Theresa May – 2018 Speech at World Mental Health Day Reception

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, on 10 October 2018.

I’m really pleased to be able to welcome you here to Number 10 on World Mental Health Day.

And I want to say a huge thank you to everybody here for everything you are doing to transform how we look after mental health, here in Britain but also around the world.

Because as I’ve been discussing with a number of you and with some young people earlier – for too long, too many people have suffered in silence in fear of the stigma surrounding mental health conditions.

While those who have sought help haven’t had the access to care they would have for a physical ailment.

Putting right that historic injustice is – I think – one of the defining challenges of our time.

We all know someone who has been affected by mental health problems – whether a family member, a colleague or a friend.

Yet average global spend on mental health is just 2.8 per cent of government health spending worldwide.

And we have to change this.

For we are not looking after our health if we are not looking after our mental health.

And we need that true parity between physical and mental health, not just in our health systems but elsewhere as well – in our classrooms, our workplaces, in our communities too.

That is why we were so pleased this week to host the first ever Global Ministerial Summit on mental health.

And in this landmark agreement we see more than 50 countries have supported the declaration to achieve equity for mental health in the 21st Century.

And I am delighted that we have representatives from many of those national delegations here with us this afternoon.

Now we must turn those words into action.

Here in the UK, as you’ve just heard, I have made parity of care a priority for our long-term plan for the NHS.

And as a result, our record investment in the NHS will mean record investment in mental health.

For the first time ever, the NHS will work towards standards for accessing mental health services that are just as ambitious as those for physical health.

The Independent Review of the Mental Health Act, led by Simon Wessely, will enable the government to bring forward historic new legislation – and it is amazing that it has taken so long for us to review our mental health legislation – to help ensure that all people treated under the act are treated with dignity and respect.

We are investing more than £220 million over the next decade in the mental wellbeing of our brave armed forces – changing the culture, so those in need are not stigmatised but rather encouraged to step forward and then helped to return to the frontline. And we are ensuring that we have the right mental health support for our veterans too.

Our new campaign – Every Mind Matters – will train 1 million people in mental health awareness, with the first pilot beginning today in the West Midlands ahead of a national launch next Spring.

But I want us to go further, in particular in two areas: how we prevent the tragic loss of too many lives from suicide and how we support the mental wellbeing of our young people.

I think it’s utterly heart-breaking that suicide is the biggest killer of men under 50 and most likely to occur among those who are disadvantaged in our society today.

And we cannot stand by and allow this injustice to continue.

But to tackle it we need to focus on the full range of challenges that those at risk of suicide are so often facing – from ill-health to debt or unemployment; from family breakdown to bereavement or loneliness; from drugs and alcohol dependency to homelessness.

And we need to break the stigma that so often prevents people from talking when they are at their most desperate.

For this to happen we need to give suicide prevention the priority it deserves.

So I am today appointing Jackie Doyle-Price as the first ever Ministerial Lead for Suicide Prevention.

And what Jackie will be doing is bringing together a national effort to tackle this injustice – working with all of you here – across national and local government, with suicide and self-harm prevention experts, clinicians and those personally affected by suicide. This will include charities like one whose representatives I’ve just met – the Campaign Against Living Miserably – who have campaigned so tirelessly on this issue.

Jackie will also explore how we can harness the latest technology – such as predictive analytics and artificial intelligence – to identify those at risk of suicide.

She will be looking at the support offered to families affected by suicide.

And she will also help to ensure there are effective suicide prevention plans in every local area – and we’ll be publishing a national progress report by Spring next year.

As we do all of this, we are committing up to £2 million for the Zero Suicide Alliance over the next two years to improve suicide awareness and training across the NHS and beyond.

And we will ensure that when people do want to talk, there is someone there to listen.

So we are also committing up to £1.8 million for the Samaritans’ helpline over the next four years, to ensure that it remains free for everyone who needs it, when they need it, 24 hours a day.

As I said, I also want us to do more to support the mental wellbeing of young people.

Half of all mental illness, as we know, begins by the age of 14 – and with young people spending more time online, the strains on mental wellbeing are only going to increase.

So it’s critical that we not only deliver parity of care between mental and physical health – but that we do the same for prevention too.

That is why we are making education about mental health and resilience a mandatory part of the national curriculum.

And we are developing an entirely new mental health workforce that will support schools to get the right help early to young people with mild to moderate mental health needs.

Recruitment has just begun for the first cohort of trainees. They will begin studying in January and be fully trained working in schools by the end of next year.

But we need to go even further in ensuring that mental wellbeing and resilience is at the forefront of our whole approach to supporting young people.

For generations, we have measured our children’s physical health throughout their childhood.

And we have done the same with their academic attainment.

But we haven’t done this for their mental wellbeing.

That not only sends the wrong message about the importance of mental health but it also denies us vital data that can help transform the support we provide for generations to come.

So we are going to change this.

From next year, we will publish an annual State of the Nation report every World Mental Health Day to highlight the trends and issues in young people’s mental wellbeing.

And we will provide schools with an approved framework which can help them with measuring all aspects of their students’ health, including their mental wellbeing.

Now, when I first became Prime Minister, I stood on the steps of Downing Street and pledged to fight the burning injustices in our society.

I think there are few greater examples than the injustice which faces those with mental health conditions.

But working together we can change that.

We can end the stigma that has forced too many to suffer in silence.

We can prevent the tragedy of suicide taking too many lives.

And we can give the mental wellbeing of our children the priority that it so profoundly deserves.

So let’s do that. And let me thank you all again for everything that you are doing to support that vital mission.

And let’s go forward together, determined to ensure we improve people’s mental health and give help and support to those that need it.

Theresa May – 2018 Speech at Regions Drinks Reception

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, on 11 October 2018.

Thank you all for coming today. I know some of you had to travel some considerable distance.

We all know that free, plural and vibrant media is the backbone of this country’s democracy. This is a belief that I and the government hold very strongly. Your coverage, be it in print or broadcast, is a reflection of the rich diversity of the views that can be found right across the United Kingdom.

I think it is true to say, regional and local media is fearless. It is independent and we are committed to safeguarding its future.

I know from the discussions I have with my own local paper the significant pressures that are on regional and local press at the moment. Nowhere is this more true than in print journalism where the rapid changes in consumer behaviour and technology have led to falling circulations and advertising revenues. As we know, a quarter of local papers have closed in the past decade.

That is why we launched the Cairncross Review, to examine what more we can do to improve the long term sustainability of high quality journalism, because it is that high quality journalism, at a local and regional level, that is so important in underpinning our democracy.

Obviously, we’ll wait for the review’s findings and recommendations before we make specific policy decisions but nothing is off the table. This commission was launched because we see that there is a problem there and we need to have those voices looking into it for us and coming forward with their recommendations.

I have already heard of one group that has been sending in not just comments on the challenges but also some solutions. And I am sure that you all will be talking not just about the challenges you face but how you are also reacting to those challenges, to the digital age and what you are doing to improve sustainability. And I am sure you all have ideas on what the government might do to help in this area.

As a member of parliament, I have often seen that it is regional and local media which is a trusted source of news for millions of citizens. It keeps all politicians alive to what really matters beyond the Westminster bubble – understanding what is happening out there is so important for us all. Of course, we see it in our own constituencies but getting that wider reflection of what happens is important.

When that trusted local news comes under threat, then I think democracy suffers and people become ever more vulnerable to disinformation. So this is our local press, it is your profession, it is imperative that we work together to ensure it has a very good and viable future.

So thank you for all that you do to maintain those local independent voices, and we want to work with you so that we continue to see that vibrant local and regional press. That is an important element, underpinning our democracy.

Theresa May – 2018 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, at the Conservative Party Conference held in Birmingham on 3 October 2018.

Thank you very much for that warm welcome.

You’ll have to excuse me if I cough during this speech; I’ve been up all night supergluing the backdrop.

There are some things about last year’s conference I have tried to forget.

But I will always remember the warmth I felt from everyone in the hall.

You supported me all the way – thank you.


This year marks a century since the end of the First World War.

Just a few hundred yards from this conference centre stands a Hall of Memory, built to honour the sacrifice of men and women from this city in that terrible conflict.

Inscribed within it are some familiar words:


We do remember them.

We remember the young men who left their homes to fight and die in the mud and horror of the trenches.

We remember the sailors who shovelled coal into hellfire furnaces in the bowels of battleships.

We remember the selflessness of a remarkable generation, whose legacy is the freedom we enjoy today.

I think of Hubert Grant – my father’s cousin in whose honour he was named.

Hubert fought and died at Passchendaele at the age of just 19.

Last year, at the service to mark the centenary of that battle, I took a moment to find his name on the Menin Gate, alongside thousands of his comrades.

We will remember them.

But the builders of that Hall of Memory also wanted us to do something else.

Alongside a commitment to remember, they inscribed a command that still calls to us today:


Those words express a determination that transformed our country.

A determination that the men who returned from the quagmires of Passchendaele to their families, here in Birmingham and across the land, should have homes fit for heroes.

That the women who made munitions, kept the buses and trains running, served as firefighters and police officers, should have a voice in our democracy.

That a country which stood together in solidarity, with people of every class sharing the danger, should become a fairer place.

A generation later, another victory built on shared sacrifice renewed that determination.

Twice in a century, Britain came together to beat the odds and build a better future.

A stronger democracy in the Mother of Parliaments – where every person, no matter their gender, no matter their class, has an equal voice.

A fairer economy in the home of the free market – where enterprise creates wealth to fund great public services.

A more secure future in the post-war world – where former enemies become friends and the trans-Atlantic alliance makes our world a safer place.

We must recapture that spirit of common purpose.

Because the lesson of that remarkable generation is clear: if we come together, there is no limit to what we can achieve.

Our future is in our hands.


And that is why we are all in this hall today.

It is the reason we chose to get involved in politics in the first place.

We believe that by standing up to be counted, by working together, we can change our communities and our country for the better.

It’s not always glamorous.

I’ve seen the trailers for ‘Bodyguard’ and let me tell you – it wasn’t like that in my day.

Real politics involves a lot of hard graft.

Knocking on doors in all weathers.

Delivering bundles of leaflets.

We do it because we believe in its potential to transform lives.

We understood when we got involved that sometimes it’s adversarial.

But in the last few years something’s changed for the worse.

I feel it. I am sure you do too.

Rigorous debate between political opponents is becoming more like a confrontation between enemies.

People who put themselves forward to serve are becoming targets.

Not just them, their families as well.

We all saw the sickening pictures of a far-left extremist shouting abuse at Jacob Rees-Mogg’s children

And it’s not only Conservatives who are facing abuse.

The first black woman ever to be elected to the House of Commons receives more racist and misogynist messages today than when she first stood over 30 years ago.

You do not have to agree with a word Diane Abbott says to believe passionately in her right to say it, free from threats and abuse.

Some people have lost sight of the fact that political differences are not everything.

I have served in local and national government, in office and in opposition.

I know that no party has a monopoly on good ideas.

That getting things done requires working together – within parties and beyond them.

When our politics becomes polarised, and compromise becomes a dirty word, that becomes harder.

And good people are put off public service.

It doesn’t have to be this way.

Our Party has more elected representatives than any other.

We have in our hands the power to set a standard of decency that will be an example for others to follow.

John McCain, who spoke at this conference 12 years ago, put it like this:

‘We argue and compete and sometimes even vilify each other in our raucous public debates. But we have always had so much more in common with each other than in disagreement.’

That was Jo Cox’s message too.

It is a truth that the British people instinctively understand.

Because they are not ideologues.

They know we all have a common stake in this country and that the only path to a better future is one that we walk down together.

So, let’s rise above the abuse.

Let’s make a positive case for our values that will cut through the bitterness and bile that is poisoning our politics.

Let’s say it loud and clear: Conservatives will always stand up for a politics that unites us rather than divides us.


That used to be Labour’s position too.

But when I look at its leadership today, I worry it’s no longer the case.

We all remember what the Labour Party used to be.

We passionately disagreed with many of their policies.

Every Labour Government left unemployment higher than they found it.

Every Labour Government ran out of other people’s money to spend.

Every Labour Government left the economy in a mess.

But at least they had some basic qualities that everyone could respect.

They were proud of our institutions.

They were proud of our armed forces.

They were proud of Britain.

Today, when I look across at the opposition benches, I can still see that Labour Party.

The heirs of Hugh Gaitskell and Barbara Castle, Dennis Healy and John Smith.

But not on the front bench.

Instead their faces stare blankly out from the rows behind, while another party occupies prime position: the Jeremy Corbyn Party.

The Jeremy Corbyn Party rejects the common values that once bridged our political divide.

Compare Jeremy Corbyn’s behaviour to that of his predecessors.

Would Neil Kinnock, who stood-up to the hard-left, have stood by while his own MPs faced deselection, and needed police protection at their Party conference?

Would Jim Callaghan, who served in the Royal Navy, have asked the Russian government to confirm the findings of our own intelligence agencies?

Would Clement Attlee, Churchill’s trusted deputy during the Second World War, have told British Jews they didn’t know the meaning of antisemitism?

What has befallen Labour is a national tragedy.

What has it come to when Jewish families today seriously discuss where they should go if Jeremy Corbyn becomes Prime Minister?

When a leading Labour MP says his party is ‘institutionally racist’?

When the Leader of the Labour Party is happy to appear on Iranian state TV, but attacks our free media here in Britain?

That is what Jeremy Corbyn has done to the Labour Party.

It is our duty, in this Conservative Party, to make sure he can never do it to our country.


To do that we need to be a Party for the whole country.

Because today millions of people, who have never supported our Party in the past, are appalled by what Jeremy Corbyn has done to Labour.

They want to support a party that is decent, moderate, and patriotic.

One that puts the national interest first.

Delivers on the issues they care about.

And is comfortable with modern Britain in all its diversity.

We must show everyone in this country that we are that Party.

A Party that conserves the best of our inheritance, but is not afraid of change.

A party of patriotism, but not nationalism.

A party that believes in business, but is not afraid to hold businesses to account.

A party that believes in the good that government can do, but knows government will never have all the answers.

A party that believes your success in life should not be defined by who you love, your faith, the colour of your skin, who your parents were, or where you were raised – but by your talent and your hard work.

Above all a party of Unionism, not just of four proud nations, but of all our people.

A party not for the few, not even for the many, but for everyone who is willing to work hard and do their best.


And we must be a party that is not in thrall to ideology, but motivated instead by enduring principles.

For me they can be summed-up in three words: Security. Freedom. Opportunity.

Security for the nation with strong defences against threats from abroad, and protection against threats at home.

Security for communities, upheld by the brave men and women of our police forces.

Security for individuals and families, provided by a good job, a home of your own, and dignity in old age.

And security is the bedrock of freedom.

Freedom of thought, freedom of expression, freedom of action.

The freedom to make decisions for yourself, rather than have them made for you by government.

The freedom that our grandparents and great grandparents fought for against tyranny.

The freedom that swept across Eastern Europe when the Soviet Union collapsed, and nations were reborn in sovereignty and independence.

The freedom that is still denied to many in our world today.

But with freedom should always come responsibility.

To obey the law, even when you disagree with it.

To conserve our environment, for the next generation.

And most especially for those in public life – the responsibility to weigh the impact our words and actions have on other people.

And if we are secure and we are free, then opportunity is opened-up.

The opportunity to take your future in your hands. To dream, and strive, and achieve a better life.

To know that if your dad arrived on a plane from Pakistan, you can become Home Secretary.

That if you spent time in care, you can be in the Cabinet.

That if your grandparents came to our shores as part of the Windrush generation you could be the next Mayor of London.

That if you are pregnant with your first child and engaged to your girlfriend, you could be the next First Minister of Scotland.

We, the Conservative Party, are the party of opportunity.


No institution embodies our principles as Conservatives more profoundly or more personally than our National Health Service.

It gives every man, woman and child the absolute security of knowing that whenever you are sick, care will be there.

What greater freedom than to live your life never having to worry about whether you can afford the treatment you need?

What greater opportunity for a country to make the most of all its talents?

The NHS is a service that is there for everyone; free at the point of use; with care based always on clinical need, never the ability to pay.

These principles are in our country’s DNA.

And Conservatives will always uphold them.

Indeed, Conservatives have looked after our NHS for most of its life.

And this year we gave the NHS a seventieth birthday present to be proud of: the biggest cash boost in its history.

An extra £394 million every single week.

And in return, the NHS will produce a new long-term plan to make sure every penny makes a difference on the front line.

So, next time you hear someone say that the Tories don’t care about the NHS, tell them about that extra funding.

Tell them about the Conservative MPs who work in the NHS in their spare time.

Tell them about the Tory Prime Minister who can only do her job thanks to the wonderful staff of her local NHS trust, who help her manage diabetes.

Tell them about our Housing Secretary, James Brokenshire.

Last year James officially opened the new Guy’s Cancer Centre at Queen Mary’s Hospital in his constituency.

A few months later he was a patient.

The outstanding NHS care he received helped him recover, and now he is back serving in the Cabinet.

Cancer can strike any of us at any time.

A few years ago, my goddaughter was diagnosed with cancer.

She underwent treatment and it seemed to be working.

But then the cancer came back.

Last summer, she sent me a text to tell me that she was hoping to see another Christmas.

But she didn’t make it.

Half of us will be diagnosed with cancer. All of us know someone who has been.

Survival rates are increasing, but we are lagging behind other countries.

So today I can announce a new Cancer Strategy, funded through our 70th birthday investment, will form a central part of our long-term plan for the NHS.

The key to boosting your chance of surviving cancer is early diagnosis.

Five-year survival rates for bowel cancer are over 90% if caught early, but less than 10% if diagnosed late.

Through our Cancer Strategy, we will increase the early detection rate from one-in-two today, to-three-in four by 2028.

We will do it by lowering the age at which we screen for bowel cancer from 60 to 50.

By investing in the very latest scanners.

And by building more Rapid Diagnostic Centres – one stop-shops that help people get treatment quicker.

This will be a step-change in how we diagnose cancer.

It will mean that by 2028, 55,000 more people will be alive five years after their diagnosis compared to today.

Every life saved means precious extra years with friends and family.

Every life saved means a parent, a partner, a child, a god mother spared the pain of losing a loved one before their time.


Our NHS saves countless lives every day.

That is never more true than when our national security is threatened.

Those are the times when I feel most keenly the responsibilities of my office.

When I have to ask our brave servicemen and women to put themselves in harm’s way.

To protect our citizens.

To support our allies, as we would expect them to support us.

To uphold the international rules on which our security depends.

Like when the Syrian regime attacked Douma with chemical weapons, killing innocent men, women and children.

We joined with our friends to send a message that the use of chemical weapons will never be tolerated.

I took the decision to send RAF jets to strike against Assad’s chemical weapons facilities.

As Prime Minister, I had to make the call, and then be held to account for it.

The same was true when Russia launched a chemical attack on the streets of the United Kingdom.

I took the decision to expel 23 Russian diplomats who were undeclared intelligence officers.

Our allies joined with us in degrading Russia’s intelligence network.

In Parliament I received almost universal support – from the SNP to the Liberal Democrats and the Labour backbenches.

There was just one dissenting voice – Jeremy Corbyn.

Dismissing the findings of our security services.

Suggesting that the country responsible for the attack should double-check the findings of our chemical weapons scientists.

Refusing to lay the blame squarely where it belonged.

Just imagine if he were Prime Minister.

He says Britain should disarm herself in the hope others follow suit.

I say no – we must keep our defences strong to keep our country safe.

He says a strong NATO simply provokes Russia.

I say no – it is the guarantor of our freedom and security.

He poses as a humanitarian. But he says that military action to save lives is only justified with the approval of the Security Council – effectively giving Russia a veto.

I say no – we cannot outsource our conscience to the Kremlin.


Leadership is doing what you believe to be right and having the courage and determination to see it through.

That is the approach I have taken on Brexit.

We have had disagreements in this Party about Britain’s membership of the EU for a long time.

So, it is no surprise that we have had a range of different views expressed this week.

But my job as Prime Minister is to do what I believe to be in the national interest.

And that means two things.

First, honouring the result of the referendum.

MPs asked the British people to take this decision.

We put our faith in their judgement.

They have put their faith in us to deliver.

I will not let them down.

And secondly, to seek a good trading and security relationship with our neighbours after we have left.

They are our close friends and allies, and we should ensure it stays that way.

That’s what I said at Lancaster House.

It’s what we promised in our manifesto.

And it’s what I’ve worked day and night for the last two years to achieve.

No-one wants a good deal more than me.

But that has never meant getting a deal at any cost.

Britain isn’t afraid to leave with no deal if we have to.

But we need to be honest about it.

Leaving without a deal – introducing tariffs and costly checks at the border – would be a bad outcome for the UK and the EU.

It would be tough at first, but the resilience and ingenuity of the British people would see us through.

Some people ask me to rule out no deal.

But if I did that I would weaken our negotiating position and have to agree to whatever the EU offers.

And at the moment that would mean accepting one of two things.

Either a deal that keeps us in the EU in all but name, keeps free movement, keeps vast annual payments and stops us signing trade deals with other countries.

Or a deal that carves off Northern Ireland, a part of this country, effectively leaving it in the EU’s Custom’s Union.

So, let us send a clear message from this hall today: we will never accept either of those choices.

We will not betray the result of the referendum.

And we will never break up our country.

I have treated the EU with nothing but respect. The UK expects the same.


In a negotiation, if you can’t accept what the other side proposes, you present an alternative.

That is what we have done.

Our proposal is for a free trade deal that provides for frictionless trade in goods.

It would protect hundreds of thousands of jobs in the just-in-time supply chains our manufacturing firms rely on.

Businesses wouldn’t face costly checks when they export to the EU, so they can invest with confidence.

And it would protect our precious Union – the seamless border in Northern Ireland, a bedrock of peace and stability, would see no change whatsoever.

No simple free trade agreement could achieve that, not even one that makes use of the very latest technology.

Our proposal would be good for our rural communities, getting us out of the Common Agricultural Policy.

It would be good for our coastal communities.

We would be out of the Common Fisheries Policy, an independent coastal state once again.

And with the UK’s biggest fishing fleets based in Scotland, let me say this to Nicola Sturgeon.

You claim to stand up for Scotland, but you want to lock Scottish fishermen into the CFP forever.

That’s not ‘Stronger for Scotland’, it’s a betrayal of Scotland.

Our proposal would mean we could renew our role in the world, strike new trade deals with other countries.

With control of our money, we can spend more on our NHS.

With control of our laws, we can bring decision-making closer to the people and returning powers to Westminster, Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast.

And with control of our borders, we can do something that no British government has been able to do in decades – restore full and complete control of who comes into this country to the democratically elected representatives of the British people.

And this is what we will do with the immigration powers we take back.

The free movement of people will end, once and for all.

In its place we will introduce a new system.

It will be based on what skills you have to offer, not which country you come from.

Throughout our history, migrants have made a huge contribution to our country – and they will continue to in the future.

Those with the skills we need, who want to come here and work hard, will find a welcome.

But we will be able to reduce the numbers, as we promised.

And by ending free movement we will give British business an incentive to train our own young people and to invest in technology that will improve their productivity.

So this is our proposal. Taking back control of our borders, laws and money.

Good for jobs, good for the Union.

It delivers on the referendum.

It keeps faith with the British people.

It is in the national interest.


Even if we do not all agree on every part of this proposal, we need to come together.

Because it’s time we faced up to what is at risk.

We have a Labour Party that, if they were in Government, would accept any deal the EU chose to offer, regardless of how bad it is for the UK.

But who also say they’ll oppose any deal I choose to bring back, regardless of how good it is for the UK.

They are not acting in the national interest, but their own political interest.

And there are plenty of prominent people in British politics – in Parliament and out of it – who want to stop Brexit in its tracks.

Their latest plan is to hold a second referendum.

They call it a ‘People’s Vote’.

But we had the people’s vote. The people voted to leave.

A second referendum would be a “politicians’ vote”: politicians telling people they got it wrong the first time and should try again.

Think for a moment what it would do to faith in our democracy if – having asked the people of this country to take this decision – politicians tried to overturn it.

Those of us who do respect the result – whichever side of the question we stood on two years ago – need to come together now.

If we don’t – if we all go off in different directions in pursuit of our own visions of the perfect Brexit – we risk ending up with no Brexit at all.

And there’s another reason why we need to come together.

We are entering the toughest phase of the negotiations.

You saw in Salzburg that I am standing up for Britain.

What we are proposing is very challenging for the EU.

But if we stick together and hold our nerve I know we can get a deal that delivers for Britain.


And ultimately that’s what it’s all about.

The people we serve are not interested in debates about the theory of Brexit – their livelihoods depend on making a success of it in practice.

A Brexit that might make Britain stronger fifty years from now is no good to you if it makes your life harder today.

If you work in a factory in Pendle, you need a Brexit that keeps trade friction-free and supply-chains flowing.

If you are a fisherman in Peterhead, you need a Brexit that delivers full control of our waters.

If you run an exporting business in Penarth, you need a Brexit that will open up new global markets.

If you live in Pettigo on the Irish border, you need a Brexit that keeps it frictionless and communities connected.

These things matter to you – so they matter to me.

You are the people we are all here to serve.

And together we will build a brighter future for the whole United Kingdom.


I passionately believe that our best days lie ahead of us and that our future is full of promise.

We have fundamental strengths as a country.

English is the global language.

We can trade with Shanghai over morning coffee and San Francisco at tea time.

Our courts are incorruptible.

Our universities, world-leading.

Our soft power, unrivalled.

A driving force in the Commonwealth.

A permanent member of the UN Security Council.

And soon we will retake our own seat at the World Trade Organisation.

Britain will be a champion for free trade right across the globe – and I want to thank our fantastic trade envoys for leading that work.

But our greatest strength of all is the talent and diversity of our people.

We have produced more Nobel Prize winners than any country apart from America.

We are home to amazing innovators, creators, and entrepreneurs.

Our wonderful public servants are the best in the world.

The compassion of our NHS staff, the dedication of our teachers, the bravery of our police, and the matchless courage of our armed forces.

Don’t let anyone tell you we don’t have what it takes: we have everything we need to succeed.

And in 2022 we will put the best of British creativity and innovation, culture and heritage on show in a year-long festival of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

Wherever I travel, I find a renewed interest in Britain.

Let me give you one example.

Last month I became the first British Prime Minister to visit Kenya in 30 years.

This is a Commonwealth partner, a nation of over 50 million people, on a continent that will be an engine-room of economic growth in the years ahead.

Their message to me was clear: our businesses want to trade with you.

Our young people want to study with you.

Our scientists and artists want to collaborate with you.

Yet I was the first Prime Minister to visit since Margaret Thatcher.

There is a whole world out there. Let’s lift our horizons to meet it.


The UK has always been an outward-looking trading nation.

And as Conservatives, we believe in the power of a well-regulated free market – the greatest agent of collective human progress ever devised.

In the last 30 years, extreme poverty has been cut in half.

Global life expectancy has increased by nearly 20 years.

Child mortality has halved.

But the free market hasn’t just saved lives, it has improved them: the internet, smartphones, cheap air travel, electric cars, even flat-pack furniture.

We should defend free markets, because it is ordinary working people who benefit.

Closed markets and command economies were not overthrown by powerful elites, but by ordinary people.

By the shipyard workers of Gdańsk, who led the resistance in Poland.

By people of all backgrounds who took part in the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia.

By the people of East Berlin, who tore down that wall.

These were the many, not the few.

And when the many have the freedom to choose, they choose freedom.

I saw it last month in South Africa.

I was speaking to some inspiring young people, full of fire and hope for their futures.

Some told me they wanted to be doctors, others lawyers.

I think some might even have been inspired to become professional dancers.

Perhaps not.

But one young woman said something else.

She told me her ambition was to start a business, so she could create jobs in her local community.

The people in this hall who have started their own businesses will know how thrilling it is to take a risk and start something new.

But offering someone a job – creating opportunity for other people – is one of the most socially-responsible things you can do.

It is an act of public service as noble as any other.

To everyone who has done it – we are all in your debt.

So, we in this party, we in this hall, we say thank you.

And to all businesses – large and small – you may have heard that there is a four-letter word to describe what we Conservatives want to do to you.

It has a single syllable. It is of Anglo-Saxon derivation. It ends in the letter ‘K’.

Back business.

Back them to create jobs and build prosperity.

Back them to drive innovation and improve lives.

Back them with the lowest Corporation Tax in the G20.

Britain, under my Conservative Government, is open for business.


We support free markets because we know their strengths.

But we also know their limits.

The defining event for a new generation of voters was not the fall of the Berlin Wall, but the collapse of the banks.

It was the biggest market failure in our lifetimes.

A recession in which almost three quarters of a million jobs were lost.

Sound businesses forced to close because they could not access credit.

People queuing to withdraw their money from Northern Rock.

Thanks to Labour, the country was not prepared.

The government ended up borrowing £1 for every £4 it spent.

It fell to our party to clear up the mess.

Eight years on, how have we done?

Our economy is growing.

The deficit down by four-fifths.

Unemployment at its lowest since the 1970s.

Youth unemployment at a record low.

Households where nobody works down by almost a million.

We should not forget what’s behind those numbers.

The parent who swaps a benefit cheque for a regular wage.

The youngster leaving school and never having to sign on.

The children growing up with an example of hard work.

Hope and dignity for millions of people in our country.

We should be proud of our record.

But our pride in those achievements should not blind us to the challenges that remain.

The after-effects of the crash are still being felt – in four important ways.

Some markets are still not working in the interests of ordinary people.

Employment is up, but too many people haven’t had a decent pay rise.

The deficit is down, but achieving that has been painful.

And our economy is growing, but some communities have been left behind.

This is why some people still feel that our economy isn’t working for them.

Our mission as Conservatives must be to show them that we can build an economy that does.


In Liverpool last week, all Labour offered were bogus solutions that would make things worse.

Ideas that might seem attractive at first glance, but which would hurt the very people they claim to help.

Their flagship announcement was a case in point.

It would mean the government effectively confiscating a tenth of every company with more than 250 employees.

Workers wouldn’t become shareholders – and much of the income generated would end up with the government.

They dress it up as employee ownership, but it’s a giant stealth tax on enterprise.

It would slash the share prices of British businesses, hitting anyone with a private pension.

And it would make the UK an unattractive place to invest, driving away business, destroying jobs.

The same is true of their nationalisation policy.

They want our railways and utilities to be owned entirely by the Government.

But when you nationalise something, people pay for it twice – once when they use the service, and again every month through their taxes.

And investment in them goes down, because when governments are setting budgets, they will always choose schools and hospitals over reservoirs and railways, so people get a worse service.

Even some in the Labour Party admit their programme of nationalisation, and their endless expensive promises, would cost £1 trillion.

You heard me right – one thousand billion pounds.

That is not government money but your money.

Because Labour would have to pay for it by raising taxes higher and higher.

Of course, everyone should pay their fair share.

But when you raise taxes too high, businesses cannot afford to invest.

They cannot afford to take on new employees.

Eventually, they cannot afford to operate here at all.

They move abroad, create jobs in other countries, pay taxes somewhere else, and leave us poorer.

They would also have to increase borrowing again.

We already spend more each year on debt interest than we do on our schools.

After all the sacrifices we have made, they would take us back to square one.

These ideas won’t help people who are struggling, they will hurt them.

Hurt workers, whose jobs would go as businesses left Britain.

Hurt pensioners, whose savings would be devalued.

And hurt young people, whose future Labour would mortgage.


However bad the Labour approach is, we must do more than criticise it.

We need to show what this Conservative government is doing to address people’s concerns.

First, we need to make markets work in the interests of ordinary people again.

That’s why we toughened up our corporate governance rules.

We are giving workers a stronger voice in the boardroom.

We have changed the rules on bonuses, so bosses are rewarded for long-term performance, not short-term profit.

It’s why, with the gig economy changing how people work, we are changing our employment rules, so new technology cannot undermine workers’ rights.

It’s why we introduced the energy price cap.

Announced at last year’s conference, and in place for this winter.

It will stop energy firms charging their most loyal customers unfair prices.

Any other companies charging their customers a ‘loyalty penalty’ should know: we will take action.

Because we put the interest of consumers first, we have also announced a fundamental review into our railways.

Since privatisation, investment in the network has gone up, safety has improved, and more people are travelling by rail than ever before.

But on some routes the service has not been good enough. We will fix that.

And while we do so, we will bring in a new system of auto-compensation, so that when your train is late you won’t have to waste more time getting your money back.

Last year I made it my personal mission to fix another broken market: housing.

We cannot make the case for capitalism if ordinary working people have no chance of owning capital.

To put the dream of home ownership back within their reach, we scrapped stamp duty for most first-time buyers – and over 120,000 households have already benefited.

We’ve helped half a million people onto the housing ladder through other schemes like Help to Buy.

And this week we have announced that we will charge a higher rate of stamp duty on those buying homes who do not live and pay taxes in the UK, to help level the playing field for British buyers.

The money raised will go towards tackling the scourge of rough sleeping.

But the truth is that while these measures will help in the short term, we will only fix this broken market by building more homes.

And that is what we are doing.

More new homes were added to our stock last year than in all but one of the last 30 years.

But we need to do better still.

The last time Britain was building enough homes – half a century ago – local councils made a big contribution.

We’ve opened-up the £9 billion Affordable Housing Programme to councils, to get them building again.

And at last year’s conference I announced an additional £2 billion for affordable housing.

But something is still holding many of them back.

There is a government cap on how much they can borrow against their Housing Revenue Account assets to fund new developments.

Solving the housing crisis is the biggest domestic policy challenge of our generation.

It doesn’t make sense to stop councils from playing their part in solving it.

So today I can announce that we are scrapping that cap.

We will help you get on the housing ladder.

And we will build the homes this country needs.


Our next challenge is to help working people with the cost of living.

We know how hard people work to make ends meet and provide for their families.

It isn’t easy. It never has been.

And the difference it makes to have a little bit of money left to put away at the end of each month isn’t measured in pounds and pence.

It’s the look on a daughter’s face when her mum says she can have the bike she wants for her birthday.

It’s the joy and precious memories that a week’s holiday with the family brings.

It’s the peace of mind that comes with having some savings.

Many people, in towns and cities across our country, cannot take these things for granted.

They are the people this party exists for.

They are the people for whom this party must deliver.

It’s for them that we cut income tax.

Introduced a National Living Wage.

Extended free childcare.

And froze fuel duty every year.

Because for millions of people, their car is not a luxury. It’s a necessity.

Some have wondered if there would be a thaw in our policy this year.

Today I can confirm, given the high oil price, the Chancellor will freeze fuel duty once again in his budget later this month.

Money in the pockets of hard-working people.

A Conservative Government that is on their side.


Third, after a decade of austerity, people need to know that their hard work has paid off.

Because of that hard work, and the decisions taken by the Chancellor, our national debt is starting to fall for the first time in a generation.

This is a historic achievement.

But getting to this turning point wasn’t easy.

Public sector workers had their wages frozen.

Local services had to do more with less.

And families felt the squeeze.

Fixing our finances was necessary.

There must be no return to the uncontrolled borrowing of the past.

No undoing all the progress of the last eight years.

No taking Britain back to square one.

But the British people need to know that the end is in sight.

And our message to them must be this: we get it.

We are not just a party to clean up a mess, we are the party to steer a course to a better future.

Sound finances are essential, but they are not the limit of our ambition.

Because you made sacrifices, there are better days ahead.

So, when we’ve secured a good Brexit deal for Britain, at the Spending Review next year we will set out our approach for the future.

Debt as a share of the economy will continue to go down, support for public services will go up.

Because, a decade after the financial crash, people need to know that the austerity it led to is over and that their hard work has paid off.


The final challenge is about the future we want for our economy.

We stand on the threshold of technological changes that will transform how we live and work, travel and communicate.

This has the potential to improve the lives of everyone in society, but only if we take the right decisions now.

At times of change in the past, the benefits have not been evenly spread.

Some communities have been left behind. This time it must be different.

Because we are all worse off when any part of us is held back.

That means doing things differently.

Our Modern Industrial Strategy is helping the whole country get ready for the economic change that is coming.

We are investing in infrastructure.

We are doing more than anyone since the Victorians to upgrade our railways.

Our road-building programme is the largest since the 1970s.

We have taken the big decision to build a third runway at Heathrow.

We are driving up research spending– so we can be the ideas factory of the future.

We are investing in our workforce – helping people train and retrain.

In our schools, we are keeping standards high.

And where Labour want to roll-back reform, scrap academies and kill off free schools, we will build more of them, because every child deserves a great start in life.

Every child, in every town and city, across the whole country.

So that is our Conservative answer.

Fixing markets not destroying them.

Helping with the cost of living.

Ending austerity.

An economy of the future with nowhere left behind.

This is how we will build a country that works for everyone.

I made that my mission when I stood for the leadership.

It was what I dedicated my government to on the steps of Downing Street.

And it is the future this Party will deliver.


Every person in this hall has the power to shape that future.

This is a moment of opportunity for our party.

To champion decency in our politics.

To be the moderate, patriotic government this country needs.

To be a party not for the few, not even for the many, but for everyone who works hard and plays by the rules.

And it’s a moment of opportunity for our country.

To honour the result of the referendum.

To come together to make a success of the decision we took.

To build the homes we need.

To get the next generation on the housing ladder.

To help people who are struggling to make ends meet.

To invest in our vital public services.

To renew our precious National Health Service.

To lead the world in the technologies of the future.

To ensure every family and every community shares the success.

To tackle the burning injustices that hold people back.

We stand at a pivotal moment in our history.

It falls to our party to lead our country through it.

When we come together there is no limit to what we can achieve.

Ours is a great country.

Our future is in our hands.

Together, let’s seize it.

Together, let’s build a better Britain.

Theresa May – 2018 Speech at Bloomberg Global Business Forum

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, in New York, United States, on 26 September 2018.

This week political leaders have come to New York to discuss how we can work together to ensure the future prosperity and security of our people.

And it’s right that many of these discussions are taking place at the United Nations.

But it is also right that I have come here to this Bloomberg forum, because we will only succeed if we also work in partnership with you, some of the most pioneering business leaders in the world today.

It is businesses like yours which have been great engines of job creation and growth – in my country, here in America and right around the world.

And it is the embrace of open economies and free trade as drivers of innovation and growth that has underpinned your success and acted as the greatest agent of collective human progress.

Where free markets have been properly regulated, and trade and investment unleashed, we have seen unprecedented levels of wealth and opportunity, rising life expectancy, greater access to education, falling infant mortality and reductions in absolute poverty on a scale which would once have been hard to imagine.

And as governments we have played our part in helping to make this possible by agreeing and abiding by a global framework of rules, and by opening up our economies to competition.

But today new challenges – including the rapid pace and breadth of technological change – are causing some to question their faith in the institutions of global co-operation and the framework of rules which has brought us to this point.

They look at who gains from free trade and ask whether this global economic system is fair and whether it can really be made to work for everyone.

They look at the growth of artificial intelligence and ask whether their children and grandchildren will have the skills to succeed in the new economy.

And they look at some of the tensions in global trade today and ask whether the rules based system can be really adapted to reflect the realities of the modern world.

My answer to all of these questions is a bold and optimistic yes.

And my message today is that a post-Brexit Britain will be an unequivocally pro-business Britain – and a global partner that will help to lead the international response to those challenges.

Through our Modern Industrial Strategy at home we will create one of the most dynamic and business-friendly economies in the world – driving investment opportunities for your businesses and spreading the benefits of new sectors and technologies to every part of my country.

And internationally – as a Global Britain – we will champion our vision for the future of the global economy: a vision that is based on openness, innovation, competition, high quality and intelligent regulation.

And we will be at the forefront of sustained international efforts to address the challenges facing global trade and to build a dynamic and competitive global economy that can truly work for everyone.

I have always been clear what the United Kingdom stands for and what we want to achieve as we leave the European Union.

Our relationship with the EU will change with Brexit. But we will still be neighbours, we will still be part of the European family of nations, and we will continue to champion the same beliefs – standing for freedom, democracy and the rule of law, underpinned by a rules-based global order.

And that is why I am confident we can reach a deal about our future relationship that is built in this spirit.

We have put forward a plan for a new, but still close relationship, with frictionless trade at its heart.

There is no other plan that protects jobs and livelihoods and also meets our commitments in Northern Ireland, while respecting how people voted in the largest democratic exercise in our history. And I believe that behind the noise of the headlines and the chattering of the commentators, there is much common ground in these objectives.

We know that the other models on offer would not deliver for business, who would face either increased bureaucracy, additional border checks, or both. And so I have urged the EU to engage with our proposals so that we can move forward.

To be clear, we are not seeking partial membership of the Single Market, or in any way trying to undermine it. But we are looking to achieve the frictionless trade that I believe is in all of our interests.

There is clearly a lot further to go in the negotiations and the coming weeks will be critical.

For the prize is great: with the conclusion of the negotiations over the coming weeks, the certainty of an Implementation Period in which to adapt to the new arrangements, and the guarantee of frictionless trade with the EU in the future, businesses can look forward to the post-Brexit world with confidence.

At the same time, looking beyond the EU, we are absolutely committed to delivering continuity in terms of relationships with existing bi-lateral partners – and we want to forge the most dynamic and ambitious Free Trade Agreements with old friends and new allies alike.

Crucially we also have a plan to deliver an economy that is knowledge-rich, highly innovative, highly skilled and high quality but with low tax and smart regulation.

So let me say this very clearly.

Whatever your business, investing in a post-Brexit Britain will give you the lowest rate of Corporation Tax in the G20. You will access service industries and a financial centre in London that are the envy of the world, some of the best Universities in the world, strong institutions, a sound approach to public finance and a consistent and dependable approach to high standards but intelligent regulation.

And yes, locating in the UK, you will also be able to access the talent you need. Freedom of movement will end when we leave the European Union. But we will put in place a new immigration system that will allow businesses and universities to attract the brightest and best to the UK.

Furthermore, through our Modern Industrial Strategy we are bending the power of the state and the ingenuity of the private sector to solve four Grand Challenges of the future which are enormous areas of potential for growth, jobs and investment across our whole country.

These are the challenges of Clean Growth; Our Aging Society; the Future of Mobility; and the challenge of Artificial Intelligence and Data – where we have already seen more investment in the UK over the last 3 years than in the rest of Europe combined.

We are contributing the UK’s biggest ever increase in public investment in research and development, which will help develop new technologies in these four areas.

And we have set a goal of total public and private investment in research and development reaching 2.4 per cent of GDP by 2027.

We will educate and train our young people for the opportunities that meeting these four Grand Challenges will bring.

And we will ensure that we have smart, agile regulation and dynamic institutions which promote innovation, but also protect people’s rights. Just as we are doing, for example, with AI – where our Centre for Data Ethics and Innovation will make us a global leader in helping to ensure the safe, ethical and innovative deployment of this new life-changing technology.

At its heart, our Modern Industrial Strategy is about creating a different kind of economy for the future.

It’s not about seeing business and society as separate entities, where business generates a surplus and government then invests it to handle the social consequences of economic change.

But instead it is about harnessing the enormous power of business as a partner in tackling some of the greatest social challenges of our time.

It is not about telling business what to do, but instead genuinely listening to business and working in partnership with you.

It’s about understanding what you need and working together to shape our economy in a way that will help us make the UK one of the most attractive countries in the world in which to establish and grow a successful business.

Just as we work with you to create the best possible environment in which to invest in the UK, so I am also determined that a post-Brexit Britain will be a trusted partner at the forefront of efforts to address the real challenges facing the future of the global economy.

This means playing a leading role in tackling the root causes of the current tensions in global trade – where the rules have not kept pace with the modern world.

If a global system is going to function properly, the participants in that system need to believe that the rules and the commitments they make to one another are fundamentally fair.

They need to believe that others are playing by both the spirit and the letter of those rules, whether that be in terms of declaring what subsidies are provided or respecting intellectual property rights.

They need to believe that any disputes will be dealt with fairly and efficiently.

And the rules themselves need to remain relevant by keeping pace with the changing nature of trade and technology.

So we need to give the WTO a broad, ambitious and urgent mandate to reform, to address the areas where it is not functioning effectively, to deal with issues that are not currently covered and maintain trust in the system.

For example, we need to see new rules in areas such as digital trade and services, including e-commerce that can boost growth across these dynamic sectors.

We need WTO reforms to increase fairness for all participating countries; and to enhance global legitimacy and public support for the multilateral trading system, including through greater transparency.

We support the EU’s efforts in this area and, as we leave the EU, we will want to work with them and all our partners around the world, to push this forward and deliver a mandate for change.

As a global and independent trading nation, we will use all the means available to us – including our positions in the G7, G20, OECD, IMF and FSB to pursue this agenda in partnership with others committed to the same end.

And crucially we also want to make business central to the conversation because at the end of the day governments set the framework, but it is businesses that create wealth and drive innovation.

These challenges facing the global economy are serious – but a Global Britain will be a fully engaged and ambitious partner at the forefront of international efforts to drive reform.

And I look forward to hearing from you this morning and to discussing with you what more we can do – so that together we can shape the future of the global rules based system to work for the modern world.

And together we can harness the global power of open economies and free markets to deliver prosperity and opportunity for all – now and for generations to come.

Theresa May – 2018 Speech at London Fashion Week

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, during London Fashion Week on 18 September 2018.

Thank you Stephanie and welcome everyone. I am truly delighted to be hosting this reception to celebrate London Fashion Week.

I want to thank Stephanie Phair, Caroline Rush – and everyone at the British Fashion Council – for their fantastic work in championing British fashion and London Fashion Week. And of course the designers, the models, the assistants, the set designers and all those without whom it would not be such a success.

For years – London Fashion Week has showcased not just the big well-known names in British fashion, but also the – often brilliant – up and coming talent.

That is what has always made London stand out. That is what has always given this city’s fashion business the leading edge.

And I am delighted that this year we have designers such as Malene Oddershede Bach and Victoria Beckham showing in London for the first time.

British fashion, as Stephanie just said, is serious business. Some of our biggest names are known the world over – Stella McCartney, Burberry, Mulberry. The industry as a whole contributes £32 billion to our economy, employs over 890,000 people, and totals billions of pounds worth of exports.

But if I am honest, we have all got a job to do, which is about getting that message out to people – about how valuable fashion is to the British economy as a whole, about how many jobs are involved in the British fashion industry and what it means to our economy.

We are home to some of the world’s finest fashion colleges. Our designers sit at the helm of global brands. And we lead the world in design and digital innovation – with names such as MatchesFashion, Net-a-Porter, ASOS and Farfetch launched in the UK.

And of course – this year there was the live streaming of London Fashion Week shows to millions of fashion watchers in China.

But it is also London’s reputation as a thriving, diverse city that makes this such a great place to do business. And I am delighted to hear that Chanel – one of the grand dames in the fashion business – has announced it is relocating its global headquarters here to London.

I want to see us continue this success – I want Britain to continue being a place where talent is nurtured and supported, and where fashion can thrive and do business.

And as we look to build a new future for a global Britain, as an open, outward-facing country outside of the EU – I want to ensure that our fashion industry – an industry in which we have so much pride – can build upon its success. That is why our exceptional talent visa will ensure that the world’s leading fashion designers can live and work here. It is why we are backing the industries of the future through our modern Industrial Strategy – supporting innovation, technology and encouraging jobs and growth in every part of the country.

And it is why through the Creative Industries Sector Deal we – along with industry – are investing £150 million in creative businesses, including design and fashion.

But today – as London Fashion Week draws to a close – let me congratulate you all once again.

As I say, let’s work together to make sure everybody realises what an important part London fashion does and British fashion plays in our economy and employing people up and down our country. Let’s get the message out there of the fantastic talent we’ve got – not just the big names but all the people who are behind those big names and every aspect of the industry which leads to its enormous success.

And I wish you all every success for the season ahead. Thank you.

Theresa May – 2018 Speech at National Housing Federation Summit

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, at the National Housing Federation Summit on 19 September 2018.

Thank you, Diane, and good morning everyone.

It is a pleasure to be here with you all today at what is an event of firsts and lasts.

I will start with the lasts…

Reference has already been made to the fact this is David Orr’s final annual conference as Chief Executive of the National Housing Federation.

In his 12 years at the helm David has done much to refocus and reinvigorate the housing association sector, and has been a worthy champion for your cause.

David, it has been a pleasure working with you since I became Prime Minister, and I am very sorry to see you go.

But I know that, in Kate Henderson, the NHF has found a worthy successor and the right person to take the Federation on the next stage of its journey.

And, Kate, I am very much looking forward to getting to know you and working with you to tackle what remains one of the great challenges of our time.

While this may be David’s last NHF conference, I have to admit it is my first.

In fact I was shocked to discover that this is the first time in history any Prime Minister has spoken at what is the biggest event on the housing association calendar.

To me, that speaks volumes about the way in which social housing has, for too long and under successive governments, been pushed to the edge of the political debate.

At best taken for granted, at worst actively undermined.

Well, I’m very pleased to say that is no longer the case.

Because, since my very first day in Downing Street, I have made it my personal mission to fix our broken housing system.

Doing so underpins so much of what this government is working to achieve, from tackling loneliness to supporting the industries of the future.

And housing associations have a huge role to play in making sure that vision becomes a reality.

We are already making good progress.

Doing all we can to get more of the right homes built in the right places, so we can help more people onto the housing ladder – and ensure that those who cannot afford to own their own home also have a decent place to live.

We have committed tens of billions of pounds to getting homes built, including creating the infrastructure that unlocks sites where they are needed most.

Our new National Planning Policy Framework has removed unnecessary barriers to homebuilding and made it harder for commercial developers to dodge their affordable home obligations.

We are gearing up Homes England to be more proactive and interventionist, so that it can drive more and better development.

The Affordable Homes Programme is supporting the delivery of a quarter of a million affordable homes right across the country, with thousands of them available for social rent.

And the Land Assembly and Small Sites funds, together worth more than £1.9 billion, are now available.

They allow us to make positive interventions in the land market, bring more sites to market, and capture more of the land value for the benefit of local communities.

Just this morning we have heard the NHF calling for more of the value generated by public investment and the planning system to be captured and invested in affordable homes, public services and local infrastructure.

It is an important issue, which is why the government consulted on it recently.

We will be responding in full in the near future.

But in the meantime let me assure you that we share your commitment to giving communities a fairer share of the value created by development.

Land is an irreplaceable natural resource, and we must make sure its use benefits us all.

As well as boosting housing supply, we are taking action to protect and support homeowners and tenants.

Banning letting agent fees for people who rent their homes.

Clamping down on rogue landlords and unscrupulous managing agents.

And bringing an end to unjustified use of leasehold.

I am sure many of the people in this room will have responded to our consultation on making longer, more family-friendly tenancies the norm – the results of that will be published shortly.

And our Green Paper on Social Housing, which was of course announced at last year’s NHF conference, offers a landmark opportunity for major reforms to improve fairness, quality and safety for all residents living in social housing.

James Brokenshire, Kit Malthouse, and ministers and officials right across government are pulling out all the stops to make sure everyone in this country has a safe, secure and affordable place to call home.

And already we are seeing the results.

In 2016/17, more than 217,000 additional homes were added across England.

That represents a 15 per cent increase on the previous year.

In fact, with the exception of one year, the last time we saw net completions this high Lady Thatcher was in Downing Street.

Yet we should not lose sight of the fact that the housing crisis we face today did not come about overnight.

It is the result of decades of neglect.

Year after year in which housebuilding of all kinds fell even as demand rose.

So, while the steps we are taking are already making a real and lasting difference to millions of lives, we should not pretend that our broken housing system can be fixed at the flick of a switch.

And nor should we see it as a challenge for central government alone.

Rather, it is a challenge we must rise to together.

One that can only be tackled by many different parties working together in partnership.

That is why, when local authorities asked us for a more robust planning framework and greater clarity over local plans and viability assessments, we made sure they got it.

When developers told us they needed greater investment in infrastructure and a reliable pipeline of skilled construction workers, we set about securing both.

And we have also been listening to housing associations.

After Sajid Javid told last year’s NHF conference that the government wanted to do more to support your sector, you asked us to do three things.

First, you said that to plan ahead and secure future investment, you needed long-term certainty on rents.

We have given you that long-term certainty.

Second, you said that to keep your properties affordable for all, the Local Housing Allowance cap should not be extended to the social sector.

We have not extended that cap.

And third, you said that if you were going to take a serious role in not just managing but building the homes this country needs, you had to have the stability provided by long-term funding deals.

Well, eight housing associations have already been given such deals, worth almost £600 million and paving the way for almost 15,000 new affordable homes.

And today, I can announce that new longer-term partnerships will be opened up to the most ambitious housing associations through a ground-breaking £2 billion initiative.

Under the scheme, associations will be able to apply for funding stretching as far ahead as 2028/29 – the first time any government has offered housing associations such long-term certainty.

Doing so will give you the stability you need to get tens of thousands of affordable and social homes built where they are needed most, and make it easier for you to leverage the private finance you need to build many more.

The offer is typical of the positive approach this government has taken with the housing sector since I became Prime Minister.

You asked, we delivered.

Now, I have something to ask of you.

Last year I told the big commercial developers that we would give them the support they asked for – but that, in return, we expected them to do their duty by getting homes built.

Today, I’m asking housing associations to use the tools we have given you.

Not just to build more homes, though of course more homes are needed.

But to take the lead in transforming the very way in which we think about and deliver housing in this country.

Rather than simply acquiring a proportion of the properties commercial developers build, I want to see housing associations taking on and leading major developments themselves.

Because creating the kind of large-scale, high-quality developments this country needs requires a special kind of leadership.

Leadership you are uniquely well-placed to provide.

Your close ties with local communities give you an unparalleled insight into what a community needs in a development.

A clear vision for the whole site and how it can complement existing places, not just a narrow focus on fitting in the maximum number of units and the bare minimum of social homes.

Your social mission can ensure developments are rooted in a conception of the public good, rather than in a simple profit motive.

That means creating genuinely mixed communities with the right infrastructure and truly affordable housing.

Your unique status as public interested, non-profit private institutions allows you to attract patient investment and deploy it to secure long-term returns on quality rather than short-term speculative gains.

Your expertise as property managers means you can nurture attractive, thriving places for decades to come.

You are capable of riding out the ups and downs of the business cycle, as we saw in the years after the economic crash when housing associations carried on building even as private developers hunkered down.

And you do all this with the discipline, rigour and management qualities of the serious multi-million pound businesses that many of you are.

This combination of qualities allows housing associations to achieve things neither private developers nor local authorities are capable of doing.

And to see what that means on the ground, you need simply look at two major developments either side of the River Thames.

For years, the private sector struggled to make a success of Barking Riverside.

Lacking a guiding vision for the site and constrained by short-term business cycles, its huge potential went untapped.

Today, under the leadership of L&Q, the build-out rate has quadrupled.

The project is finally beginning to deliver on its potential, and is on course to become a thriving, growing community.

On the opposite bank, two local authorities had similar problems dealing with the unique challenges and opportunities of the Thamesmead estate.

Now, thanks to the commitment and insight of Peabody, there are ambitious plans for up to 20,000 new homes in one of the UK’s most over-subscribed cities.

Making complex projects like this work requires vision, determination and the courage to do development differently.

Housing associations possess that.

Given the right tools and the right support, you can act as the strategic, long-term investors in the kind of high-quality places this country needs.

To put it simply, you get homes built.

And I want to work with you to transform the way we do so.

But the unique status, rich history and social mission of housing associations mean you also have a much broader role to play.

A role that includes changing the way tenants and society as a whole think about social housing.

Midway through oral historian Tony Parker’s The People of Providence, the author recounts a conversation with a woman who lived on Southwark’s Brandon Estate, not far from where we are this morning.

“I wouldn’t want to be thought of as an estate person, not in any way at all,” she tells him. “I live here, but I’d never say to anyone my home is here.”

That conversation took place almost 40 years ago, but it could just as easily have happened today.

Because, for many people, a certain stigma still clings to social housing.

Some residents feel marginalised and overlooked, and are ashamed to share the fact that their home belongs to a housing association or local authority.

And on the outside, many people in society – including too many politicians – continue to look down on social housing and, by extension, the people who call it their home.

Part of the problem is physical, in the buildings themselves.

Whether unintentionally or by design, the decisions we make about the homes we build for social rent – their location, quality and appearance – can all too easily make them distinct from the community in which they stand.

This, in turn, can cement prejudice and stigma among those who live in them and wider society, leading to lowered expectations and restricted opportunities.

It shouldn’t be this way.

On a new mixed-tenure development, the social housing should not be tucked away behind the private homes, out of sight and out of mind.

As you look from building to building, house to house, you should not be able to tell simply by looking which homes are affordable and which were sold at the market rate.

The quality of aesthetic, design and build should not be any lower just because a property is to be managed by a housing association.

Some say that quantity, quality and affordability must always be traded off against one another.

Well to them, I say look at the Nansledan development outside Newquay.

A whole new community being built to meet local needs and with the support of local people.

Thousands of homes of all types and tenures.

All of the highest quality, in keeping with traditional local styles, and with no way of telling from the outside which properties are being built for housing associations and which are destined for the private market.

As builders yourselves and as large-scale buyers of homes, you have the power to deliver or demand the quality of social homes the people of this country deserve.

We should never see social housing as something that need simply be “good enough”, nor think that the people who live in it should be grateful for their safety net and expect no better.

Whether it is owned and managed by local authorities, TMOs or housing associations, I want to see social housing that is so good people are proud to call it their home.

Proud to tell people where they live.

Proud to be thought of, in the words of Parker’s interviewee, as “an estate person”.

Our friends and neighbours who live in social housing are not second-rate citizens.

They should not have to put up with second-rate homes.

And that applies to management every bit as much as design and construction.

In 2018, most housing associations are not in the business of building houses.

Rather, you manage them, maintain them and take care not only of the buildings themselves but of the people who call them home.

It is work that is every bit as important as building and development and, when done badly, the impact can range from upsetting to catastrophic.

While it would not be right for me to pre-empt the findings of the public inquiry into the Grenfell tragedy, it is clear that many of the tower’s tenants felt ignored, patronised and overlooked by the TMO responsible for their homes and their safety.

Over the past year the issues they raised have been echoed by social housing tenants across the country.

Repairs botched or neglected.

Problems not dealt with.

Complaints ignored.

Again, it does not have to be this way.

Housing associations, with their historic social mission and focus on the civic good, can be at the forefront of showing what good property management looks like.

Across England, housing associations manage almost three million properties.

That gives you tremendous influence, the power to raise the standards of millions of homes and, in doing so, do much to shift perceptions of social housing.

And you can go further still, making a real and lasting difference to the lives of your tenants.

In my Maidenhead constituency I recently met a single mother whose housing association – Housing Solutions – hadn’t just provided her with a new home but opened up a whole new life for her.

Rather than simply managing her property, Housing Solutions connected her with the training and support she needed to start her own business.

That business is so successful she has been able to move from a social rented home into shared ownership, getting that vital first foot on the property ladder for her family.

Elsewhere, housing associations are helping some of society’s most vulnerable people: those without a home at all.

Here in London, more than 50 associations are working with St Mungo’s and other organisations to deliver the Clearing House project, helping to get rough sleepers off the streets, out of danger, and on the road to a safe and secure future.

They are all wonderful examples of the work that housing associations can do above and beyond simply building and managing properties.

And they show how it is possible for the housing associations of 2018 to carry forward the social justice mission of the pioneers who created the sector in Victorian times – and their descendants who stepped up half a century ago in the wake of Cathy Come Home.

The rise of social housing in this country provided what has been called the “biggest collective leap in living standards in British history”.

It brought about the end of the slums and tenements, a recognition that all of us, whoever we are and whatever our circumstances, deserve a decent place to call our own.

Today, housing associations are the keepers of that legacy.

The bearers and protectors of a precious idea that has already made an immeasurable difference to tens of millions of lives and has the potential to transform countless more.

For too long, your work has gone unrecognised and under-appreciated at the highest levels.

But no longer.

This government values housing associations.

Over the past two years we have worked with you, listened to you, and responded to you.

You asked for our support, and you have our support.

Not mere lip service, but real policies, real change, real action.

Now it is your turn to act, building the homes we need and challenging the attitudes that hold us back.

Fixing our broken housing market will not be quick or easy.

But it can be done.

And, with this government’s support, housing associations can be at the centre of making it happen.

Building on more than a century of history, and carrying forward the torch of high-quality, affordable housing for generations to come.

Theresa May – 2018 Speech in Cape Town

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, in Cape Town, South Africa, on 28 August 2018.

Good morning everyone, and thank you all for joining us today. It’s a pleasure to be here in Cape Town, a city whose recent past lends it a special resonance for many around the world, and which symbolises the transformation experienced by South Africa.

Out in the bay lies Robben Island, where for so long so many were unjustly imprisoned for dreaming of a country in which the colour of your skin made no difference to your rights and opportunities.

Foremost among them was, of course, Nelson Mandela. As the world marked the 100th anniversary of his birth earlier this year, a memorial to the great man was unveiled in Westminster Abbey. There it sits alongside tributes to the kings and queens, poets and scientists who have shaped my nation’s history – a fitting recognition of the lasting impact Mandela made on the world.

Mandela’s walk to freedom – and that of South Africa – was long and arduous. But 28 years ago, barely a mile from here at Cape Town City Hall, he spoke for the first time following his release from decades behind bars.

Four years later, on Grand Parade, the newly inaugurated president of South Africa spoke of his election not as a victory of party, but of people. Of the power of democracy, and the necessity of unity, of equality, of universal rights.

He spoke of the need to transform not just the culture and politics of South Africa, but its economy too. Of his desire to “change South Africa from a country in which the majority lived with little hope, to one in which they can live and work with dignity, with a sense of self-esteem and confidence in the future … building a better life of opportunity, freedom and prosperity.”

It was a bold vision, one shared not just by millions of South Africans but hundreds of millions of people across the world.

People including Kofi Annan. His unlikely journey from Ghanaian suburbs to global leadership took a very different route to that of Mandela. Yet, like your former president, Annan’s impact, influence and values spread well beyond the borders of his beloved homeland. And, like Mandela, the world is a poorer place for his passing – but all the richer for his legacy.

The life stories of these two great men encapsulate the ebbs and flows of history. They demonstrate just how much can be achieved over the course of a lifetime. But also that progress can never be taken for granted – the fight to secure our gains is constant.

Mandela was born in 1918 with the world on the brink of peace from a war that was meant to end all war. But when Annan was born just twenty years later, those dreams of a lasting peace were about to be shattered once again, claiming millions of lives, including many from this continent.

It was in the aftermath of this devastation that the United Nations – the organisation that half a century later Annan would go on to lead – was founded. And despite false starts and mistakes along the way, global institutions and co-operation established in this period have delivered great gains for development.

It was at the same time, that independence movements of a generation of new nations, took on a renewed urgency. People across the world won the right to self-determination, constitutions were written and countries were born.

And the embrace of free markets and free trade, which accelerated further with the end of the Cold War, has acted as the greatest agent of collective human progress the world has ever seen. In those countries that have successfully embraced properly regulated market economies, life expectancy has increased and infant mortality fallen. Absolute poverty has shrunk and disposable income grown. Access to education has widened, and rates of illiteracy plummeted. And innovators have developed technology that transformed lives.

The progress that we have made over the past century is remarkable. The opportunities for the next generation even more so. But to deliver on that promise we need to recognise new challenges.

As war and state-based conflicts have declined, it has been replaced by new threats. In the past five years, terrorists have killed around 20,000 people in Africa – from the 2013 siege in Nairobi’s Westgate shopping centre to last year’s horrific truck bombing in Mogadishu and March’s al-Qaeda attacks in Burkina Faso. Whether in Europe or Africa, non-state actors are threatening our lives and radicalising our people.

And today, malign state activity is on the rise – from cyber attacks on national infrastructure and institutions, to the use of chemical weapons on the streets of the UK and Syria.

While free trade and globalisation have brought huge benefits, they have not been felt by everyone and too many of our citizens fear that they will be left behind. From the great Financial Crisis of 2008, to the advent of artificial intelligence replacing human labour, people are questioning the model of economic development we seek to defend.

And as we face such troubling questions, the capacity for governments old and new to provide the answers is being challenged.

For some, the solution lies in seeking to halt or reverse change. Undermining the institutions of global co-operation, rebuilding the barriers to trade, viewing global competition as a zero sum game.

I disagree.

Because these are not challenges faced by a single nation alone.

The ideology that inspires vicious terrorist attacks does not respect borders. A chemical weapons attack does not only harm its victims but weakens the rules that protect us all from such behaviour. In a more connected world we must all deal with the consequences, for good and ill, of increased mobility – not just of people through migration flows, but also of money, of data, of ideology. And we should recognise that competition and cooperation are not opposites. They can be mutually reinforcing.

So now is the time for the nations of the world to come together. To co-operate. To view international competition as a process through which both sides can benefit. To work as partners, sharing our skills, our experience and our resources to tackle the challenges we face, to contain and direct the forces shaping the world and to deliver prosperity, security and success for all our people.

This week I am visiting three countries – South Africa, Nigeria and Kenya – that I regard as key partners in achieving this goal. With thriving democracies, strong international ties, including through the Commonwealth, and fast-changing economies, they are typical of 21st century Africa. An Africa very different to the stereotypes that dominated previous centuries, and that some people still believe even today.

In 2018, five of the world’s fastest-growing economies are African. The continent’s total GDP could well double between 2015 and 2030. By 2050, a quarter of the world’s population and a quarter of the world’s consumers will live here.

From the Western Cape to the Mediterranean come stories of increasing stability, growth, innovation and hope.

South Africa, for so long blighted by the evils of Apartheid, is free, democratic, and home to one of the continent’s largest economies.

In Cote D’Ivoire, United Nations peacekeepers have gone home and GDP is growing three times faster than in Europe.

And Ethiopia – for a generation of British people often associated only with famine – is fast becoming an industrialised nation, creating a huge number of jobs and establishing itself as a global destination for investment.

Yet, in a situation familiar to nations around the world, progress has not been uniform.

As well as emergent democracies and growing economies, Africa is home to the majority of the world’s fragile states and a quarter of the world’s displaced people.

Extremist groups such as Boko Haram and al-Shabab are killing thousands. Africa’s ocean economy – three times the size of its landmass – is under threat from plastic waste and other pollution.

Most of the world’s poorest people are Africans. And increasing wealth has brought rising inequality, both between and within nations. For example, much of Nigeria is thriving, with many individuals enjoying the fruits of a resurgent economy. Yet 87 million Nigerians live on less than $1.90 a day – making it home to more very poor people than any other nation in the world.

Achieving not just growth but inclusive growth is a challenge faced by governments in the UK, Europe, North America and beyond. And as African economies become more successful it is an issue that is being confronted here too.

Because, in the years ahead, demographic change will present further economic challenges and opportunities for this continent. Before arriving here this morning I visited the ID Mkize Secondary School in Gugulethu. The teenagers I met there were an inspiration, full of ideas and enthusiasm about their own futures and full of pride about the future of their country and their continent.

It’s an outlook they share with so many Africans, 60 per cent of whom are aged under 25. Such a young population represents a phenomenal level of human capital and potential. With their innovation, dynamism and creativity, Africa’s young people could enrich not only this continent but the world economy and society at large.

But to make the most of this promise it needs to be properly harnessed. Between now and 2035, African nations will have to create 18 million new jobs every year just to keep pace with the rapidly growing population. That’s almost 50,000 new jobs every single day, simply to maintain employment at its current level.

That would be huge challenge for any continent, let alone one where economic growth is still fragile and markets are still developing.

And it is indicative of the need to redouble our efforts to ensure the forces shaping our world deliver for all our people. Because the challenges facing Africa are not Africa’s alone. It is in the world’s interest to see that those jobs are created, to tackle the causes and symptoms of extremism and instability, to deal with migration flows and to encourage clean growth.

If we fail to do so, the economic and environmental impacts will swiftly reach every corner of our networked, connected world. And the human impacts – from a loss of faith in free markets and democracy as the best way to secure global growth and human rights, to greater conflict and an increased susceptibility to extremism – will be similarly global.

That is why I want to create a new partnership between the UK and our friends in Africa, one built around our shared prosperity and shared security.

As Prime Minister of a trading nation whose success depends on global markets, I want to see strong African economies that British companies can do business with in a free and fair fashion. Whether through creating new customers for British exporters or opportunities for British investors, our integrated global economy means healthy African economies are good news for British people as well as African people.

That’s why I’m delighted that we will today confirm plans to carry over the European Union’s Economic Partnership Agreement with the Southern African Customs Union and Mozambique once the EU’s deal no longer applies to the UK.

As a Prime Minister who believes both in free markets and in nations and businesses acting in line with well-established rules and principles of conduct, I want to demonstrate to young Africans that their brightest future lies in a free and thriving private sector. One driven and underpinned by transparency, high standards, the rule of law and fairness. Only in such circumstances can innovation truly be rewarded, the potential of individuals unleashed, and societies provided with the opportunities they want, need and deserve.

And as Prime Minister of a global nation, I’m all too aware that our domestic security is reliant on stability worldwide, not just in our immediate neighbourhood. From reducing drivers of illegal migration to denying refuge to terrorists who would strike our shores, in 2018 African and British security are inextricably linked and mutually dependent. That’s one of the reasons why I continue to support calls for a permanent African presence on the UN Security Council.

So of course there is an element of national self-interest in what I’m proposing. I want to do what’s right for my country, just as President Ramaphosa wants what’s best for South Africa.

And I see no distinction between national self-interest and global co-operation. For when the multilateral system works, it does so on behalf of nation states and our people, allowing us to harness the best we each have to offer, preventing the large dominating the small, and reinforcing fairness, transparency and the rule of law.

It is not about extending geopolitical influence or creating lopsided dependent relationships. It is about the UK seeking to work more closely with the more than 50 nations of Africa to deliver our shared security and prosperity, and through this strengthening a global system that is capable of delivering lasting benefits for all.

At the very heart of that partnership should be job creation. Every African leader I speak to identifies jobs as the number one demand of their people and their greatest political priority. Indeed, it is also at the centre of my agenda in the UK.

It is the private sector that is the key to driving the growth that will deliver those jobs – transforming labour markets, opening up opportunity and unleashing entrepreneurial spirit. And the UK has the companies that can invest in and trade with Africa to do just this.

However, for a variety of reasons the private sector has not yet managed to deliver the jobs and investment that many African nations need.

So I want to put our development budget and expertise at the centre of our partnership as part of an ambitious new approach – and use this to support the private sector to take root and grow.

And I can today announce a new ambition: by 2022, I want the UK to be the G7’s number one investor in Africa, with Britain’s private sector companies taking the lead in investing the billions that will see African economies growing by trillions.

We have the tools to do so. The City of London makes the UK the unrivalled global hub for international investment, with more than £8 trillion of assets under management. We are home to cutting-edge science and technology and world-class defence, diplomacy and development. We are a trusted and trustworthy partner: our legal system is second to none, including some of the toughest anti-corruption laws in the world. Where our companies fall short, they are held to account, in the courts if necessary. And our commitment to free and open trade under the rules-based order means our international partners know they will be treated fairly.

So a driving focus of our development programme will be to ensure that governments in Africa have the environment, knowledge, institutions and support to attract sustainable, long-term investments in the future of Africa and Africans.

And to help bring those investments about, I can today announce an additional £4 billion programme of UK investment in African economies that will pave the way for at least another £4 billion of private sector financing.

This includes, for the first time, an ambition from the UK government’s Development Finance Institution, CDC, to invest £3.5 billion in African nations over the next four years. And next year London will host an Africa Investment Summit, helping investors and African governments forge closer ties with one another.

And because markets and economies need people as well as capital, we will also be sharing our expertise – supporting partner countries in developing their business environments and institutions, integrating into global value chains, building ties with investors and tackling barriers to growth.

To do so, we will radically expand the UK government’s presence in Africa, opening new missions and bringing in trade experts, investment specialists, and other policy experts.

We will continue to invest in the human capital that underpins future prosperity, ensuring that young African men and women have access to the quality education, healthcare and skills they need to fulfil their potential.

And we will use our influence and global standing to encourage other developed nations, and the global institutions of which we are a leading member, to take the same approach.

The ability to do this – to bring so much more to the table than just government funding – is what marks out the UK’s development programme as so effective.

Aid is a crucial part of the equation, but it is accompanied by our ability to leverage huge sums of private sector investment from our capital markets. By our world-class professional services. By our unrivalled expertise in financial services and education. By our investment in science and research and the experience of some of the world’s most innovative companies.

And it is all underpinned by our respected legal system, regulatory standards and values: British investors respect ethical practices, comply with local laws, contribute to local economies and build long-term local capability.

So while we cannot compete with the economic might of some foreign governments investing in Africa, what we can offer is long-term investment of the very highest quality and breadth. Something that will deliver more for Africans for longer, and which can only be achieved when the government and private sector work together.

At the same time, investment cannot be attracted nor growth achieved in the absence of security and the stability it brings. So, we also need to target our development assistance to build that stability and tackle the drivers of fragility.

By 2030, 80 per cent of the world’s extreme poor will live in fragile states. Even in countries considered relatively stable and prosperous, pockets of fragility persist.

The UK is already providing support for African governments that are meeting this challenge head-on. Nigerian troops on the frontline against Boko Haram have received specialist training from Britain. Counter-terror operations in Mali are being supported by British Chinook helicopters. British troops in Kenya have trained African Union peacekeepers heading for Somalia, while also working with international partners to reform the Somalian security forces for the long-term.

UK law enforcement works hand in hand with their counterparts across Africa to tackle the destabilising menace of organised crime, from people traffickers to drug smugglers.

But the answer to security challenges is not purely military or operational – it is also political. The new partnership I am proposing means working with African leaders who are driving progress, taking on the political challenges and vested interests to ensure that benefits flow to all their people. And it means building strong institutions, and helping to build trust between those institutions and the people who are governed by them.

Because it is from those institutions – the building blocks of nation states – that all the benefits I have described today ultimately flow. Without the stability and certainty provided by reliable legal systems, enforceable contracts, recognised standards and so on, it is impossible for responsible private sector companies to make long-term investments. It is impossible for economies to create sufficient numbers of skilled, jobs. And growth cannot be fair and inclusive if markets, whether domestic or international, are not governed by transparent and effective rules that are actively enforced.

This is particularly important in the fight against corruption and dirty money, both of which have the potential to push development off course by undermining the rule of law and diverting money out of the economy. That’s why, later this week, the UK will be signing a new agreement to repatriate huge sums of money that have been illegally removed from Kenya – allowing this money to be returned to its rightful owners and invested in the future of their country.

And we must also support governments as they work to ensure development is not stalled by other threats. This includes boosting resilience against climate change and tackling demographic challenges by empowering women and girls with access to safe, voluntary modern family planning, enabling access to education and skills.

In setting out this new partnership with Africa, I am making a broader proposition for how we will use our development assistance across the world, led by my excellent International Development Secretary Penny Mordaunt.

And as we reorient our development programme, I want to be clear: foreign aid works. Since 2015, UK aid in countries around the world has paid for more than 37 million children to be immunised, saving more than 600,000 lives. We’ve helped almost 11.5 million young people get an education, and given more than 40 million people access to clean water or proper sanitation. As I stand here today, people in the Democratic Republic of Congo are being treated with an Ebola vaccine developed with support from the UK.

The UK’s role in international development is something of which I am immensely proud, as I believe the nation as a whole should be. We will remain a global champion for aid spending, humanitarian relief and international development. We will continue our commitment to spend 0.7 per cent of gross national income on official development assistance. And we will not falter in our work to deliver the Sustainable Development Goals.

But I am also unashamed about the need to ensure that our aid programme works for the UK. So today I am committing that our development spending will not only combat extreme poverty, but at the same time tackle global challenges and support our own national interest. This will ensure that our investment in aid benefits us all, and is fully aligned with our wider national security priorities.

In practice, this will mean helping fast-growing frontier markets like Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal to sustain their development progress and create opportunities for investors, including British companies.

It will also mean supporting countries and societies on the front line of instability in all of its forms. So we will invest more in countries like Mali, Chad and Niger that are waging a battle against terrorism in the Sahel – including by opening new embassies in Niger and Chad and having a much larger presence in Mali.

We will do more with countries like Jordan, who are facing the threat of Daesh’s dispersal and the burden of the tragic conflict on their border with Syria, and to reinforce democracies facing state-based threats, as we recently did through our Western Balkans summit.

We will use our aid programme to support a major new crack down on illicit finance and organised crime, deploying expertise in financial centres around the world and increasing our work with law enforcement to return more of the billions of dollars that have been stolen from countries in Africa and elsewhere.

And we will invest more resources into countering illegal migration, modern slavery and trafficking in people.

These new priorities will represent a fundamental strategic shift in the way we use our aid programme, putting development at the heart of our international agenda – not only protecting and supporting the most vulnerable people but bolstering states under threat, shaping a global economy that works for everyone, and building co-operation across the world in support of the rules-based system.

We will use our future spending plans to set out these proposals in more detail.

True partnerships are not about one party doing unto another, but states, governments, businesses and individuals working together in a responsible way to achieve common goals.

Delivering such long-term success will not be quick or easy. But I am committed to Africa, and committed to using every lever of the British government to support the partnerships and ideas that will bring benefits for generations to come.

When President Mandela addressed the Cape Town crowds in 1994, he spoke not only of the immense challenge facing South Africa, but also of his certainty that the people of this country would rise to meet it.

As the world once again faces great uncertainties, I am confident that all our peoples can rise to the moment. That, together, we will tip the balance of change from challenge to opportunity. And that – as friends, partners and equals – we will secure a more prosperous future for all our people.

Theresa May – 2018 Statement at London Western Balkans Summit

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, on 10 July 2018.

Four years ago Chancellor Merkel established the Berlin Process, convening like-minded countries with the singular aim of advancing the prosperity of the Western Balkans.

I want to extend particular thanks to the Chancellor for this initiative.

For the welfare of the Western Balkans should be a high priority for all of us in Europe. And through working together under the Berlin Process, we have already achieved so much.

We’ve helped build up energy and transport links, enhanced economic integration and developed links between civil society and young people – ensuring the contemporary voice of the region is heard.

And today we’ve made further progress, establishing agreements that will help contribute to a more peaceful, prosperous and democratic Western Balkans – anchored to European values and integrated in the Euro Atlantic family.

We have agreed initiatives to expand connections between people, organisations and businesses, and improve access to finance for start-ups and small firms.

However, as we all know, long-term prosperity is intrinsically linked with security. And we need to work together to tackle the common challenges, such as corruption, organised crime and terrorism, that deter investment and undermine confidence in the region.

That is why I welcome the commitments made by the Western Balkan leaders today to ensure their countries work more closely together to tackle corruption and organised crime, and control the misuse and trafficking of small arms and weapons.

I also welcome the continued commitment to resolve outstanding bilateral disputes. I want to extend a special welcome to Prime Minister Tsipras from Greece, and pay tribute to him and Prime Minister Zaev for reaching an agreement on the Name Issue – showing that progress is possible.

History has shown us that a stable and secure Western Balkans region means a more stable and secure Europe.

That’s why today I have announced an ambitious package of measures to help the region improve its collective security, stability and its capability to tackle threats in the future.

Alongside this, I have also announced that the UK is increasing our financial support to the region by over 95% to £80 million in 2020-21 which will go to fund projects that make a real difference such as:

strengthening public administration in the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia and Montenegro
promoting judicial reform in Kosovo and Albania
nurturing the business environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia
equipping up to a million primary school children across the region with the digital skills to help realise their potential in the modern world
and strengthening democracy and the rule of law across the entire Western Balkans

The UK has always had a strong commitment to the region – from our role in the peace agreements that followed the conflicts of the nineties, through the post-conflict transition.

I know that some have seen our decision to leave the European Union as a sign that we are retreating from this role.

This is absolutely not the case.

Today I hosted this Summit to bring together leaders from across the Western Balkans and Europe to discuss our shared objective of ensuring our continent remains safe, stable, prosperous and free.

And let me be completely clear – when we are outside the European Union, the UK will be just as committed to supporting the Western Balkans.

Thank you.

Theresa May – 2018 Statement on the Department for Exiting the European Union

Below is the text of the statement made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on 24 July 2018.

I am making this statement to bring to the attention of the House a machinery of government change.

It is essential that in navigating the UK’s exit from the European Union, the Government are organised in the most effective way. To that end I am making some changes to the division of functions between the Department for Exiting the European Union (DExEU) and the Cabinet Office.

DExEU will continue to lead on all of the Government’s preparations for Brexit: domestic preparations in both a deal and a no deal scenario, all of the necessary legislation, and preparations for the negotiations to implement the detail of the future framework. To support this, DExEU will recruit some new staff, and a number of Cabinet Office officials co-ordinating work on preparedness will move to DExEU while maintaining close ties with both Departments.

I will lead the negotiations with the European Union, with the Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union deputising on my behalf. Both of us will be supported by the Cabinet Office Europe Unit and with this in mind the Europe Unit will have overall responsibility for the preparation and conduct of the negotiations, drawing upon support from DExEU and other Departments as required. A number of staff will transfer from DExEU to the Cabinet Office to deliver that.

There will be no net reduction in staff numbers at DExEU given the recruitment exercise described above.

Theresa May – 2018 Speech at Farnborough Air Show

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, at Farnborough Air Show on 16 July 2018.

I am delighted to be here today. First of all, I want to congratulate Farnborough on this brand new exhibition hall. This is an outstanding building – and it is befitting for a world-leading air-show. A world-leading industry. And world-leading innovation, talent and skills.

Every day – in every part of the world – people are flying in planes powered by British built engines. They take off and land in planes with wings built in Wales and Northern Ireland. And our military is supported by some of the most advanced British built unmanned vehicles.

Our capability in some of the most complex parts of aircraft – including wings, engines and advanced systems – is first rate. Outside of the US, Rolls-Royce is the only company with real capability to design and build large civil aerospace engines.

This expertise is nothing new. It is built on a proud tradition of innovative aerospace technology – from Farnborough, Brooklands, Bristol, Broughton, Derby, Belfast, Southampton, Yeovil, Prestwick – to name but a few. Nowhere do we recognise that terrific history more this year than in our celebrations for the 100th anniversary of the RAF.

We can all feel incredibly proud of our position as a leading aerospace nation. By working closely together, government and industry have ensured we remain at the forefront of civil aviation and that our air power is second to none. Today I want us to build on that, and ensure not only that we retain our prominence, but that in an increasingly competitive industry we make the most of the opportunities that lie ahead.

Opportunities that arise not only from the measures I have set out in our comprehensive and ambitious proposal for our future relationship with the EU – but in our plans for an open, outward facing Britain that acts as a global champion for free trade.

On Thursday, the government published its White Paper detailing our plans for an economic and security partnership with the EU.

Our proposal sets out the right deal for the UK – honouring the democratic decision of the British people, protecting the integrity of our precious union, supporting growth, maintaining security and safeguarding British jobs.

We will take back control of our borders, our laws and our money. But we will do so in a way that is good for business and good for our future prosperity.

We know from our discussions with you, and other industries, how friction at the border would not just jeopardise the uniquely integrated supply chains and just-in-time processes on which millions of jobs and livelihoods depend – but how divergence in regulations could result in complex and expensive multiple tests for different markets.

Companies such as Rolls Royce export 80% of their products. Parts for other products – such as Airbus wings – can have multiple journeys before finally being assembled and sold around the world.

We know too just how vital precision engineering is in aerospace – where the “error” rate for parts and their performance must be practically zero – and that it is the harmonisation of regulatory standards that has been such an important factor in air safety and the astonishing reduction of deaths on commercial flights.

The frictionless free trade of goods, an independent trade policy, the avoidance of a hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland and between Northern Ireland and Great Britain – these are conditions we seek. To do anything else risks the integrity of the United Kingdom, reneges on the Belfast Agreement and simply will not deliver for Britain as a global trading nation.

So at the heart of our proposal is the creation of UK-EU free trade area for goods, supported by an up-front commitment to ongoing harmonisation with EU rules on goods and agricultural products.

A new business friendly customs model – a facilitated customs arrangement – which would operate as if we were a combined customs territory, removing the need for customs checks and controls between the UK and the EU, while at the same time allowing us to set our own tariffs for other countries outside of the EU.

The partnership would be underpinned by reciprocal commitments to ensure open and fair trade and a joint institutional framework to ensure consistent interpretation of the agreement and the resolution of disputes.

And we will also, as I set out in my Mansion House speech, explore with the EU on what terms the UK could remain part of EU agencies such as those that are critical for the aerospace chemicals and medicines industries: the European Aviation Safety Agency, the European Chemicals Agency, and the European Medicines Agency.

Because the UK has been a key contributor of expertise to these agencies – and it is our manufactured products circulating throughout Europe and around the world keeping people safe, flying safely, providing essential medicines, enabling everyday activities.

What we are proposing is a solution that respects the referendum result and puts forward what is best for British industry in line with our modern industrial strategy, and what is best for our global trading ambitions.

We are leaving the European Union, and forging a new future for our country. And as we do so, I want to ensure that the UK remains one of the best places in the world for aerospace companies to do business.

To continue as world leaders in innovation. To make the most of the huge opportunities that exist.

Because this is an incredibly exciting time for aerospace. Not only is there huge growth potential, but many of the developments taking place have the potential to transform the way we fly.

Other countries around the world are racing to develop their industries – and respond to the demand for cleaner, greener aircraft and technological advances such as automation, and unmanned air systems.

The UK already has a leading edge. We are home to some of the biggest names in the industry – and our small and medium sized companies demonstrate phenomenal skill, energy and innovation.

Many of those companies are here at Farnborough.

Poeton, who apply ceramic and metallic coatings to aerospace components to protect them from melting, corroding or wearing.

Produmax, whose critical parts can be found in aeroplanes such as Boeing’s Dreamliner – where they play an essential role moving wing flaps. And Aeromet, whose highly complex alloy castings are used in the structural components and casings in aircraft.

But I want us to do more. Already we are backing industry through our £1.9 billion investment for aerospace research, the Industrial Strategy Challenge Fund and our commitment to a third runway at Heathrow. We are also today revealing the UK’s first spaceport – in Sutherland Scotland – which will see vertically launched space rockets and satellites take off from the site.

But today I want to announce a series of further measures to boost British aerospace companies – large and small, up and down the country – and ensure that Britain remains at the cutting edge of the industry.

Along with industry we are jointly providing £343 million pounds of investment for research and development projects and to boost productivity. From developing the most technologically advanced aircraft, creating newer more efficient engines, to the manufacture of cleaner, quieter aircraft that will help cut emissions – this funding will support some of the most innovative projects being advanced today.

This includes £255 million of joint investment research and development projects supported by the Aerospace Technology Institute and UKRI. This will fund 18 projects, involving 20 companies, including 13 small and medium sized businesses, and 12 research organisations and universities spread across the breadth of the UK.

It includes £68.2 million of joint funding with industry for R&D, specifically targeting small and medium sized businesses to help them increase their competitiveness. And a further £20 million of Government and industry match funding will go towards a productivity improvement programme.

Some of the projects this money will support are exploring truly exciting aviation developments, such as the electrification of flight, which could lead towards the cleaner, greener air power of the future. I want Britain to be at the forefront of such innovation.

Building on this, we will start working with industry on a potential Aerospace Sector Deal – capitalising on our work together to tackle barriers to growth, increase productivity and competitiveness. In this, we will look to you to demonstrate how the aerospace sector can further support the industrial strategy’s Grand Challenges, regional prosperity and the delivery of the government’s skills priorities. We will also seek to embed a Women in Aviation and Aerospace Charter, to build a more balanced and fair industry for women.

Finally, today, I want to announce the publication of the UK’s Combat Air Strategy – which confirms our commitment to maintaining our world-class air power capabilities, and will boost an industry which generates billions in revenue for our economy and supports thousands of jobs in every part of the UK.

We will invest in new technologies, support cutting edge innovation, collaborate internationally and initiate the programme which will deliver the next generation capability. And crucially, we will work in partnership with industry to achieve this. So today I can announce that the government will join with BAE Systems, Leonardo, MBDA and Rolls Royce to fund the next phase of the Future Combat Air System Technology Initiative through a ground-breaking partnership known as ‘Team Tempest.’

This will deliver over £2 billion pounds of investment up to 2025, and help secure the long-term future of our Combat Air industry as we lay the groundwork for the Typhoon successor programme.

Taken together, these measures amount to a significant boost for industry, promoting jobs, innovation and skills.

Elsewhere we have seen just what can be achieved when government and industry work together. The successful collaboration between Bombardier and Airbus on the A220 was originally supported by over £100 million pounds of investment from the UK. This will sustain jobs in Northern Ireland well into the future, and I was pleased to hear that JetBlue will be acquiring at least 60 of the aircraft, which could deliver billions to the UK economy.

So just as government will back you, I want you to work with us – particularly through organisations such as the Aerospace Growth Partnership.

Let us work together to build a leading aerospace nation.

A nation where, post Brexit, we are considered the best place in the world for the aerospace industry to base its business.

A nation more innovative than anywhere else in the world, where we nurture the next generation of designers, innovators and engineers.

Last week we saw the spectacular RAF flypast over Buckingham Palace – a demonstration of our impressive historic RAF planes – alongside those that use some of the most advanced technology in the world.

It is a history of aviation we can all be proud of. Together, along with this proud history, I want to ensure that we can have a bright and proud future.