dispersing power, giving a boost to local and regional businesses and industries which have long been neglected in favour of finance, we can create a stronger, more sustainable economy which encourages creativity and innovation, and creates opportunities for people, no matter their background, their home town or their choice of industry.

  • Nick Clegg – 2009 Speech to Liberal Democrat Party Conference

    nickclegg

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, Nick Clegg, to the party conference on the 23rd September 2009.

    In the last eight weeks, 28 British soldiers and Royal Marines have been killed in Afghanistan. However easy it may be to forget, we are a nation at war. Already more than 75,000 British men and women have done tours of duty in Afghanistan.

    Thousands upon thousands of our compatriots, putting their lives on the line in the burning heat and the frozen winters of a country on the other side of the world. I want to pay tribute, on behalf of all of us, to the tenacity, bravery and extraordinary professionalism of every one of them. Their families, too, have borne with incredible fortitude the separation, the fear, and the anguish of bereavement. We salute them.

    I’m afraid the hardship has been deepened, for all of them, by the enormous difficulties of this war. After nearly 8 years, victory not only seems more distant than ever, failure seems inevitable unless we change course.

    I know some of you believe we should call for British troops to withdraw now. If things continue on the present disastrous course, then sooner or later that is a judgement which we may need to make. That is why we must change course. We have one more chance, one only, to turn things around.

    Success cannot be secured through military means alone. Development assistance must be bigger and faster. Talks with moderate elements of the Taliban network must commence. The international community must at last agree to a single plan in place of the present patchwork of duplication, disunity and muddle.

    The threadbare legitimacy of the government in Kabul must be strengthened by reaching out across ethnic and tribal divisions. And here at home Gordon Brown must change gear, too. He must now show the leadership and conviction that has so far been so disastrously lacking in making the case to the British people.

    You cannot win a war on half horse power. We owe it to the young men and women serving in Helmand to give them all the political leadership and all the resources they need to do the job. We should either do this properly or we shouldn’t do it at all. So I say to the Prime Minister: time is running out.

    Unless you change course, there will be no choice but to withdraw, and that would be a betrayal of the servicemen and women who have already made such enormous sacrifices on our behalf. I do not want British troops to come home defeated by political failure. I want them to come home, mission successfully completed, with their heads held high.

    Today is the beginning of real change in Britain

    Let me tell you why I want to be Prime Minister. It’s because I want to change our country for good.

    Because I want to live in a country where prejudice, insularity and fear are conquered by the great British traditions of tolerance, pluralism and justice. Where political life is not a Westminster village freak show, but open, accessible and helpful in people’s everyday lives. Where fine words on the environment are translated into real action.

    Where every child can grow up safe and secure, able to flourish, no matter their background, their income, or the colour of their skin. Where we make sense of the complex, globalised world of our times and play a creative role in shaping it.

    Where rights, freedom and privacy are not the playthings of the government but safeguarded for everyone. I want to be Prime Minister because I want to be the first Prime Minister in my lifetime to be on the side of the weak against the powerful, on the side of freedom against conformity, on the side of human innovation against government decree.

    I want to be Prime Minister because I have spent half a lifetime imagining a better society. And I want to spend the next half making it happen.

    I was lucky enough to be brought up in a large, warm family that had almost no time at all for the status quo. By parents who encouraged us, required us, as children always to ask why. Always to assume that there is a better way of doing things. If you only bother to look for it. That’s the spirit I found in the Liberal Democrats. It’s why I joined, and why I wanted to lead our party.

    Friends, this has been quite a week for us. I’ve been called a number of names. Even “a good leader”. By Evan Harris. I am never going to duck asking the important questions, however difficult they are. But I am immensely proud to lead a party that actually debates things, openly and democratically. Let’s always remember: we are in this together.

    So let us not look back any longer. Let us look forward. From this point on, keep your eyes on our goal. Let today mark the beginning of real change in Britain.

    These are extraordinary times. A global recession. Mass unemployment. A broken political system. Government finances in crisis. And still: inequality rising and climate change spinning out of control. Faced with these extraordinary challenges; We need an extraordinary government.

    Blue-Red, Red-Blue

    Because one thing, above all others, is certain. The way we got here is not the way out. The blue-red, red-blue politics that got us into this mess cannot clear it up. The way we got here is not the way out. Britain needs a change of direction. Let today mark the beginning of real change in Britain.

    Look at what the old red-blue politics offers. Back in 1997, Peter Mandelson told us to judge Labour after 10 years in government. It’s been twelve years. And we have made our judgement.

    If you’re poor, you’re still far less likely to go to university than if you’re better off.

    If you’re from an ethnic minority, you’re more likely to be stopped by the police, even when you haven’t done anything wrong.

    If you’re a woman, you’ll probably be paid less than the men you know. And if you’re a child born in the poorest neighbourhood of my city, Sheffield, you will probably die 14 years before a child born the same day, just up the road, in a more affluent part of town. We have made our judgement of Labour. They betrayed the best hopes of a generation.

    People are hungry for change. So the question now is: what change? David Cameron talks about change. But is it real change?

    He talks about broken Britain but campaigns for tax breaks for the very rich. He says he cares about the environment but then teams up with climate change deniers in Europe. He claims he wants to clean up politics but won’t tell you whether his biggest donor pays taxes in Britain. That isn’t real change, it’s fake change. And Britain deserves better.

    To be fair, the Conservatives do have one belief. That it’s their turn to govern. They think power should come easily. You get the sense from so many of them that they became Conservatives mostly because it looked like the simplest route to a job in the cabinet.

    I chose the Liberal Democrats. Not because I thought it would be an easy route to power. I knew it would be hard. But because I wanted to fight for what I believed in, however hard, however long it took.

    The Conservatives want to inherit power; I want us to earn it.

    The thing about David Cameron is – the PR might be good, but what’s behind it? It’s like my grandmother would have said. There’s less to him than meets the eye.

    As for me? Well, occasionally I’m a bit too blunt in interviews – but at least you know I’m not just spinning you a line. I speak out.

    On the Speaker of the House of Commons.

    On Afghanistan.

    On bankers’ bonuses.

    On citizenship rights for the Gurkhas.

    And I am so honoured that some of you have been able to be here with us today.

    People are turning to the Liberal Democrats. Because they see there’s something different about us. It’s our pioneering spirit.

    It was a liberal, Gladstone, who helped develop the concept of universal human rights. It was a liberal, Lloyd George, who introduced the world’s first universal state pension. It was a liberal, Beveridge, who invented the NHS.

    Ours is the party of Paddy Ashdown, the first person to put climate change on the national agenda. Ours is the party of Charles Kennedy. Of Ming Campbell. Who used all the courage of their convictions to oppose the illegal invasion of Iraq. Ours is the party of Vince Cable, the first to see problems brewing in our economy, the first with a vision of how to take us to recovery.

    It’s because Liberal Democrats are different that, when Gordon Brown let casino investment banking loose on our economy. The Conservatives said yes, and only Liberal Democrats said no.

    When Gordon Brown let house prices rocket and personal borrowing get out of control, the Conservatives said yes, and only Liberal Democrats said no. When the contracts were being drawn up for new polluting runways. When our civil liberties were being torn up. When our troops were massing on the borders of Iraq. The Conservatives cheered from the sidelines, and only Liberal Democrats said no.

    We are the only party that offers real change at the next election. Labour is dying on its feet. We are replacing them as the dominant force of progressive politics. We are the alternative to a hollow Conservative party that offers just an illusion of change.

    Make no mistake. There is only one party that will bring real change to Britain. The Liberal Democrats.

    The Challenge

    The biggest challenge for the next government will be sorting out the public finances. It’s a challenge neither exhausted Labour nor fake Conservatives are fit to take on. This year’s deficit is likely to be one of the highest in Europe. We will borrow £175bn this year alone – £5,550 every single second. Total national debt could hit £1.2 trillion next year – £20,000 for every man, woman and child.

    I’ll be straight with you. There is no easy solution. There isn’t a serious economist in the world who agrees with the Conservatives that, right in the grip of recession, with two and a half million unemployed, we should pull the rug out from under the economy with immediate spending cuts. But, once the economy recovers, we are going to have to control spending tightly for many years to come.

    We were right, in years gone by, to campaign for new spending to help people, to support them, as children, as young adults, as parents and as pensioners. As Charles Kennedy rightly says: our commitments demonstrate generosity of spirit. And those manifestos were right for an age of plenty. Now something different is needed.

    But let me make something very clear. I am not going to abandon our vision for a better Britain because money’s tight. It makes me more determined. Balancing the government books isn’t a maths test.

    Fiscal discipline is not an end in itself. We offer discipline for a purpose. Not just austerity, but progressive austerity. Reducing the deficit, yes, but also building a fair society and a green economy. Still driven by generosity of spirit, but fit for the circumstances of the day. It’s the only way to deliver real change in Britain.

    That’s why our approach is completely different from the two other parties’. We aren’t going to salami-slice budgets like Labour and the Conservatives. Pretending that you can save billions of pounds just by using fewer paperclips and putting up the price of Parliamentary salads.

    It isn’t true, and everyone knows it isn’t true. We know what happens when you simply squeeze budgets, across the board, until the pips squeak. We know, because we lived through it before, under the Conservatives. We remember the tumble-down classrooms, the pensioners dying on hospital trolleys, the council houses falling into total disrepair. We remember, and we say: never again.

    Liberal Democrats will do things differently. Not shaving a bit off everything, but asking fundamental questions about what the government should and shouldn’t be doing. Working out, openly and publicly, what works and what doesn’t. So we can completely cancel the things that don’t work. In order to protect, and even in some cases extend, investment that really matters. That is progressive austerity.

    We’ve already identified big areas where substantial long-term savings can be made. Reducing the bureaucracy of Labour’s centralised state, databases and agencies. Cutting the cost of politics – changing our electoral system and having 150 fewer MPs. Reforming tax credits so they go to the people who really need them. Spending less on defence procurement.

    We heard yesterday Gordon Brown is considering taking one of the Trident nuclear submarines out of service. I welcome that step in the right direction. But if you want to lead nuclear disarmament around the world, you need to be more decisive. That is why we say no to the like-for-like replacement of Trident.

    Some people have asked me why we’ve talked so much about identifying cuts. I know it doesn’t feel comfortable some of the time. But we’re doing it because we know that the more we save, the safer our schools and hospitals will be. And we know that if we save enough, we will still be able to include in our manifesto, despite these difficult times, some of the pledges for new investment that we hold so dear.

    Because if we end the child trust fund, we can pay for smaller classes for five, six and seven year olds. If we stop the waste of money on the useless NHS IT system. We could improve maternity services so every new family gets a great start.

    If we substantially reform politics, with fewer MPs, government ministers, departments and quangos, we could save billions. And we could put the money into insulating homes and improving public transport, creating thousands of new, green jobs. Building up Britain’s infrastructure not our bureaucracy.

    Many of these decisions will be difficult. Taking them is the price of fairness. But if we are brave enough to take them. It will be the beginning of real change in Britain.

    I want to say something to teachers, doctors, nurses, police officers, social workers, in fact to everyone who works in our public services. Britain depends on people like you and the services you provide. I know these are anxious times for you.

    Everyone is talking about cuts. But neither Labour nor the Conservatives has come clean about what that means for you. They’re not treating you like grown-ups. I want to work with you, hand in glove, to agree the way forward on pensions and on pay.

    On pensions. Of course, we will guarantee every penny of entitlements you’ve already built up. But we do need to have a proper, independent review of what’s fair, not just for public sector workers, but also for the taxpayers who pay your salaries. Let me reassure you: my particular focus will always be on the gold-plated pensions enjoyed by senior civil servants, quangocrats, judges – and MPs. At a time of pressure for everyone, it’s only right for those with the broadest shoulders to take the greatest weight.

    Next: pay. We will never go back on an existing pay deal. That would be a betrayal. But in future, we need to work together to agree strict, disciplined limits. Again, I believe people with the most generous salaries should take the brunt of cuts so their lower-paid colleagues don’t have to. But if it comes down to discipline on pay or mass redundancies. I think we all agree: protecting jobs must come first.

    Young people are bearing too much of the burden of this recession. Imagine how it must feel to have slogged your way through school, college or university, maybe racking up thousands of pounds in debt, only to find there isn’t a job, any job, at the other end. This is supposed to be one of the most hopeful, optimistic moments in your life.

    Imagine sitting at home day after day, no money, nothing to do but wait for your fortnightly appointment at the JobCentre. We used to worry about getting our children onto the property ladder. Now we have to worry whether they’ll ever get a job. There can be nothing more dispiriting at this formative moment. It destroys your self-confidence, perhaps for good.

    I want to say, to young people. I am sorry. I am sorry that you have been, already, let down so many times. I am sorry that you will spend your working lives burdened by the debts of a previous generation.

    But sorry isn’t good enough. Our job isn’t to feel bad about problems, it’s to fix them. My commitment to the next generation is simple. The Liberal Democrats will not fail you.

    A New Promise

    So today we make a new promise to young people that they will not be unemployed for longer than 90 days before we find them work or training. Let me spell out what that would mean: If you lost your job today, we’d find you work, training, or a paid internship by Christmas. Right now, we would cancel Labour’s VAT cut and use the money to invest in young people’s futures.

    We would pay for 10,000 more university places and 50,000 more college places this year. And we would introduce a new “Paid Internship” scheme to give people real job experience. With an allowance of £55 a week. Young people would get experience that could make all the difference when it comes to looking for a job.

    And you know. We could pay for 800,000 placements. for 800,000 young people. For the cost of just one weekend’s VAT cut. If it’s between 15p off a cinema ticket and a decent future. I know what we should choose.

    I have always believed that you can’t make progress as a society unless every generation tries to do better for its children. That’s an idea that’s at the core of Liberal Democrat values. Providing opportunity for our children, even as we provide dignity and security in retirement and old age.

    To build a fair society, you have to start with children. And you have to start young. In Britain today, a poor, bright child will be overtaken by a less intelligent, but wealthier child by the time he is seven. This has to change. The first few years are the most important in determining a child’s future. Those first few years when their character, their personality are being shaped.

    The first few years are the most important ones. That’s why we’ve always said: scrap the Child Trust Fund, which gives people a cash handout on their 18th birthday. And invest the money when it can really make a difference. With classes of just 15 for five, six and seven year olds. The beginning of real change in Britain.

    If you want to know how fair a society is. Look at its tax system. Britain’s is painfully unfair. The poorest pay a bigger slice of their income than the richest. Polluters are allowed to get away with harming our environment without paying for the clean-up. And we lose as much as £40 billion a year to tax dodgers.

    That’s why the Liberal Democrats are going to reinvent the tax system to make it fair. Not changing the amount we raise, but changing who pays.

    We will raise the income tax threshold to £10,000, funded by closing loopholes that the wealthy exploit. And by making sure polluters pay for the damage they cause. I’ll be honest. If you’ve got a house worth over a million pounds. If you fly trans-Atlantic a couple of times a month. If you get a seven-figure bonus paid in share options to get round income tax. You will pay more.

    That is what is fair. Why on earth should you get tax subsidies paid for by people whose salaries are just a tiny fraction of yours? I don’t want to penalise people who work hard. If you can make it big: all credit to you. But what it should win you is respect, not exemption from your tax bill.

    In exactly the same way as on public spending. Many of these decisions on tax will be difficult. Taking them is the price of fairness. If we are brave enough to take them. It will be the beginning of real change in Britain.

    So if there’s one policy you take away from this conference. One policy to mention on every doorstep, in every phone call, in every leaflet. Let it be this one.

    We will deliver fair taxes Under a Liberal Democrat government, people will not pay a single penny of tax on the first £10,000 they earn. Millions of people will find themselves with an extra £700 in their pocket, and up to four million low earners and pensioners will pay no income tax at all. The beginning of real change in Britain.

    After the expenses scandal, people are crying out, rightly, for something different at Westminster. Labour and the Conservatives have betrayed them. They offered warm rhetoric about change when the scandal was at its height. And then did nothing. They will defend the status quo to the last breath.

    Only the Liberal Democrats will clean up Westminster, reform expenses, end big donations and elect the Lords. Only the Liberal Democrats will give people the right to sack MPs who are found guilty of serious wrongdoing. And only the Liberal Democrats will secure, once and for all, fair votes for everyone.

    That means radical electoral reform, argued for from first principles. Not just some minor tinkering, put forward by a dying Labour government as a last, desperate attempt to save its skin.

    We must do away with safe seats. Did you know, nearly half of Britain’s constituencies have elected the same party in every election since I was born? These are seats where you could put a red or blue rosette on the back end of a donkey and it would still win. Only when every MP has to do a decent job and win the trust of the people they represent will we ever clean up politics for good. It will be the beginning of real change in Britain.

    Imagine a Liberal Democrat Cabinet

    Imagine a Liberal Democrat cabinet. Maybe the odd heated meeting. But imagine Liberal Democrats at work.

    Dr Vince Cable, of course, in his office at the Treasury. Ushering in fairer taxes.

    Cutting the banks down to size. Tearing up the Treasury red tape that strangles local government. And that’s all between breakfast and lunch before he rattles off another book for the day.

    I tell you, when it comes to bankers’ bonuses, I can’t think of anyone better to send into the negotiating room. You think Vince would listen to those reckless bankers demanding their millions? He’d say what we all believe: There will be no bonuses for failure, not today, not tomorrow, not ever again.

    Then there’d be David Laws at the schools department, hunting down all those boxes and boxes of bureaucratic rules and paperwork that get in teachers’ way, and throwing them out. I mean, recycling them. And if the civil servants say the pupil premium is too complicated. They can’t work out how to invest the extra money to the benefit of the most deprived children. You know David will do the maths himself.

    Chris Huhne at the Home Office. Restoring the civil liberties so shamefully discarded by this Labour Government on his first day with a Freedom Bill. Cancelling ID cards to help fund 10,000 more police on the streets. You know Chris won’t be put off by technocrats saying it can’t be done. He’ll produce volumes of statistics showing he’s right and look sternly over his glasses until they cave in.

    Norman Lamb reinventing our NHS for modern times, giving communities and patients a real say. Professor Steve Webb getting to work at the crack of dawn to improve pensions for women. Sarah Teather and Norman Baker, building Britain’s infrastructure – the homes we need and the public transport we deserve. Julia Goldsworthy, devolving so much power to local communities she finds she can halve the size of her department.

    And, Simon Hughes, taking charge of environment and energy policy. This is a man who’s faced death threats to bring a killer to justice. Who’s been involved in every environmental campaign you can think of since the 1980s. He isn’t going to listen to vested interests who say “it’s too difficult”. He’d set our course for the zero carbon future we need. The beginning of real change in Britain.

    The Beginning of Real Change for Britain

    Climate change is the greatest challenge of our age, no doubt about it. But it’s also, very much, a challenge of our age. Like so many of the problems governments have to deal with. From financial regulation to terrorism and internet crime.

    It crosses borders.

    You can’t stop the weather at the cliffs of Dover. That’s why the big deals, the ones that matter, are struck at international forums – like Copenhagen this December. A summit that must, must agree an international plan of action to keep global warming not just below 2 degrees, but below 1.7 degrees. Because that’s what the best science tells us is now needed to prevent catastrophic climate change.

    Who do you want representing Britain at a crucial summit like that? Labour? They have let us down internationally. It wasn’t just Iraq. It was their disregard for European colleagues, refusing to attend summits, grandstanding about how superior they were. It was their disregard for international law. Their backroom deals with Saudi Arabia over BAE, with Libya over Lockerbie, with America over torture. Labour has undermined Britain in the world.

    But what’s the alternative? William Hague? David Cameron and William Hague think the nineteenth century state still makes sense in a twenty-first century world. They simply do not understand that in an age of globalisation power must be exercised by nations together, not squandered by nations going it alone.

    William Hague gives speeches about the enduring importance of the English speaking world. When everyone knows the new power centres are China, India and Brazil. A Cameron-Hague foreign policy would be the most insular and self defeating in modern times. How much influence would they have in Berlin, in Paris, in Brussels? Not a gram. Or even an ounce. And because they wouldn’t stand tall in Europe, they would count for little in Washington too.

    But there is a third option. Imagine Liberal Democrats around the negotiating table.

    Ed Davey, our outstanding shadow foreign secretary. Drawing on the wisdom of Shirley Williams. Paddy Ashdown. Ming Campbell. We would secure Britain a stronger role in the world. By putting us at the heart of the European Union and committing us to abide fully by international law.

    The beginning of real change for Britain.

    Go with Your Instincts: Vote Liberal Democrat

    You know, before I went into politics I managed development aid projects in Central Asia. I led negotiating teams on international trade deals with China and Russia. I worked on new rules to help create the largest single market in the world, here in Europe. I’ve seen how different things could be if Britain would only play its cards right.

    I know there are people who agree with a lot of what we’ve got to say. But who still don’t vote Liberal Democrat. You don’t think we’re contenders. I urge you to think again.

    If you don’t agree with our policies. If you don’t want big change in Britain. Then don’t vote for us. But if you like what you hear. If you share our vision for a different kind of future. Then go with your instincts; vote Liberal Democrat.

    Elections are decided by your cross on the ballot paper. Power is not any party’s to be inherited. Power is yours to give to whoever you choose.

    So don’t turn away, don’t stay at home, don’t vote Conservative just because you think it’s the only option. This is Britain. We don’t settle for second best because we think it’s inevitable. We don’t compromise on our beliefs because people might not agree with us. We stand up for our values with our heads held high.

    So when you enter that polling booth, choose the future you really want.

    Make no mistake: the Liberal Democrats will do things differently in Britain. But if you want real change in Britain, you have to take a stand. If you want what we propose, you have to vote for it.

    If you want tax cuts for ordinary people, paid for by closing loopholes for the very rich. If you want the right to sack your MP if they’re proved corrupt. If you want children to start out at school in classes of just 15. Then vote for it.

    If you want our prisons to work, so there’s less crime. If you want a lasting job in a new, green economy. If you want Britain to stand tall again in the world. Then vote for it. This is a vital moment in the history of our country. And you have the power to shape it.

    Labour is lost. They haven’t the ideas, energy or vision to start again. If you voted for them in the past, you have a choice. You can give away your vote to a fringe party. You can stay at home in despair. Or you can join with the Liberal Democrats and make the difference.

    If you supported Labour in 1997 because you wanted fairness. You wanted young people to flourish. You wanted political reform. You wanted the environment protected. Or you simply believed in a better future. Turn to the Liberal Democrats. We carry the torch of progress now.

    The choice at the next election is fake change from the Conservatives. Or real change from the Liberal Democrats. At a time like this.

    A time of real crisis. Britain cannot afford to be taken in by David Cameron’s illusion of change. Britain needs leadership from a party with real passion, and it’s the Liberal Democrats.

    There is hope for a different future, a different way of doing things in Britain, if we are brave enough to make a fresh start. So let today be the first day of the future of British politics. It may be only the beginning. But it is the beginning. The beginning of real change in Britain.

    If you want things to be different, really different, choose the party that is different.

    Choose the Liberal Democrats.

  • Nick Clegg – 2008 Speech to Liberal Democrat Party Conference

    nickclegg

    Nick Clegg made his first leader’s speech to the Liberal Democrat party conference, which was held in Liverpool in 2008. He set out his personal beliefs and the need to change Britain’s political system:

    My grandmother was a Russian exile.

    She fled the Russian revolution as a child, escaping through Europe and finally settling here in Britain.

    My mother spent part of her childhood in a Japanese prisoner of war camp in Indonesia.

    My mother and my grandmother – their lives torn and reshaped by the great wars and upheavals of the twentieth century.

    And they found a home in Britain because ours is a nation of tolerance, of freedom, and of compassion.

    And what my mother and grandmother endured taught me the extraordinary, precious value of those beliefs.

    They understood that beliefs matter. They make all the difference between war and peace. Beliefs shape our world, for better and for worse.

    And my family taught me never to give up on problems, and no matter what the odds or opposition, always to seek to do what’s right.

    And there are problems in Britain today.

    Too many.

    Families stuck in grinding poverty.

    Liberty taken and abused by government officials.

    Climate change starting to tighten its deathly grip.

    But they aren’t problems with the British people.

    They’re problems faced by the British people.

    We are not the problem.

    It’s the system that’s the problem.

    And that’s what gives me hope.

    Because there is nothing we cannot change.

    Our party is growing.

    We’re going from strength to strength.

    More supporters, more members, more MPs.

    It’s not that long ago, if 13 MPs wanted to rebel, we’d have had to borrow some from the other parties.

    You want to know the great political story of our generation?

    It isn’t New Labour.

    It isn’t New Conservatives.

    Those are just the dying sparks of a fire that’s running out of fuel.

    No. The great political story of our time is the story of the vast and growing army of people who look at the two main parties and say “no thanks.”

    People who, like me, like you, want something different.

    In 1951, only 2% of voters chose someone other than Labour or the Tories.

    At the last general election, it was 32%.

    Now a gimmick here, or a lucky break there may boost Labour or Conservative poll ratings for a few weeks or months.

    But it cannot, and will not reverse the trend.

    Who seriously believes that the British people, offered so much choice in every aspect of our daily lives, will ever again settle for a two-party system?

    If you have two parties, you only ever have two ideas.

    Actually that’s on a good day.

    Most of the time they can’t even rustle up a single good idea between them.

    No wonder people are tired of politics.

    Tired of a system that swings like a pendulum between two establishment parties.

    Tired of the same old politicians, the same old fake choices, the same old feeling that nothing ever changes.

    But this isn’t a story of indifference.

    People do care about issues. Climate change. Poverty. Their local school or hospital.

    There are marches and campaigns and petitions launched every day of the week.

    People care. They just don’t care about politicians.

    So this is the end of the line for politics-as-usual.

    If we want a political system that works for the future, we need to start again.

    From scratch.

    I am not just talking about electoral reform.

    A change in our voting system is a vital part of what we need, but it isn’t enough.

    First, let’s clean up politics.

    Scandals over pay and expenses have shattered confidence.

    Thousands of voters have seen their MP exposed for corruption – and been told there’s nothing they can do about it.

    I want a Derek Conway Clause.

    So if an MP is suspended for serious misconduct there is an automatic recall ballot so people can call for a by-election.

    If your MP lets you down, you should have the power to fire them.

    Second, let’s give people the say they deserve.

    I hold town hall meetings up and down the country every couple of weeks – where I answer any question, on any topic, and anyone can come along.

    I say to Gordon Brown and David Cameron: do the same.

    Today I’m writing to invite them to join me at any one of the town hall meetings coming up.

    Not as a media stunt, but a direct conversation with people – no spin, no hand-picked audiences, no planted questions.

    And our plans for the NHS, approved this weekend, would give every citizen an even more direct say.

    The power to run their local health service, by standing for election to their local health board.

    This is real democracy in action.

    Giving local people the chance to run services which really matter to them, and being held accountable at the ballot box by their own communities.

    It’s our health service – it’s time to put it back in our hands.

    Third, let’s design a new political system for the 21st century.

    It shouldn’t be hammered out in secret, smoke-filled rooms, by the powers that be.

    I want a citizens’ jury of 100 people to sit in a Constitutional Convention with all the political parties, churches, civil society groups and more – to look across the board, and redesign the way Britain is governed.

    I wrote to David Cameron and Gordon Brown proposing such a Convention just after Christmas.

    Their replies were laughable.

    Dave suggested he and I gang up on Gordon.

    And Gordon sent me six pages of legalistic waffle.

    Willie Goodhart, Anthony Lester and the rest of our top legal experts are still locked in a Committee room trying to decipher it.

    You see, only the Liberal Democrats will ever champion the sort of change we need.

    Only we can transform the system, because we aren’t part of it.

    I joined the Liberal Democrats because we’re independent.

    When I was a teenager, Labour were in the pockets of the trade unions.

    Conservatives in the pockets of big business.

    What drew me to the Liberal Democrats was that we weren’t in anyone’s pocket.

    It’s still the same.

    The establishment parties will manipulate the system to get the power they want.

    But they’ll never change it.

    They like having power and privilege sewn up between a few chums in the Westminster bubble.

    That’s why they won’t do what’s needed and get the money out of politics.

    They don’t see we’re heading for the skids.

    If we don’t act, Britain will end up like America, where political influence is all about cash.

    That’s why I want a universal £25,000 cap on donations.

    A real cap on spending.

    And yes, an end to big union donations, and an end to offshore finance from Belize.

    Transparency. Openness. A new constitutional settlement. And an end to big money politics.

    That’s what Britain needs and we will get it done.

    I’m not shy about doing whatever it takes.

    If it means walking out of Parliament when the big parties collude against us, I say: fine.

    If it means boycotting banquets that celebrate our relationship with dodgy regimes, like Vince Cable did, or speaking up to expose corruption like Chris Davies did, I say: so be it.

    If it means risking court, and refusing to sign up for an Identity Card, I say: bring it on.

    And you can expect more – much more – of that from me

    It’s a high-risk strategy.

    And I warn you, we can only make it work if we are united and if we are disciplined.

    United and disciplined in the face of attacks from the establishment parties and the establishment media.

    If we are not the radical force in British politics, who will be?

    Not Gordon Brown.

    Until last summer, we all thought we knew what Gordon Brown was all about.

    We knew he’d signed the cheques for Iraq.

    We knew he had an arrogant, centralising obsession with controlling everything.

    And a steely determination to get his hands on the keys to Downing Street.

    But at least people thought he would be able to manage things with a little competence.

    Then look what happened.

    A bottled election.

    Northern Rock.

    Party funding scandals.

    Data losses.

    This government had the audacity to advise every family in Britain to get a paper shredder, to protect them from identity fraud – and then proceeded to lose more of our personal data than any government in the history of the world.

    But there’s worse.

    Remember last autumn, after the election-that-never-was?

    Alistair Darling stole a policy from the Tories and announced an inheritance tax cut that will help only the richest 6% of people.

    And do you know where they found the money?

    If the reports are true, they scrapped a plan they’d been developing all summer.

    A plan to cut child poverty.

    The future of hundreds of thousands of children sold down the river because the Labour party sold its soul and became the second Conservative party.

    Money taken from the poorest kids and given to the richest adults, no questions asked.

    Gutless, heartless, incompetent.

    Gordon Cameron. David Brown. What’s the difference any more?

    I’ve actually found out why it’s going so wrong for Gordon.

    I’ve got my hands on a secret memo.

    Drafted by Ed Miliband, redrafted by Ed Balls, leaked by Charlie Whelan.

    Gordon Brown’s masterplan.

    Number one: get into Downing Street.

    Number two: don’t leave.

    Number three: errr, that’s it.

    No vision. No agenda. No hope.

    And the Conservatives are just the same.

    They’re in favour of winning, they’re against losing, and that’s it.

    David Cameron has taken a conscious, strategic decision? not to have any policies.

    They have commissions, and papers, and ideas, and possibilities.

    But not one concrete promise.

    This is sham politics from a party bereft of belief, that will say anything to get elected – and Britain deserves more.

    You know their proposals for tax breaks for marriage are so ill-thought out, they would even give cash to a man who’s ditched his stay-at-home-wife and shacked up with his secretary.

    Think about the alternatives to Alistair Darling.

    In the yellow corner: Vince Cable, former chief economist at Shell.

    In the blue corner: George Osborne, former Tory research assistant.

    On tax: Vince Cable has carefully costed plans for a fairer, greener Britain.

    And George Osborne has a review by Lord Howe, famously described as a dead sheep.

    On Northern Rock, Vince Cable had a sensible plan for temporary national ownership.

    And George Osborne has had more positions than the Kama Sutra.

    On every issue, Vince is streets ahead, the Liberal Democrats are streets ahead of the Conservatives.

    But have you heard the latest wheeze from the Tories?

    It’s the extraordinary claim that David Cameron wants to mimic Barack Obama and be “anti-establishment”.

    That’s like Margaret Thatcher claiming to be the champion of the unions.

    Or Boris Johnson giving a master-class in the art of diplomacy.

    This is a man who’s still not welcome in the great city of Liverpool. Or Portsmouth. Or Papua New Guinea.

    And we must keep him out of City Hall too.

    Ken Livingstone has let London down and the only man fit to replace him is Brian Paddick.

    An outstanding candidate who will transform London.

    It’s not just in London where we’re facing elections in May.

    There are three thousand seats to be won.

    So let’s campaign as we’ve never campaigned before.

    Win more votes and more seats so even more British people can have the opportunity of a Liberal Democrat council.

    The day before I was elected leader, Mr Cameron suggested we join them.

    He talked about a “progressive alliance”.

    This talk of alliances comes up a lot, doesn’t it?

    Everyone wants to be in our gang.

    So I want to make something very clear today.

    Will I ever join a Conservative government?

    No.

    Will I ever join a Labour government?

    No.

    I will never allow the Liberal Democrats to be a mere annex to another party’s agenda.

    But am I interested in building a new type of government? Yes.

    Based on pluralism instead of one party rule? Yes.

    A new system, that empowers people not parties? Yes.

    We want a new, more liberal Britain.

    And the Liberal Democrats will be the gathering point for everyone who wants that liberal Britain too – no matter their background, no matter their party.

    So for anyone who shares our ambitions I have two words: join us.

    What will it look like, this new Britain?

    First the great monoliths of centrally-run bureaucracies must be opened up – and run for the sake of the people, the patients, the pupils.

    These days individuals are powerless in the face of the rules and regulations that run everything.

    Every sensible request is met with a mindless “Computer Says No”.

    Who hasn’t got stuck in the nightmarish world of an automatic phone service they laughably call a “helpline”?

    The lift music. The menus. The mechanical voice that tells you “your call is important to us”.

    It’s frustrating when you’re trying to sort out your gas bill.

    But what if that helpline’s your only route to getting money for food, heating, clothes for your kids?

    That’s what happened to Hayley Sandford, a young single mum from Camborne, in Cornwall.

    She didn’t want to be stuck on benefits.

    So she took a job over the summer.

    She and her friend Donna spent six weeks doing face-painting for kids.

    But the season ended, the crowds went home, and the job stopped.

    Hayley’s tax credits had been mistakenly stopped too. And now she had no wages either.

    Just imagine. No money, and a young son to feed.

    She was desperate.

    Tipped into financial chaos because the system couldn’t keep up.

    Because bureaucrats were interested only in forms and rules.

    They couldn’t see the human tragedy emerging in front of them.

    In the end, Hayley was lucky. Her MP, Julia Goldsworthy, stepped in and helped sort out the chaos.

    But it shouldn’t have to be like this.

    We can’t all rely on Julia.

    We want services that are human-sized, personal in nature, and designed for real people.

    We don’t want these services handed down by the faceless state.

    Gordon Brown is obsessed with building bigger and bigger database systems.

    I sometimes wonder if it’s a mid-life crisis thing.

    You know – instead of buying a Porsche or trying to climb Everest.

    It’s an international game of “mine’s bigger than yours”.

    They’re actually proud of the fact Britain has more innocent people’s DNA on file than any other country in the world.

    Proud that Britain is leading the world in fingerprinting children at school.

    Proud that the Identity Card database will be the biggest and most complex the world has ever seen.

    They shouldn’t be proud, they should be ashamed.

    Our civil liberties are a hard-won inheritance from our forefathers who fought and died for our freedom.

    And our party will defend them to the end.

    It’s a funny thing, freedom.

    It ought to belong to everyone, in equal measure.

    But in Britain today, some people are still more free than others.

    Pensioners spending a whole winter in the bedroom, because it’s the only room they can afford to heat.

    That isn’t freedom.

    Children shunted from one damp, temporary flat to another – sharing a bed with their parents because there’s no space for a room of their own.

    That isn’t freedom.

    Teenagers trapped in a cycle of drink and drugs and crime, because they have never known anything different.

    That isn’t freedom.

    And it doesn’t have to be like this.

    A better Britain would put education and opportunity at its very heart so no child, no parent, is ever trapped in poverty.

    These days, a clever, but poor child, will be overtaken at school by a less clever, but wealthier child by the age of six.

    The age of six.

    Just two thousand days old, and already let down by the system.

    We cannot let this go on.

    I met a remarkable young man a couple of months ago in Southwark.

    Ashley had the kind of drive and charisma that fills you with hope – and the kind of childhood that makes you want to weep.

    Passed about from one set of foster parents to another.

    These days, the government calls kids in care “looked-after children”.

    Too often, “looked-after” is just a painful euphemism for a childhood on the scrap heap.

    You know how many looked-after children go to university?

    Five percent.

    But Ashley defied the system, defied the statistics, and got into Cambridge.

    By sheer force of personality, and with the help of a good school, he has conquered circumstance.

    But it shouldn’t be so hard.

    The system should pave the way for people like Ashley, not set up roadblocks.

    That’s why our idea for a Pupil Premium is so important, to get investment in education for the poorest children up to the levels of private schools.

    And I will find the £2.5 billion it will cost.

    I want to build an education system where the people who need the most help get the most help.

    Where schools that take on children who are harder to teach get extra cash to fund catch up classes, Saturday school, one-to-one tuition – whatever it takes.

    I’ve seen it work.

    In the Netherlands, classes in deprived areas are half the size of classes in more affluent areas.

    And as a result everyone gets a good education, no matter what their background.

    We can have that here.

    We can have a better education system, and through it a better Britain.

    But, inequality today isn’t just about what happens at school.

    The crisis reaches so deep that where you are born, and who your parents are, affects everything about how your life will pan out.

    It even affects how long that life will be.

    Some day, if you’re in London, get on the tube at Westminster, on the Jubilee line.

    Take an eastbound train towards the Docklands.

    Every station you pass, every time the train stops, every time the doors open and close, for every stop you travel east, life expectancy drops by a year.

    It’s the same across Britain.

    In Sheffield, a child born in the poorest neighbourhood will live 14 years less than a child born just a few miles away.

    The NHS is a great national institution.

    But it isn’t good enough.

    It isn’t good enough when the very number of days you will spend on this planet are determined by the place and circumstances of your birth.

    So let us build a new NHS – a People’s NHS.

    That’s why this week we’ve committed ourselves to a patient guarantee.

    Treatment within a specified waiting time – or we’ll pay for you to go private.

    That’s the way it works in Denmark – not to undermine the public health system, but to guarantee patients’ rights.

    And patients should have more control over their care – with budgets in their own hands to treat long term and chronic conditions.

    Nowhere is this more important than in mental health.

    People are waiting for literally years for help.

    In Plymouth you’ll be stranded for three and a half years before you even get to see a therapist.

    So people languish on incapacity benefit, and stuff themselves with pills that might not even work.

    And sometimes, help never comes.

    Like for Petra Blanksby.

    A childhood of sexual abuse. Beatings from her mother. Repeatedly locked with her twin sister in a cupboard with the dogs.

    In a last desperate cry for help, she set fire to her own mattress.

    Instead of receiving help, she was convicted of arson and sent to prison where she tied a ligature around her neck and hanged herself.

    She was 19.

    And what makes the tragedy even more agonizing is that her twin sister, locked as a child in the same cupboard, but given help and therapy in her teens, is OK.

    That’s how it should be. People should get a second, a third, a fourth chance at life – however many chances it takes.

    Take our criminal justice system.

    It doesn’t have to be just a dustbin for people who’ve been failed by everyone else.

    It should be a place where people and communities come together to tackle crime and deal with problems.

    Where criminals are punished, of course, but also steered away from crime.

    I visited a great drugs court in West London last year run by a Judge called Justin Philips.

    He wants the drug addicts he sees to really feel they’ve achieved something when they’re staying away from drugs and crime.

    He cajoles, encourages, admonishes, and praises the offenders as if they were from his own family.

    And it makes such a difference.

    I met a young man called Aaron. His story was like that of almost every drug addict.

    Stealing to buy drugs.

    Failed attempts at rehab.

    A never-ending cycle of crime, punishment, cold turkey, falling off the wagon.

    And then he was sent to Judge Justin.

    Who – quite literally – held his hand through the huge task of getting clean, and keeping clean.

    Aaron told me – “Justin was the first person I ever met, my whole life, who cared about what happened to me.”

    It makes a difference when you treat a human being like a human being.

    And it can be this way.

    We don’t have to have to have tens of thousands of young people hooked on drugs.

    We don’t have to have women selling themselves on the streets to fund their desperate need for a hit.

    We can care for people as we punish them, not only for their sake but to make British communities safer too.

    Change the system, and we can change Britain.

    Education, health and crime.

    The top three concerns of the British people.

    They have been for decades.

    But I want us to get the environment up there too.

    Our planet is sick.

    And we will only heal it if people – if millions of people – demand action.

    Climate scientists trade all sorts of terrifying numbers and statistics: degrees of warming, metres rise in sea levels, numbers of people who’ll be driven from their homes.

    But there’s one number that worries me most.

    Just one in fourteen people thinks the environment is a big problem.

    Everyone in this room knows the Liberal Democrats have the best policies on tackling climate change.

    But I am not content to sit around, burnishing our policy credentials so that, some time in the future – if the apocalypse comes – we can say “I told you so”.

    We’ve got to make concern about the environment a mass movement – now.

    We must provide an optimistic, empowering case for action to tackle climate change.

    You can’t hector people – they must be motivated and inspired.

    Especially when they’re already struggling to meet their council tax bills, the gas, the electric, childcare.

    When you’re struggling to keep your head above water, buying a wormery or going organic seems like a luxury for someone else.

    We all need to feel like the system’s on our side.

    There are too many rules, too many blockages, too many obstacles to making life greener.

    It’s even difficult to make small steps.

    It actually took me a year – a whole year – to get the Labour council in Sheffield to put a recycling bin in the playground of a primary school in my constituency.

    Now, I’m an MP. It’s my job to campaign for this sort of thing sometimes.

    But how many parents are there, across the country, who had the same idea – let’s get a recycling bin at school – and gave up?

    By changing the system, to support people who want to do their bit, we can get business, government and people to act together.

    If we all begin today, we can still save the planet.

    We can harness environmental leadership to drive our economy too.

    We will need it, if we’re to withstand the global downturn that’s on the doorstep.

    Britain is in no fit state to endure the impact of a recession in the US.

    Our government has created a system propped up on cheap credit.

    We’ve been building castles on the sand. And the tide is coming in.

    Poor Alistair Darling has become the chief mourner at his own political funeral.

    But outside Westminster, we all know who will suffer first, and most.

    It isn’t the hedge fund managers. It isn’t the wealthy tax exiles.

    It’s ordinary families, already struggling with rising council tax, soaring gas and electricity bills, and the merciless upwards creep of the price of food.

    Why is it that those ordinary families still pay more tax than the richest people in Britain today?

    What kind of messed-up system is that?

    If we want a better Britain, with opportunity for everyone, we’ve got to have fair taxes.

    Cutting income tax by 4p in the pound is a great start.

    But we must never stop thinking about how we make taxes fairer, greener and – if possible – lower.

    Not loopholes for people with clever tax accountants and offshore trusts.

    But lifting the burden on ordinary families.

    We mustn’t be a party that taxes for the sake of it.

    I have no interest in taxing people to “send a message”.

    Taxes should be fair, and they should be green.

    They should raise the money we need? and not a penny more.

    So if, before the General Election, we find we can deliver our objectives with money to spare, we shouldn’t look for new ways to spend it.

    We should look for new ways to hand it back, especially to those who need it most.

    We have called for tax rises in the past, when investment in our public services was intolerably low.

    We were right to do so.

    But after a decade of unprecedented increases in spending the problem now is not “how much” – it’s “how”.

    We need to think radically about how we improve our public services.

    Change funding systems so there’s fair access for everyone.

    Deliver services efficiently, instead of wasting money on massive centralised systems that do more harm than good.

    And devolve control to councils, communities, families, parents, patients and pupils.

    Change will upset some people, I know.

    Change always does.

    There are vested interests at play – in the establishment parties, in the big central bureaucracies that run things in Britain today.

    Someone’s got to take on the vested interests?

    Someone’s got to challenge the established order of things?

    And it’s got to be us? it can only be us.

    I don’t just mean vested interests determining government policy here at home.

    Our whole international political system – and Britain’s role within it – is twisted and warped by powerful people determined to promote their own interests.

    What better example is there than Iraq?

    If there is one thing this illegal war has taught us, it is this –

    That when others choose to ride their tanks over the top of international law, our government must not roll over or join in.

    Iraq was Bush’s war – and supporting it is Labour’s greatest shame.

    Our whole political establishment is in thrall to the might of the Pentagon and the White House.

    Only the Liberal Democrats say no.

    Britain must embrace our relationship with other allies – especially Europe.

    That’s why I will always be a passionate promoter of the European Union and Britain’s place at its heart.

    But the Bush administration is coming to an end. At last.

    We have a real chance now to break with the past.

    Set priorities here in Britain, not in the Pentagon.

    No more nods and winks to the abuse of human rights.

    No more secretive deals to host American missile systems on British soil.

    No more neo-con wars.

    Now is the time for change.

    Of course there will be times when military action is necessary.

    We supported, and continue to support, the intervention in Afghanistan – and we must do more to make it a success.

    But Britain’s response to threats must always be ethical, measured and legal.

    Under Labour, quite simply, it isn’t any of those things.

    This is a government which identifies twenty ‘major countries of concern’ for human rights abuses, then exports record levels of arms to nineteen of them.

    This is a government which cancels an investigation into corrupt arms sales to Saudi, then rolls out the red carpet for a state visit from its king.

    This is a Prime Minister who refuses to speak up on human rights abuses in China, then picks up his reward in the form of special trade deals.

    For too long, vested interests have triumphed over doing what’s right and it’s got to stop.

    Sometimes it makes you feel so helpless – and yes, angry too – when there’s so much you want to change.

    I bet you’ve all felt like that once in a while.

    Like there’s a mountain to climb, and it’s just too much to do alone.

    The cynicism of so much public debate doesn’t help.

    A cynicism that mocks anyone with the nerve to speak with sincerity about what they believe.

    A cynicism that’s given up believing in hope.

    But I am not embarrassed by sincerity.

    I am not ashamed of believing in things.

    I want to believe in a better Britain.

    Every one of us is here today because we believe in a better Britain.

    It’s time for a party that isn’t cowed by the system, or afraid to challenge it.

    Because the chance for change is there – within our reach.

    The chance to prise open, once and for all, the rotten old system, and build something new.

    The chance is there.

    It’s ours to take.

    So let’s seize it.

  • David Cameron – 2015 Statement with President Barack Obama

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the statement made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, with President Barack Obama, on 7 June 2015 at the G7 meeting in Bavaria, Germany.

    President Barack Obama

    It is wonderful to be back with my good friend and partner David Cameron. I’d like to congratulate him, as I did over the phone, on his resounding election victory and look forward to working with him on a whole host of issues in the coming year.

    This is going to give us an opportunity to discuss a number of particular challenges that require US and United Kingdom leadership. We’ll be talking about Russia and Ukraine, and the importance of us maintaining the sanctions regime to put pressure on Russia and separatist forces, to implement fully the Minsk agreement. We think that there can be a peaceful, diplomatic resolution to this problem but it’s going to require that Europe and the United States and the Transatlantic Partnership, as well as the world, stay vigilant and stay focused on the importance of upholding the principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty.

    We’ll have an opportunity to discuss the effort against ISIL and the situation in Iraq and Syria, and assess what’s working, what’s not and how we can continue to make progress there in dismantling the infrastructure that ISILhas built, and in promoting the kinds of political inclusion in Iraq and ultimately in Syria that are going to be necessary for a long-term solution.

    We’ll also have a chance to talk about hot spots like Libya and Nigeria where obviously terrorism has gotten a foothold. And more affirmatively, we’re going to have the opportunity to continue the discussion bilaterally that we’ve been having with the other G7 members around issues like trade and climate change and the importance of US and British leadership on those issues.

    So I am very much looking forward to this conversation. We have no closer partner around the globe on a whole host of critical issues. I would note that one of the great values of having the United Kingdom in the European Union is its leadership and strength on a whole host of global challenges. And so we very much are looking forward to the United Kingdom staying a part of the European Union because of – we think its influence is positive not just for Europe but also for the world.

    Prime Minister David Cameron

    Well, thank you very much, and it’s good to be back with my friend and close partner Barack Obama, and working together over the coming years. As you said Barack, there are so many issues to discuss at this meeting and bilaterally, with our very close partnership and the partnership between Britain and the United States, that special relationship. But they all really come down to two words: prosperity and security. What we want for our people back at home, which is the chance of a job and also the chance of greater security. And whether we’re discussing the situation in the Ukraine, the need to fight Islamist extremist terrorism, particularly in Iraq and Syria, but elsewhere around the world, it’s about keeping people safe back at home, where the cooperation between our security and intelligence services and our military is as close as it’s ever been, and as effective as it’s ever been.

    We’ve also got a lot of issues to discuss that really will determine whether we can have successful, strong economies, like the need for these trade deals we were talking about earlier, and also the deal on climate change which is going to be very important for our future prosperity and security.

    So a lot of issues to discuss tonight and it’s great to be back together with you addressing them in this bilateral meeting as well as in the bigger G7. So thank you very much.

  • David Cameron – 2014 Commons Statement on European Council

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the statement made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on the European Council on 30th June 2014. The statement was made in the House of Commons in London.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a statement on last week’s European Council.

    Before turning to the appointment of the next Commission President, let me briefly report back on 2 other points.

    First, the Council began in Ypres with a moving ceremony at the Menin Gate to mark the 100th anniversary of the gunshots in Sarajevo which led to the First World War.

    It is right that we should take special steps to commemorate the centenary of this conflict and to remember the extraordinary sacrifice of a generation who gave their lives for our freedom.

    The government is determined to ensure that Britain has fitting national commemorations, including the re-opening of the newly refurbished Imperial War Museum next month.

    Second, the Council signed Association Agreements with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine.

    These reflect our commitment to supporting these countries as they undertake difficult reforms that will strengthen their economies, bolster their democracies and improve the stability of the whole continent.

    President Poroshenko joined the Council to discuss the immediate situation in Ukraine.

    The Council welcomed his peace plan and the extension of the ceasefire until this evening.

    The onus is now on Russia to respond positively by pressing the separatists to respect a genuine ceasefire, to release hostages and to return occupied border posts to the Ukrainian authorities.

    The Council agreed that if we don’t see concrete progress very soon, we remain willing to impose further sanctions on Russia, which would not necessarily require a further meeting of the Council.

    But the Council will return to this issue at its next meeting which has now been arranged for 16 July.

    Mr Speaker, turning to the appointment of the next Commission President.

    I firmly believe that it should be for the European Council – the elected heads of national governments – to propose the President of the European Commission. It should not be for the European Parliament to try and dictate that choice to the Council.

    That is a point of principle on which I was not prepared to budge.

    In taking this position I welcomed the support of the Leader of the Opposition, as well as the Deputy Prime Minister, in opposing the imposition of Jean-Claude Juncker on the Council.

    I believe that the Council could have found a candidate who commanded the support of every member state.

    That has been the practice on every previous occasion.

    And I think it was a mistake to abandon this approach this time.

    Of course there is a reason why no veto is available when it comes to this decision.

    And that is because the last government signed the Nice Treaty which gave up our veto over the nomination of the Commission President as well as the Lisbon Treaty which gave the Parliament stronger rights to elect the Commission President.

    So once it was clear the Council was determined to proceed, I insisted that the European Council took a formal vote – something that doesn’t usually happen.

    Facing the prospect of being outvoted some might have swallowed their misgivings and gone with the flow, but I believe it was important to push the principle and our deep misgivings about this issue to the end.

    If the European Council was going to let the European Parliament choose the next President of the Commission in this way, I at least wanted to put Britain’s opposition to this decision on the record.

    I believe this was a bad day for Europe – because the decision of the Council risks undermining the position of national governments.

    And it risks undermining the power of national parliaments by handing further power to the European Parliament.

    So while the nomination has been decided and must be accepted, it is important that the Council did at least agree to review and reconsider how to handle the appointment of the next Commission President the next time this happens.

    And this is set out in the Council conclusions.

    Mr Speaker, turning to the future, we must work with the new Commission President, as we always do, to secure our national interest.

    I spoke to him last night and he repeated his commitment in his manifesto to address British concerns in the EU.

    This whole process only underlines my conviction that Europe needs to change.

    And some progress was made in arguing for reform at this Council.

    The Council Conclusions make absolutely clear that the focus of the Commission’s mandate for the next 5 years must be on building stronger economies and creating jobs, exactly as agreed with the leaders of Sweden, Germany and the Netherlands at Harpsund earlier this month.

    The Council underlined the need to address concerns about immigration arising from misuse of – or fraudulent claims on – the right of freedom of movement.

    We agreed that national parliaments must have a stronger role and that the EU should only act where it makes a real difference.

    We broke new ground with the Council conclusions stating explicitly that Ever Closer Union must allow for different paths of integration for different countries and, crucially, respects the wishes of those like Britain that do not want deeper integration.

    And for the first time all my 27 fellow heads of government have agreed explicitly, in the Council Conclusions, that they need to address Britain’s concerns about the European Union. That has not been set before.

    So while Europe has taken a step backwards in respect of the nomination of the Commission President, we did secure some small steps forward for Britain in its relationship with the EU.

    Mr Speaker, last week’s outcome will make renegotiation of Britain’s relationship with the European Union harder and it certainly makes the stakes higher.

    There will always be huge challenges in this long campaign to reform the European Union.

    But with determination I believe we can deliver.

    We cut the EU Budget.

    We got Britain out of the bail-out schemes.

    We’ve achieved a fundamental reform of the disastrous Common Fisheries Policy and made a start on cutting EU red tape.

    We’re making real progress on the single market – and on the free trade deals that are vital for new growth and jobs in Britain.

    My colleagues on the European Council know that Britain wants and needs reform…

    …and they know that Britain sticks to its position.

    Mr Speaker, in the European elections people cried out for change across the continent.

    They are intensely frustrated and they deserve a voice.

    Britain will be the voice of those people.

    We will carry on standing up for our principles, carry on defending our national interest and carry on fighting with all we have to reform the EU over the next few years.

    And at the end of 2017, it will not be me, this Parliament or Brussels that decides Britain’s future in the European Union.

    It will be the British people.

    I commend this statement to the House.

  • David Cameron – 2014 Press Conference Following June European Council

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the press conference made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, following the European Council in June 2014. The press conference was held on 27th June 2014.

    This European Council has been dominated by discussions about the EU’s direction over the next 5 years. And specifically the decision on the next President of the European Commission.

    But before I turn to that, we took an important step today towards stronger relations with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine.

    The agreements, signed today, reflect our commitment to supporting these countries as they undertake reforms that will strengthen their economies, bolster democracies and make our European continent more stable.

    President Poroshenko joined us for discussions today. We welcome his peace plan and fully support his efforts to build a peaceful and stable Ukraine.

    The onus now is on Russia. The ceasefire has been expanded. So now Russia must: press the separatists to observe a genuine ceasefire; release hostages and return occupied border posts to the Ukrainian authorities.

    And we’ve said clearly that if we don’t see concrete progress then we remain willing to impose further sanctions on Russia.

    On the Commission President, from the outset, I have been clear where I stand on this issue.

    I firmly believe in the principle that the European Council should be the one to propose the candidate.

    And that if you believe in a principle you should stand up for it.

    That’s why I stood firm in my opposition today.

    I believe that by working together we could have found an alternative candidate who commanded the support of every member state, agreeing together on the best way forward.

    That has been the practice the EU has followed on every single occasion until today.

    And I think it is a serious mistake that other leaders decided to abandon that approach today.

    It’s why I insisted that the European Council took a vote.

    If the European Council – the elected heads of government – are going to allow the European Parliament to choose the next President of the European Commission, I wanted it on the record that Britain opposed that.

    The Council voted to nominate Jean Claude Juncker as the next President of the European Commission. Britain and Hungary opposed.

    We must accept the result and Britain will now work with the Commission President, as we always do, to secure our national interest.

    But let me absolutely clear. This is a bad day for Europe It risks undermining the position of national governments. It risks undermining the power of national parliaments. And it hands power to the European Parliament.

    It is therefore important that the European Council has agreed to review what has happened today and consider how we handle the appointment of the Commission President next time around.

    Turning to the future.

    This whole process has reinforced my conviction that Europe needs to change.

    That was a clear message delivered by voters at the European elections.

    Europe has to change to succeed.

    And if you are deadly serious that you want change – as I am – then you don’t back down when a vote goes against you.

    Voters need leaders who are willing to fight for change, whatever the obstacles, whatever the frustrations, whatever the cost in the short term.

    Leaders who – however difficult things get – don’t give up, but resolve to persevere.

    So when I say Europe needs reform, and the UK’s place in Europe needs reform, I mean it.

    And I argued hard for reform today.

    In respect of the Council’s mandate for the Commission for the next 5 years we made, with support from like-minded allies, some progress.

    It makes absolutely clear that we must focus our efforts on building stronger economies and creating jobs.

    That the EU should only act where it makes a real difference. Where it doesn’t, it should leave it to nation-states.

    It states that national parliaments should have a stronger role.

    And that we must deal with the abuse of freedom of movement by those who move to claim, not to work – an issue which so worries our peoples.

    We have also broken new ground in 2 specific areas.

    For the first time all my 27 fellow heads of government have agreed explicitly that they will need to address Britain’s concerns about the EU.

    It is in the agreed conclusions the European Council issued today.

    The conclusions also state explicitly that ever closer union allows for different paths of integration for different countries and respects the wish of those – like Britain – who do not want deeper integration.

    This is an important statement but it is not the end of the matter.

    Far from it. The campaign to reform the EU has a long way to go. But on this issue of ever closer union, we have made a start.

    Much more change will be needed during the next few years but I welcome the fact that we have embedded these issues in the Council’s mandate to the Commission from the start.

    So while Europe has taken one big step backwards today with their choice of Commission President, I have made some small steps towards securing a new relationship for Britain in the EU.

    Of course much more is needed. And that will require hard, patient, determined effort in the coming months. It will be tough but I believe it is still possible.

    Today’s outcome is not the one I wanted. And it makes it harder, and the stakes higher.

    This is an important stand, not a last stand.

    My colleagues on the Council know I am deadly serious about EU reform. I keep my word. If I say I’m not going to back down I won’t.

    This is going to be a long, tough fight and sometimes you have to be ready to lose a battle to win a war.

    It has only stiffened my resolve to fight for reform in the EU, because it is crying out for it.

    It has made me even more determined to make the EU address the concerns of all those voters who are intensely frustrated with it and who demand better, because they deserve a voice.

    Britain will be the voice of those people. We will stand up for them, and make sure they are heard. And we will not be put off by what has happened here today.

    Britain is going to work with intensity and with grit to reform the EU day in day out over the next few years and until we achieve it.

    We have shown today that we won’t be put off from that task, we won’t be cowed, we won’t be silenced.

    Because the status quo is not right for the EU. And it is certainly not right for Britain.

    It is has got to change.

    And at the end of 2017, it will not be me, it will not be the House of Commons, it won’t be Brussels who decide about Britain’s future in the European Union.

    It will be the British people.

    It will be their choice, and their choice alone.

  • David Cameron – 2014 Statement on the G7 Summit

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, in the House of Commons, London, on 11th June 2014.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a statement on last week’s G7 summit in Brussels.

    This was a G7 rather than a G8 because of Russia’s unacceptable actions in Ukraine. Right from the outset, the G7 nations have been united in support for Ukraine and its right to choose its own future, and we have sent a firm message that Russia’s actions have been totally at odds with the values of our group of democracies.

    At the summit, we kept up the pressure on Russia. We agreed that the status quo is unacceptable and the continuing destabilisation of eastern Ukraine must stop. We insisted that Russia must recognise the legitimate election of President Poroshenko; it must stop arms crossing the border into Ukraine; and it must cease support for separatist groups. We agreed that wide-ranging economic sanctions should remain on the table if Russia did not follow this path of de-escalation, or if it launched a punitive trade war with Ukraine in response to Kiev proceeding with the trade aspects of its association agreement with the European Union.

    I made those points directly to President Putin when I met him in Paris on the eve of the D-Day commemorations. The inauguration of President Poroshenko has created a new opportunity for diplomacy to help to establish a proper relationship between Ukraine and Russia. I urged President Putin to ensure that this happens. It is welcome that he met President Poroshenko in Normandy and that Moscow and Kiev are now engaging each other again. It is important that we continue to do what we can to sustain the positive momentum. We also agreed to help Ukraine to achieve greater energy security by diversifying its supplies.

    The G7 also continued the work we began last year at Lough Erne to deal with the cancer of corruption, with further agreements on what I call the 3 T’s of greater transparency, fairer taxes and freer trade. We made good progress in working towards common global standards of transparency in extractive industries, we agreed to push forwards with establishing new international rules to stop companies artificially shifting their profits across borders to avoid taxes and we agreed to make a concerted push on finalising bilateral trade deals as soon as possible. These included the EU-Canada and EU-Japan deals, but of course also the EU-US deal, which we launched at Lough Erne last summer. I believe this is one of the greatest opportunities to turbo-charge the global economy and could be worth up to £10 billion for Britain alone. With these agreements, the Lough Erne agenda on transparency, tax and trade has been hard-wired into these international summits for many years to come.

    There was also a good discussion on climate change, where the recent announcements by the US make a potential agreement next year more achievable, and we should do what we can to make that happen.

    In my bilateral meeting with President Obama, we discussed what I believe is the greatest threat to our security: how we counter extremism and the terrorist threat to our people at home and abroad. We agreed to intensify our efforts to address the threat of foreign fighters travelling to and from Syria, which is now the top destination in the world for jihadists. And here in Britain, my Right Hon. Friend the Home Secretary will be introducing a new measure to enable prosecution of those who plan and train for terrorism abroad. In Libya, we are fulfilling our commitment to train the Libyan security forces, with the first tranche of recruits arriving in the United Kingdom yesterday. On Nigeria, we reaffirmed our commitment to support President Jonathan’s government and the wider region in confronting the evil of Boko Haram. We continue to help address the tragedy of the abducted schoolgirls.

    Finally, in all my recent meetings with European leaders and again at the summit in Sweden yesterday, there was discussion about the top jobs in Europe. I believe the European elections sent a clear message right across the continent. The European Union needs to change. It is vital that politicians across Europe respond to the concerns of their people. That means having institutions in Europe that understand the need for reform and it means having people at the head of these institutions who understand that if things go on as they have done, the European Union is not going to work properly for its citizens.

    Quite apart from the entirely valid concerns about the proposed people in question, there is a fundamental point of principle on which we must not budge. As laid down in EU law, it is for the European Council to make its own nomination for President. This is the body that is made up of the elected leaders of the European nations, and it is not for the European Parliament to try to impose its will on the democratically elected leaders of 28 member states.

    Prime Minister Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Rutte of the Netherlands, Chancellor Merkel and I also agreed on the work programme for the new Commission: completing the single market; energising trade deals; and making further progress on deregulation – a clear focus on jobs and growth. We also agreed the Commission must work together to address the abuse of free movement, so that people move across Europe for work but not for welfare. These were important agreements from like-minded European leaders who share my determination to deliver a reformed European Union.

    Finally, amidst the various meetings of the last week I was able to attend the very special commemorations for the 70th anniversary of D-Day in Normandy. Attending the vigil at Pegasus Bridge – marking the moment the first glider touched down on French soil – was a fitting moment to reflect on the importance of our collective defence, something that will be at the heart of the NATO summit in Wales this September. But above all, it was a moment to remember the sheer bravery and sacrifice of all those who gave their lives for our future.

    The veterans who made it to Normandy are quite simply some of the most remarkable people I have ever had the privilege and pleasure of meeting. I will never forget the conversations that I had that night and indeed the next day. Our gratitude for their service and sacrifice must never wane, and neither should our resolve to protect the peace that they fought for. I commend this statement to the House.

  • David Cameron – 2014 Press Conference with the US President

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the press conference between David Cameron and Barack Obama at the G7 meeting in Brussels on 5th June 2014.

    Good afternoon.

    I’m delighted to be here with Barack today.

    As we stand here together in Europe, on the 70th anniversary of the D-Day landings, we should remind the world of the strength and steadfastness of the bond between the United Kingdom and the United States.

    70 years ago, our countries stood like 2 rocks of freedom and democracy in the face of Nazi tyranny.

    70 years ago tonight, thousands of young British and American soldiers, with their Canadian and Free French counterparts, were preparing to cross the Channel in the greatest liberation force that the world has ever known.

    Those young men were united in purpose: to restore democracy and freedom to continental Europe, to free by force of arms ancient European nations, and to allow the nations and peoples of Europe to chart their destiny in the world.

    Thousands of those young men paid the ultimate price, and we honour their memory today and tomorrow. Shortly after D-Day, my own grandfather was wounded and came home.

    We will never forget what they did, and the debt that we owe them for the peace and the freedom we enjoy on this continent.

    Today, in a new century, our 2 democracies continue to stand for and to uphold the same values in the world.

    Democracy. Liberty. The rule of law.

    And day in, day out, our people work together to uphold those values right across the globe.

    And that approach has been at the heart of what we have discussed here at the G7 and in our bilateral meeting today.

    Trade

    We have talked about one of the greatest opportunities we have to turbo-charge the global economy by concluding trade deals, including the EU-US deal which would be the biggest of them all.

    A transatlantic trade and investment partnership that would create growth and jobs. A deal that could be worth up to £10 billion a year for Britain alone.

    It would help to secure our long-term economic success and generate a better future for hard-working families back at home.

    That is why I was so determined to launch negotiations a year ago in Lough Erne.

    Since we have made steady progress but we have got to keep our eyes on the huge prize on offer and not get bogged down.

    Extremism

    We also discussed what I believe is the greatest threat we face.

    How we counter extremism and the threat that terrorist groups operating elsewhere pose to the safety of our people both at home and abroad.

    This year, we will bring our troops home from Afghanistan. They can be proud of what they have achieved over the last decade – denying terrorists a safe haven from which to plot attacks against Britain or the United States.

    But at the same time as we have reduced the threat from that region, so Al-Qaeda franchises have grown in other parts of the world. Many of these groups are focused on the countries where they operate but they still pose a risk to our people, our businesses and our interests.

    Barack and I share the same view of how we tackle this threat in the fragile regions of the world where terrorist networks seek a foothold.

    As I have said before, our approach must be tough, patient, intelligent and based on strong international partnerships.

    So:

    When it comes to Syria, now the number one destination for jihadists anywhere in the world, we have agreed to intensify our efforts to address the threat of foreign fighters travelling to and from Syria.

    We will be introducing new measures in the UK to prosecute those who plan and train for terrorism abroad. And here at the G7, we have agreed to do more to work with Syria’s neighbours to strengthen border security and to disrupt the terrorist financing that funds these jihadist training camps.

    In Libya, we want to help the government as it struggles to overcome the disastrous legacy of Qadhafi’s misrule and to build a stable, peaceful and prosperous future.

    Barack and I have both each recently appointed envoys who will be working together to support efforts to reach a much needed political settlement.

    And we are fulfilling our commitment to train the Libyan security forces, with the first tranche of recruits due to begin their training in the UK this month.

    In Nigeria, we are both committed to supporting the Nigerian government and its neighbours as they confront the scourge of Boko Haram.

    The kidnap of the Chibok girls was an act of pure evil. And Britain and the United States have provided immediate assistance in the search.

    In the longer term, we stand ready to provide more practical assistance to help the Nigerians and the region to strengthen their defence and security institutions and to develop the expertise needed to counter these barbaric extremists.

    Ukraine

    And finally, we had an important discussion on Ukraine and relations with Russia.

    From the outset of this crisis, the G7 nations have has stood united, clear in our support for the Ukrainian people and their right to choose their own future and firm in our message to President Putin that Russia’s actions are completely unacceptable and totally at odds with the values of this group of democracies.

    That is why Russia no longer has a seat at the table here with us.

    At this summit, we were clear about 3 things.

    First, the status quo is unacceptable. The continuing destabilisation of Eastern Ukraine must stop.

    Second, there are a set of things that need to happen.

    President Putin must:

    – recognise the legitimate election of President Poroshenko

    – he must stop arms crossing the border into Ukraine

    – he must cease Russian support for separatist groups

    And third, if these things don’t happen then sectoral sanctions will follow.

    Next month will be vital in judging if President Putin has taken these steps.

    And that’s what I will urge President Putin to do when I meet him later today.

    Finally, we discussed the cancer eating away at the world’s economic and political systems: corruption.

    Corruption is the arch-enemy of democracy and development. The best way to fight corruption and to drive growth is through what I call the 3 Ts: greater transparency, fair tax systems and freer trade.

    That was at the heart of our G8 agenda in Lough Erne and today we agreed to push for more action on fair tax systems, freer trade and greater transparency, things that are now hard wired into these international gatherings and for many years to come.

  • David Cameron – 2014 Speech at Vaisakhi Reception

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, at the 2014 Vaisakhi Reception held at Downing Street, London, on 7th April 2014.

    Prime Minister

    Ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen; well, a very warm welcome. I think this is my fourth Vaisakhi party and I’m very proud to be the first Prime Minister to hold regular annual Vaisakhi parties here in Downing Street. So you’re all very, very welcome.

    Now, there’s really 2 parts to tonight. Part is celebrating Sikhism and celebrating your faith and all your faith brings to you as people and to our country. But second is celebrating the immense contribution that Sikhs have made to Britain over what is now 160 years. That is when the first Sikh arrived, Maharaja Duleep Singh, who were – whose children actually had Queen Victoria as their godmother. I can’t promise that to everybody, but it is a remarkable – a remarkable story.

    And all I wanted to say tonight was just to reflect on the 3 pillars of Sikhism, on the 3 pillars of your remarkable faith.

    The first, worship, Nam Japna: devotion to God. As I say, I’m proud that we hold this reception here in Downing Street every year and I’m proud of what the Sikh faith brings to important parts of our United Kingdom. I’m thinking particularly of the 8 Sikh schools we now have in Britain and I’m particularly proud that 5 of them are free schools introduced under this government’s policy that has allowed people of faith with great ideas for running good schools to establish those schools and provide a great education for your children. So let’s hear it for those free schools and for those Sikh schools here in Britain.

    Now, British Sikhs have been an absolute model in terms of integrating into our communities and playing a role in our communities; whether it is in our armed forces, whether it is serving in government, whether it is working in business, whether it is representing us brilliantly on the cricket field, there’s hardly an area of natural life where British Sikhs haven’t made a huge impact. But I believe as well as integrate, it’s very important in a tolerant, diverse and compassionate nation that we allow different faith and religious groups to keep separate to them what they think is really important about their faith.

    And I hope you will agree this government has always tried to do that. For instance, we stopped the unnecessary searching of turbans at airports, something we’re proud to do. And today I can announce – today I can announce that while there has always been for someone – there has been for some time an exception that mean Sikhs don’t have to wear hard hats on construction sites, I can announce today that from now on Sikhs will not have to wear hard hats at any places of work in our country, and I think that is an important recognition.

    I also understand the importance of all the sacred places that British Sikhs have established, obviously here in our country where your gurdwaras are places of worship, places of education, places of great community cohesion, but I also understand the importance of sacred places on other side – on the other side of the world.

    I will never forget the visit that I made to Amritsar and to the Golden Temple; I spoke about it last year as one of the most peaceful and tranquil and beautiful places I’ve ever had the honour and privilege to visit. I know how much hurt and pain there still is in the Sikh community worldwide about what happened at the Golden Temple, and that is why as soon as that information came out about what had happened I immediately ordered that inquiry and published that inquiry properly so that people could see whether there was any British role. But I understand the pain and the hurt that that whole episode has caused, but what I would say to you is that it’s so important we all demonstrate our understanding of the importance of Amritsar, the importance of the Golden Temple, to your faith.

    Now, the second pillar of Sikhism, work, Kirat Karni, working hard, something I know – I’m sure my pronunciation is terrible. You should hear my French, that’s even – but it is – it is such a feature of one of the values that British Sikhs bring to our country, the incredible devotion to work in business that is so well known. I think of people like Tony Deep – he’s normally here, but of course he’s so busy running his business that he’s just sent some of his children this time – but I think of that – also, the hard work so many Sikhs now do in our parliament. Not enough – I’m proud that we have in Paul Uppal a British Sikh on Conservative benches, Paul is here working hard – but we shouldn’t rest until we see more British Sikhs on green benches and red benches, until we see more British Sikhs at the top of every one of our organisations – whether that is our army, or our judiciary – not because we should believe in tokenism, but because we believe – I believe – that we won’t access the talent of our country unless we demonstrate that everyone from every background and faith can get to the top of any organisation that they choose, and that is so important for our country.

    This year, as we commemorate the 100th anniversary of the First World War, it is also perhaps worth saying something specific about how British Sikhs have served in our armed forces with so much devotion, bravery and courage over so many years. We must be teaching our children in the year to come about the role that the 1.2 million soldiers from the Indian subcontinent played in the First World War. Stories like the story of Manta Singh, who fought at The Battle of Neuve Chapelle, that massive battle on the Western Front in 1915, and when his English colleague was wounded alongside him, he picked him up, carried him, took him to the dressing station while being wounded himself, and then sadly, tragically died afterwards. Stories of heroism, stories of valour; the Sikhs have always had this extraordinary courage and bravery, and it’s been demonstrated so often in the British Armed Forces.

    I always remember when – the first time I ever spoke in a gurdwara in 1996 in Stafford. I was fighting the general election in Stafford; I think it’s fair to say I fought Stafford and Stafford fought back pretty vigorously. But I remember before I got to my feet in the gurdwara, a friend who had got me to go there said, “You’re going to be asked to make a speech.” And I said, “Well, what on earth am I going to say?” And he said, “Well, just remember to say that British Sikhs are incredibly hard-working and remember to say that they’ve won more Victoria Crosses than any other ethnic group in the British Army, and you’ll never disappoint.”

    Now, the third and final thing I want to say, the third and – the third pillar – and I’m going to get this one wrong – Vand Chakna, commitment to community.

    But it is actually – when we think about what British Sikhs do, not just in business, not just in our military but in terms of building strong communities, the community role that the gurdwara plays, but the community role that you all play is so remarkable. I remember reading about those stories in the London riots where Sikhs didn’t just try and protect their temples, they protected other religion’s places of worship too.

    Today in this room a little bit earlier we had people from across the country who had shown extraordinary public service in the floods earlier this year, and we had then Sikhs who had gone out of their way to travel across our country and help people – whether they were in Somerset, whether they were in the Thames Valley, whether they were in East Anglia – who needed help. Serving the community, putting back into the community is something deep in the heart of all British Sikhs. So on this, the fourth Vaisakhi party here in Number 10 Downing Street, can I pay tribute again to your faith which has delivered so much to this country and to our world, and above all, can I pay tribute to the role that British Sikhs play in building our country.

    We are involved today in an enormous fight for the future of Britain, turning our country around, making sure our economy grows once again. And at the heart of that is the importance of business, enterprise and hard work. Those are values dear to British Sikhs. They are the values that Britain needs more of if we’re going to be a success, so please, keep being all that you are, keep doing all that you’re doing and keep building the great success of our country, of your religion, of your community. You’re hugely welcome. Thank you.

    Speaker

    Thank you, Prime Minister. Thank you, Prime Minister, for those beautiful words. I just would like to say a few words. We’re going to sing a hymn now and I just wanted to explain a bit about the – the Shabad or the hymn that we are going sing now.

    So, Vaisakhi is an age-old festival from the field – from the fields of the Punjab, and it marks the first harvest of the year. It’s a time of taking stock, renewal and rebirth, as seeds are sown for the future and new life blossoms all around the spring – in the spring air.

    In the spirit of rebirth and renewal, the tenth Guru, Guru Gobind Singh Ji, performed the first initiation back in 1699 on 30 March, thus creating the Khalsa, the brotherhood of the pure. He envisaged a perfect human being, high in ideals, impeccable morals and a perfect blend of saintly virtues and warrior spirit. The Shabad that we will be singing – the hymn that we will be singing – is that written by Guru Gobind Singh Ji himself in approximately 1699, describing his vision of a perfect Khalsa Sikh, a saint soldier servant of humanity. The second – and it reminds us to look within ourselves and how we measure up to becoming better humans through the service of others.

    I would just like to say as well in the tradition of [inaudible], we humbly ask that those of you who are able to please cover your heads and remove your shoes and – please remain silent during the recital. Thank you.